De Albuquerque, Klaus Stinner, William - The Colombianization of Black San Andreans

The Colombianization of Black San Andreans
Author(s): Klaus de Albuquerque and William F. Stinner

Source: Caribbean Studies, Vol. 17, No. 3/4 (Oct., 1977 - Jan., 1978), pp. 171-181
Published by: Institute of Caribbean Studies, UPR, Rio Piedras Campus
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25612818
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171
IV. RESEARCH NOTE

THE COLOMBIANIZATION OF BLACK SAN ANDREANS
Klaus de Albuquerque* and William F. Stinner**
The island of San Andres is located in the Western Caribbean about 140 miles east
of Bluefields, Nicaragua. It is a small island with a population of approximately 25,000
people. Most of the island's population is concentrated in the town of San Andres
(North End to black San Andreans), in and around Mission Hill (also know as La
Loma), and in San Luis (almost exclusively a black San Andrean town). The island
resembles a sea horse, and the center of the island consists of a series of gentle hills
that slope down to the flat lands on either side of the island. San Andres was once
heavily forested (mahogany, fustic, ironwood, and cedar) but is now almost entirely
covered with coconut palms. Both San Andres and its sister island of Providencia are
administered by Colombia, their precise status being that of an Intendencia.
SOCIAL HISTORY
A review of the social history of San Andres1 provides a convenient backdrop for
the analysis of English-Spanish antagonisms on the island. San Andres (Henrietta) and
Providencia (Santa Catalina or Providence) were discovered early in the sixteenth
century.2 In 1628 San Andres was the first of the two islands to be settled. However,
when the expedition for the colonization of Providencia arrived in 1629, most of these
original English settlers had departed from the island. The colonizing group consisted
of English Puritans from Bermuda and the colonization was part of a grand design to
found "Providence" in the Caribbean Sea and to harass the Spaniard in his own
backyard. The Puritan colonization effort developed around Providencia since it was
* Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, College of the Virgin Islands, St.

Thomas.
**Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Social Work and Anthropology,
Utah State University.
We are indebted to Mr. Walvin Peterson, Mrs. Susan de Saad, Mr. Bill Francis, Mr.
Harry McNish, and Reverend Duncan for their useful information. We are especially
indebted to Mr. Michael R?sberg for providing us with a great deal of the background
material for the first section.
1. They appear on sixteenth century maps of the area.
2. It is difficult to separate the history of San Andres from that of Providencia,
particularly because most black San Andreans or Andresanos came originally from
Providencia. See, Arthur Percival Newton, The Colonising Activities of the English
Puritans (Port Washington, New York: Kennikat Press, 1966).
172 IV. RESEARCH NOTE
the more easily fortifiable and fertile of the two islands. The main body of colonists
arrived from Bermuda in 1630 and from England in 1631. By 1632, San Andres was
virtually abandoned to woodcutters and boatbuilders. In 1633, slaves were introduced
from Association (Tortuga) and Jamaica, beginning a pattern of contact between
Jamaica and the islands that was to extend well into the twentieth century. Within a
few years the black population had increased significantly. Some slaves escaped from
Providencia to San Andres and a good number fled to the hills and established
themselves in a little valley known as Palmetto Grove.3
Although the main intent of colonization was to exploit the islands agriculturally
(tobacco and cotton), the early English Puritan settlers were inexorably drawn into the
more lucrative activity of privateering. This privateering was both a threat and a source
of embarrassment to the Spaniards, and in 1641 Spain finally succeeded in capturing
Providencia. A few English settlers escaped in shallots to San Andres and the Mosquito
Coast, but the majority were taken captive to Cartagena and thence Spain. "Nearly six
hundred negroes and a great booty of gold, indigo, and cochineal, fell into the hands of
the captors and the total worth of the prize was estimated at over a half a million
ducats."4 During the remainder of the century, the island changed hands three more
times, being reconquered by the English in 1666, restored to Spanish rule 15 months
later, and finally retaken by the pirate Henry Morgan in 1670.5
In the century or so that followed, no attempt was made to resettle Providencia,
although there is some evidence indicating that Providencia and San Andres continued
to be inhabited occasionally by pirates and escaped slaves.6 In 1786, there appears to
have been some English settlers in San Andres for there is a record of a petition on
their behalf to the Governor of Cartagena. The petition begged the Governor to allow
them to remain on the island. A year later the resettlement of Providencia was
initiated by a Scottish family (the Francis Archbolds) from Jamaica. A brisk trade
between the two islands and Jamaica commenced. Many planters anxious to leave
Jamaica and avail themselves of new opportunities, primarily in the cultivation of
cotton, migrated to San Andres and Providencia with their slaves. In 1792, the settlers
in San Andres were officially granted permission to stay by the Viceroy of New
Granada. In 1795, a San Andrean, Thomas O'Neille, was appointed Governor, By
this time San Andres was thriving agriculturally. The land was largely devoted to
cotton, but yams, oranges, corn, coconuts, sugar, and tobacco were also cultivated.7
Although the settlers swore allegiance to Spain, there remained a reservoir of
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid., p. 302.
5. For an account of the Spanish occupation of old Providence, see Donald
Rowland, 'The Spanish Occupation of the Island of Old Providence,'' Hispanic
American Historical Review 15 (1935): 297-331.
6. Ibid.
7. There is some indication that there was also a flourishing contraband trade.
CARIBBEAN STUDIES / VOL. 17, NOS. 3 - 4 173
resentment towards the Spaniards which manifested itself in the form of smuggling
and occasional acts of piracy.
Towards the end of the eighteenth century, slavery had become the mainstay of
the economy. The conditions under which the slaves labored, however, produced
substantial slave discontent which culminated in the rebellion of 1799. This insurrec
tion was forcefully suppressed and by 1806 it was reported that things were going well
in San Andres. The cotton plantations were thriving. The island's population of
800 slaves and 400 whites was increasing. In 1822, 12 slaveholders fromProvidencia
sent a petition to the constitutional convention of Gran Colombia at C?cuta, pleading
to be included in the new nation. The position was accepted and the islands became
the sixth canton of the Province of Colombia.
With stories of emancipation in the British West Indies reaching San Andres,
excitement in the slave population mounted. In 1841, a slave revolt erupted at Coco
Plum Bay. The rebellion was contained, however, and 200 slaves were executed. In
Providencia, the Livingstons and Archbolds set the example by freeing their slaves
and granting them small plots of land. There was, however, strong resistance to
emancipation, especially on San Andres. The pro-slavery faction on San Andres had
the support of the Prefect of the island (Antonio Escalona) and the tacit backing of
the Gran Colombian government, a fact of history not overlooked by many black San
Andreans. The anti-slavery forces were led by Philip "Pa-fader" (Good Father)
Livingston. Finding little support for his campaign, Philip Livingston went home to the
United States. While in the United States he studied for the ministry and was later
ordained a Baptist Minister. In 1847, he returned to San Andres and founded the first
Baptist Church on the island.8 His indefatigable campaign against slavery, coupled with
the Church's longstanding reputation in the West Indies of fighting for emancipation,
won for Livingston many converts among the slaves in San Andres. In 1853 slavery
was abolished in the islands, and most of the freed slaves, now converted to the Baptist
faith, settled near the Baptist Church on Mission Hill. Despite this victory, de facto
slavery remained. Former slaves had to provide free labor 4 days a week in exchange
for plots of land .granted them by their former owners.9
In the 1850s with the decline of the cotton industry, coconut cultivation began in
earnest and a brisk trade developed between San Andres and a coconut oil factory in
Hoboken, New Jersey. This trade enriched several white and mulatto families, but by
and large the rest of the population (predominantly black) continued to be
8. This church is still standing. It is the oldest Baptist Church in Latin America.
9. For an account of the system of free labor in the British West Indies, see
William Sew ell, The Ordeal of Free Labour in the West Indies (London: Frank Cass,
1968).
impoverished. By 1871, the prevailing economic conditions produced considerable

discontent among black San Andreans. The Colombian government representantive,
Corrigedor (Sergeant) Stroethenberg, a wealthy landowner, was charged with
maintaining order on the island. He arrested a black leader by the name of Joseph
Walker; when a scuffle ensued Walker was murdered. The entire incident has come to
be known as "Walker's War" to black San Andreans.10
In 1923, after almost a century of neglect, the first Catholic Mission of Capuchin
Fathers appointed by the Colombian government, arrived in San Andres. Their
expressed objective was the "Colombianization" of San Andres. The initial thrust of
this policy was to outlaw the Baptist Church, the Baptist schools, and to prohibit the
use of English as a medium of instruction in the schools. All of these edicts proved
unworkable in practice. Nonetheless, they established a pattern of discrimination
against islanders that persists to this day. One of the most discriminatory practices
consisted of offering government employment only to Catholics. Since jobs were at a
premium, many islanders converted and subsequently came to be known as "job"
or "work" Catholics.11
In 1929, a coconut plague struck the island with accompanying disastrous
effects on the economy. Many poor black San Andreans were forced to migrate in
search of employment, continuing a pattern of labor migration (to mainland
Colombia, Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, and the United States) that had
long been established.12 Throughout the thirties and forties migration continued to
offer the only solution to those islanders with little or no land and with no
opportunity for steady employment. In 1953, the dictator Rojas Pinilla declared San
Andres a free port, turning it overnight from a sleepy island into a veritable vacation
and shoppers paradise for mainland Colombians. The stage was set for the
"Colombianization" of the island -and mainlanders, particularly Antioquefios,
flocked to the island, lured by the possibility of small fortunes to be made in the
tourist industry. Many entered into unions with island women, a practice that has been
common ever since the first civil servants from the mainland came to the island. Thus
the color distinction between mainland Colombians and islanders has in some cases
become somewhat blurred.
10. Older black San Andreans remember Joseph Walker with some affection, but
caution ? "fas kill Uncle Walker" ?meaning that Walker's insurrection was premature,
and much haste, worse speed.
11. See Peter J. Wilson, Crab Antics: The Social Anthropology of English-Speaking
Negro Societies in the Caribbean (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973).
12. There are sizeable expatriate San Andrean communities in Cartagena,
Barranquilla, Panama, and in the Bluefields-Nicaragua area. San Andrean and
Providencian men are to be found on many ships and schooners that ply the
Caribbean. They have a reputation for being very good sailors. Most island males go to
sea at one time or another in their lifetime, but return to live on the islands.
THE EFFECTS OF COLOMBIANIZATION
San Andreans are proud of their English heritage, and in particular of their ability
to speak the English language. Yet, many older Andresanos will sadly acknowledge
that the island culture is dying out. Typical of this sentiment is a conversation with an
eighty year old black man. "There are many changes on the island- sah. The
continentals come in and force us to change our ways. At age 14 I have to learn
Spanish. Young people today don't know nothing about the old ways." The following
consists of a brief overview of the major socio-cultural changes occurring in the island.
Language
Perhaps the most noticeable socio-cultural change occurring in San Andres is the
shift in language. The poor black San Andrean has always spoken a Jamaican English,
while his middle class counterpart has carefully cultivated Standard English.13
Nevertheless, communication has always taken place and continues to take place in the
former, which Dillard correctly insists is a complete language and not a defective form
of Standard English.14 Cut off from the influence of the English speaking Caribbean,
black San Andreans have incorporated many common Spanish words and phrases into
their speech. For example, a best friend is referred to in conversation as primo or
compadre. This dilution is coupled with a decline in the use of proverbs and sayings,
reflecting a dimming of folk memory.15 Few black San Andreans remember many old
proverbs besides those involving Darg (dog), Puss, John Crow (a carrion bird), Hog, and
Jackass. Their children may only know these proverbs in terms of their Spanish
equivalents (if they have Spanish equivalents). Likewise, certain bushes and grasses are
no longer known by their Jamaican names.
The greatest tragedy by far to the older islanders, however, is the preference many
young black San Andreans show for the Spanish language. This is understandable since
black children in the public schools are instructed solely in Spanish and many of their
playmates only speak Spanish. Among teenagers and young adults, the use of Spanish
reflects a distinct cultural drift and the adoption of a new reference group. Thus, for
a few black San Andreans, English has become a second language and is spoken with a
Spanish accent.
13. This is one aspect of the drive to "respectability" to which Wilson has not
given sufficient attention. See Peter J. Wilson "Reputation and Respectability: A
Suggestion for Caribbean Ethnology," Man 4 (1969): 70-84; and again in Wilson, Crab
Antics.
14. J.L. Dillard, Black English: Its History and Usage in the United States (New
York: Random House, 1973).
15. It can be argued that this is likewise occurring in Jamaica. However, Jamaican
English is evolving and continually incorporating new words and expressions that are
locally coined.
Folklore
A similar devolution is also occurring in the traditional folklore and folk culture.
While most adult black San Andreans know about the exploits of Bredda (Brer)
Anancy and Bredda (Brer) Tiger, Anancy stories are seldom told to children.16 In fact,
the only thing most islanders know about Anancy stories is that they are a type of
fairy tale. In conversation, any story that stretches the imagination is greeted with ?
"Oh, that is just an Anancy story." At Christmas time children are more likely to be
drawn to the pinata and other festivities than to be amused by the Jonkonnu
dancers. This phenomenon reflects an educational system which emphasizes mainland
culture.17
Spirit beliefs have shown a greater resiliency. Duppy stories continue to be quite
common and there are numerous prescriptions regarding the steps to be taken to ward
off duppies.18 Nevertheless, most people do not seem to take duppy stories seriously.
Children share this skepticism and seem more inclined to insist on empirical validation.
Death and burial are treated with considerably more reverence. Although many black
San Andreans may not believe in duppies, they are convinced that the spirits of the
dead may affect the fate of the living adversely, unless these spirits of the dead are
treated with respect. Accordingly, the death of an individual is followed by a funeral
wake, and on the ninth night a solemn commemorative service is held for the
deceased.19 Belief in obeah, a form of spell casting generally employed to harm
others, is also declining among black San Andreans. Evidence of this lies in the fact
that there are no recognized obeah practitioners left on the island. But the sense of
fatalism, especially with regard to certain illnesses, is still pervasive among older
blacks.20 Thus, when a more tradition oriented islander takes his or her child to the
doctor to appease insistent relatives and friends, he or she seldom fills out the
prescription. However, most San Andreans share an increasing faith in modern
16. Anancy, the spider man, is the trickster hero in many Jamaican folk tales, see
Frederick Pilkington, "Anancy, Folklore Character in Jamaica," Contemporary
Review 213 (1968): 1232; Wilson has made a similar observation in Providence, see
Wilson, Crab Antics.
17. If English were the language of instruction in the schools and if most of the
teachers were recruited locally, it would be fair to speculate that Andresanos would
know more about their folk heritage.
18. A duppy is a mischievous spirit (departed ancestor, etc.) that wanders around
at night. See MacEdward Leach, "Jamaican Duppy Lore," Journal of American
Folklore 74 (1961): 207-215.
19. For an account of the "Nine Night" ceremony in Jamaica, see, G.E. Simpson,
"Jamaican Revivalist Cults," Social and Economic Studies 5, no. 4 (1956): 321-442.
20. Three children died in the same house during the same week. Although cause
of death was officially Listed as worms, the parents believed it was the work of an evil
spirit. They vacated their house and had it painted and remodeled before they dared
move back in.
medicine, as evidenced by a corresponding decline in the use of folk remedies.21 This

is a consequence of modernization of the island.22
Religion
The religious life of the black San Andreans is dominated by the Baptist Church.
The Church has historically been intolerant towards certain West Indian mores and
marriage patterns. Pregnancy of an unmarried woman is grounds for excommunica
tion, as is adultery. Today, excommunication of one individual, given the extended
family system, might entail a significant decline in Church membership. Instead, other
subtle sanctions are brought to bear on the individual guilty of the transgression,
generally by the parishioners themselves.
Several changes are taking place within the Baptist Church in San Andres. For
example, a man is no longer required to tithe in order to become an officer of the
Church. These changes are partly a response to competition from the Spanish Catholic
Church, which has traditionally been more tolerant of common law unions and
illegitimacy. The Catholic Church's emphasis on ritual and the Saints has also had a
very seductive appeal to San Andrean Baptists, with a result that Baptists have become
Catholicized to some extent. Many black San Andieans insist on bringing a newly born
child to the Baptist Church to be dedicated.23 W lile baptism is through a profession
of faith, i.e., adult baptism, the Baptist ministei still provides new parents with a
signed dedication certificate for their reassurance.24
Dietary Patterns
There have been few changes in the dietary habits of the islanders,25 but this is
largely because people in the Western Caribbean share a similar cuisine (rice and peas,
yucca, yam, fish, etc.). Diet is related to social status and with prosperity has come
more eggs, meat, and canned foods. The use of bush teas has declined in importance
and most black San Andreans now drink tinto (a thick black coffee popular on the
mainland). Young islanders show a distinct preference for beer, disdaining the rum
that is drunk by older blacks and working class continentals. Foods that are difficult
to prepare have disappeared from the diet. For example, ackee and saltfish (a national
21. Various folk remedies still used in San Andres include bush teas, roots,
soursop leaf, pear (avocado) leaf, and aloe.
22. Modernization ana Colombianization can be equated.
23. The parents agree to dedicate the child to God and to provide the child with a
Christian environment in which to grow up.
24. Dedication may have yet another function. To be admitted to school a child
must have a birth certificate or a dedication certificate.
25. V.S. Naipaul, An Area of Darkness (London: Andre Deutsch, 1964). Naipaul
and others have noted that diet is perhaps one of the last cultural survivals.
178 IV. RESEARCH N?TE
dish in Jamaica) is rarely prepared on San Andres although the island abounds with
ackee trees.26
Music
Music tastes of the black San Andreans are indistinguishable from those of the
Costenos of Barranquilla and Cartagena. While imported calypso music of the "Jamaica
Farewell" genre is retained for the North American visitor, the black Andresano listens
and dances to Colombian music, particularly the cumbia. Jamaican reggae, with its
black cultural emphasis and its political and social message, has all but been ignored. It
is our contention that because of this, young black San Andreans differ from other
young West Indians in the Commonwealth Caribbean.27 Colombian music and the
themes it contains thus serves to socialize young black Andresanos to more Hispanic
values.
Social Stratification
One of the most damning effects of the policy of Colombianization has been the
loss of assets by black islanders. Many islanders sold their land to continentals in the
nineteen fifties. By divesting themselves of land, a very important commodity in small
island societies, the islanders lost a means of security from economic vicissitudes as
well as the prestige and sense of belonging land provides.28 The sale of land was, in
some cases, motivated by greed, but in most cases poorer islanders were forced to sell
merely to obtain the cash necessary for economic survival in an economy exacerbated
by spiralling price inflation. Continental businessmen as well as a few "Turks" (Syrians
and Lebanese) capitalized on the situation, often securing title to land at ridiculous
prices, or in some cases, through fraud.
The Colombian government abetted these land speculators by decreeing that
unless an islander had a property deed dating after 1940, ownership could only be
proven by litigation. Where no one individual had title to a piece of land, a continental
could acquire it by surveying it, fencing it, and taking out a legal title. The law also
had the effect of encouraging squatting. Many working class continentals, drawn by
job opportunities in the construction industry, squatted on land at the periphery of
the town of North End. This squatting continues to this day and many landowners
have little in the way of legal redress. In fact, most of them cannot even secure an
26. Only one old lady in her 80s was encountered who knew how to prepare
ackee.
27. Jamaican music has had and continues to have an important socializing
influence on youth throughout the English speaking Caribbean.
28. For a discussion of the philosophical and sentimental relationship Caribbean
pcop^s have with their land, see, David Lowenthal, "Caribbean Views of Caribbean
Land/' Canadian Geographer 5 (1961): 1-10.
attorney's services, because the squatter situation is politically embarrassing and the
squatters are not adverse to threatening attorneys.
Colombianization not only resulted in the alienation of land from poorer black
islanders; it also relegated these islanders to service class jobs. Most of the hotels,
restaurants, bars, duty free shops, novelty stores in North End are owned by
continentals (mostly Antioquenos) or "Turks" and cater largely to continental
tourists. Because of patronage networks, i.e., employment of kinfolk, continental
personnel are employed in the better positions such as shop assistants, bartenders,
waiters, receptionists, and dealers at casino tables.29 However, there is generally one
black San Andrean waiter or shop assistant employed, mainly to cater to English
speaking tourists, who are coming to the island in ever increasing numbers. The less
fortunate black islanders are employed as maids, cooks, general helpers, jobs on which
nearly half the islanders are dependent. Young islanders without jobs are forced to
hustle for a living. They drum up support to take continental tourists to Johnny Cay
or Acquario or they try to cage a few pesos here and there. The more enterprising sell
coconuts, coconut oil, turtle shells, and a variety of trinkets. The dependence on the
tourist industry extends to even those that are self-employed, e.g., fishermen and taxi
drivers. In fact, very few individuals on San Andres are not somehow affected by the
tourist industry.
The pattern of continental dominance in higher level positions extends to most
sectors, e.g., banks, the civil service, the police, and the school system excluding the
Baptist school. To many islanders these are alien institutions, for in a sense, Colombia
has- colonized this island. No black San Andrean has ever become an Intendente of
the island. The economy is entirely in the hands of continentals. Continental children
go to the best colegios on the island, and scholarships to study on the mainland are
seldom given to black San Andreans.30 The Baptist school is required to teach most
subjects in Spanish to children whose first language is English.
RESPONSES TO COLOMBIANIZATION
It is not surprising, given the foregoing discussion, that black San Andreans are
extremely resentful towards continentals. Conversations in rum shops frequented by
islanders invariably turn to the panyas, a derogatory term for continentals.
Continentals are portrayed as cunning, diminutive, knife carrying thugs, of question
able masculinity.31 They are accused of all kinds of nefarious activity, from stealing
29. This pattern of job nepotism is especially evident in the construction

industry. Construction firms have tended to recruit labor from the continent on the
pretext that Andresanos did not have the requisite skills.
30. If a black islander wants to get a scholarship to study on the mainland, he
must first find a padrino, preferably a continental, to sponsor him.
31. Wilson has made a similar observation regarding the stereotype of the
continental. See, Wilson, Crab Antics, pp. 155-57.
the islanders' land to systematically plotting his servitude. The resentment is no less
vocal outside the rum shop. One old man went into a tirade when mention was made
of continentals and called them "thieving bastards." Another, a shop keeper,
expounded on how the continentals had squeezed most of the native merchants out of
business. The themes are familiar and continually repeated in conversations with black
islanders. The prevailing sentiment among older islanders seems to be a desire to be left
alone. Perhaps this is best expressed by one San Luis resident who stated: "Me no call
dem, all me want is be lef alone wi' me own kind." Some black islanders maintain,
however, that this is not a viable alternative. They claim that Colombianization has
brought increased wealth and greater opportunities for employment to the island, and
blacks have to be more assertive if they are to participate on an equal footing with
continentals. The resentment towards mainlanders is largely generational (older
Andresanos) and it has translated itself into certain kinds of responses.
Emigration has long been a fact of life for San Andreans, and many black San
Andreans have migrated to English speaking communities (Canal Zone, Bluefields,
Nicaragua, Miami, and New York). While most of this migration was labor migration,
much of the subsequent emigration in the 1940s and 1960s reflected a desire to escape
the pervasive effects of Colombianization. Stricter immigration laws have limited
entrance to the United States and the Canal Zone; yet many Andresanos still retain the
hope that they will one day "get through" to go to the United States. Those already
resident in the United States made an attempt at one stage to bring San Andres under
U.S. protection, advocating a Commonwealth status for San Andres similar to that of
Puerto Rico. Additionally, there has been considerable discussion on the topic of
independence, and one serious attempt to petition the United Nations to decide on
the political future of San Andres.32
CONCLUSION
For the most part, black San Andreans have recognized their disadvan
taged position as English speaking Baptists in a Spanish Catholic nation. The presence
of black communities on the mainland has made passing easy. Furthermore, many
black San Andreans have Spanish first and/or last names. A Colombian identity has
therefore not been difficult to attain. Residence on the mainland or the performance
of military service has had the effect of changing the cultural orientation of many San
Andreans. This is especially evident among young black San Andreans. They think,
write and converse in Spanish and have been educated or desire to be educated on the
mainland. They intermingle freely with continentals, frequent the casinos and
32 A San Andreart by the name of Marco Polo Archbold presented a petition to

the U.N. Trusteeship Committee.
discotheques, and travel between Barranquilla, Cartagena, and the island. Their taste in
music, food, and clothing reflects a continental orientation developing at the expense
of their folk culture. The young San Andrean from schoolboy to mature adult is thus
more likely to identify himself as a Colombian, and in so doing undergoes a transition
from insular concerns to continental concerns. It is only a matter of time before the
black San Andrean will be inseparable from the Costenos of Barranquilla and
Cartagena. The only memory of his culture will live on with the older islanders. Thus,
each death will diminish this memory and years from now "Uncle Walker" will merely
be a subject of academic interest.

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The Colombianization of Black San Andreans

Author(s): Klaus de Albuquerque and William F. Stinner

IV. RESEARCH NOTE

Klaus de Albuquerque* and William F. Stinner**

* Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, College of the Virgin Islands, St.

impoverished. By 1871, the prevailing economic conditions produced considerable

THE EFFECTS OF COLOMBIANIZATION

medicine, as evidenced by a corresponding decline in the use of folk remedies.21 This

29. This pattern of job nepotism is especially evident in the construction

32 A San Andreart by the name of Marco Polo Archbold presented a petition to

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