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Running Head: PSYCHOLOGY AND RACE 1

The Relationship Between Psychology and Race Throughout History

Mor Dadi

Rutgers University
PSYCHOLOGY AND RACE 2

Abstract

Between the 18th and 21st century, common themes have run throughout the ideologies of race

and racism. The central theme was that, because of inborn racial differences, white people were

superior to other races. From Kant to Galton, there is consistency in the idea that characteristics

are inborn, and these ideas are perpetuated by pseudo-sciences like phrenology and

physiognomy, which gave people the belief that physicality could be associated with

psychological and intellectual characteristics. The discrimination of races continued into the 20th

century, when African Americans were fighting for their civil rights, and Jews were being

discriminated against both in America and in Europe. Many psychologists and civil rights

leaders, such as Kenneth Bancroft Clark, Horace Mann Bond and Malcolm X, fought for the

rights of African Americans, and psychologists like E.G. Boring struggled to place his students

into the workplace. Even in the 21st century, racism is present in society and negatively affects

African Americans’ health outcomes, socioeconomic status, and education. Thus far, psychology

has played major roles in the perception of races and racism throughout history, both

encouraging and discouraging racism. The current state of racism is inextricable from its history,

and since psychology has not been historically exempt from racism’s effects, racism will

continue to influence psychological theory.


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The Psychology of Race and Racism throughout History

For centuries, scholars have sought to understand, categorize, and define race.

Throughout history, race has had many different meanings, but these meanings all generally

grouped people together by their features or their geographical location. Once concepts of race

were concretely defined, it took very little time for people to form a hierarchy of races. This

hierarchy is evident in Kantian philosophy, as well as pseudoscientific movements like

physiognomy, phrenology, and eugenics of the 19th and 20th centuries. The concepts of race and

racism have changed very dramatically over time, but they have maintained consistent themes

throughout. The foremost theme throughout history claims that, because of inherent racial

differences, white people are superior to everyone else.

Psychology, as a field of study, has also had significant impacts on the way races and

racism have been perceived over time, both supporting racism and delegitimizing it. From the

ideas of nature versus nurture to intelligence testing, psychology has been used to define and

diminish the lines people have drawn between races. The world of psychology has, in many

ways, shifted the views of race and racism by providing a study of the changing mind, its

functions and behaviors, and outside factors that influence how it works.

Kantian Philosophy and Early Views of Race

Between the 16th and 19th centuries, polygenism and monogenism were the two main

theories of race (Richards, 1997, p. 3). Polygenism states that races are separate species and

come from different “creations”; monogenism states that all races are a single species and come

from one family (Kant, 1999, p. 9). In 1775, Kant provided one of the first definitions for the

term race in “Of the Different Human Races”. Kant defined race as, hereditary dissimilarities

“that are constantly preserved over many generations and come about as a consequence of
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migration (dislocation to other regions) or through interbreeding with other deviations of the

same line of descent, which always produces half-breed off-spring” (Kant, 1999, p. 9). Kant

believed all races came from one species and that there were four races -- including White,

Negro, Hun (Mongol or Kalmuck), and Hindu (or Hindutani) -- and that all other variations of

race came from a mix of two of these four (Kant, 1999, p. 11). Throughout Kant’s discussion of

race, he provides reasoning for his monogenist view. He explains that, though there are

differences between these races, he can provide justification for many--if not all--of them. He

offers explanations for why he believes some people have darker skin, beardless chins, squinting

eyes, etc. (Kant 1999, p. 17).

Though Kant provides an interesting perspective of the races by describing each race’s

observable traits and postulating reasons for them, he also makes comments that indicate his

view of non-white people as different and inferior. While discussing “the Negro”, Kant provides

his opinion on why the color of their skin is black, stating that his theory “explains why all

Negroes stink”. He goes on to explain that white people have the “perfect mixing of these juices

and the strength of the human stock in comparison to the others” (Kant, 1999, p. 19). This

comparison shows that Kant saw differences between the two races that made him believe white

people were superior. Similarly, he describes how black people are well suited for their climate,

however, since “he is so amply supplied by his motherland, he is also lazy, indolent, and

dawdling,” (Kant, 1999, p. 17). Kant repeatedly displays that he believes white people are most

well suited. Kant believes that, since many differences in the human species occur due to

differences in climate, that people who exhibited a “fortunate combination” of influences of both

the cold and hot regions would be seen between “31 and 52 degrees latitude” where the “greatest

riches of earth’s creations are found in this region and this is also where human beings must
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diverge least from their original form, since the human beings living in this region were already

well-prepared to be transplanted into every other region of the earth,” (Kant, 1999, p. 19). It is

not surprising that Kant informs the reader that this region is, indeed, inhabited by white people

(Kant 1999, p. 20). Kant’s philosophy was influential during his time and continues to be;

therefore, his racist ideologies would likely illicit responses in the form of scientific racism.

Psychology’s Role in Racism

Psychology had a role in both encouraging racist thoughts and destroying racist

arguments. “Scientific” racism perpetuated racist stereotypes by building a field of study

designed to prove one race’s superiority. Physiognomy and phrenology attributed certain defects

in psychological, intellectual, and general abilities to the physicality of people, which would

necessarily be different in different races (Richards, 1997, p. 8). Eugenics was a movement

started to improve the human race; it aimed to take control of natural selection by simply

eliminating the parts of the human race that were considered less desirable (Galton, 1904, p. 3).

All of these pseudo-sciences found ways to hide their racist undertones beneath the umbrella of

science and psychology in order to justify discrimination, hate, and genocide. In contrast, many

movements designed to delegitimize racist ideas have been validated by science and psychology

as well.

“Scientific” Racism

Proponents of “scientific” racism used biology and psychology to identify and explain

differences between races. Physiognomy and phrenology both studied physical form and

associated physicality with personal and intellectual characteristics. Physiognomy stated that

people had certain characteristics according to their physical form, and these characteristics were

thought to underlie their culture (Richards, 1997, p. 8). This was used to attach negative
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character associations to physical characteristics typical in Africans, Jews, etc. Similarly,

phrenologists believed that the shape of the cranium indicated one’s character and abilities

(Richards, 1997, p. 15). The perfect model was that of a typical European, which was supposedly

the most evolutionarily advanced human (Richards, 1997, p. 16). These forms of “scientific”

racism contributed significantly to the exacerbation of racism in the mid 1700s. “Scientific”

racism attempted to prove that black people and other non-white races were innately inferior,

biologically and culturally (Simmons, 1963, p. 9). These early ideas, as well as Darwin’s theory

of evolution by natural selection, gave rise to Galton’s Eugenics movement, which worked to

improve inborn qualities of the human population and perfect the human race.

Francis Galton and Eugenics

After Charles Darwin’s ideas of natural selection became widespread, many people

believed that natural selection was complete for humans because humans had attained perfection.

The post-Darwinian ideology was that, rather than improving upon the species, natural selection

was, instead, eliminating those who were thought to be “unfit” (Richards, 1997, p. 14). There

were different beliefs for why differences existed between races. John Stuart Mill thought that

differences between races were cultural and environmental. By contrast, Francis Galton believed

that they were transmitted by heredity (Winston, 2003, p. 64).

Francis Galton was one of the major leaders in developing “scientific” racism and the

founder of eugenics (Richards, 1997, p. 17). Galton defined the new science of eugenics as “the

science which deals with all influences that improve the inborn qualities of a race; also with

those that develop them to the utmost advantage” (Galton, 1904, p. 1). Galton’s movement was

based on the goal of making the best possible human race, which was to be done by

disseminating the knowledge of heredity, encouraging mating among the best of each class,
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limiting children to 3 or less boys, etc. (Galton, 1904, p. 4). Galton believed that most creatures

agreed that it is better to be healthy, vigorous, and generally “good”. He also believed in having

the best of each class work out their own civilizations (Galton, 1904, p. 2).

His ideas did not seem to concern being healthy, vigorous, or generally “good”. In

Galton’s Eugenics: Its Definition, Scope, and Aims, he states that most “savage” races have

ceased to exist due to their inability to survive; this claim suggests that Galton believed that these

races were not well suited to be included in the best of the human population (Galton, 1904, p.

3). He specifies that one “barbarous race”, “Negroes”, have survived, likely due to their

domestication and being made “useful to man”, similar to tamed animals (Galton, 1904, p. 4).

This comparison shows Galton’s views of “savage” races – by which he means non-whites -- as

being animal-like, which was consistent with racism of the 1900s (Richards, 1997, p. 54).

Francis Galton is also well known for coining the terms nature and nurture. Galton was

clear that race was far more important than social and cultural environment and should create

more competent predecessors (Richards, 1997, p. 70). This shows that Galton attributes

characteristics, such as intellect and ability, to race (nature), rather than social and cultural

environment (nurture). However, Galton’s definition of race was not very specific; he generally

used the names of nations and the color of people’s skin to differentiate between races (i.e. the

“French race” or “English race”, “savage race”, “Negroes”, etc.) (Richards, 1997, p. 70).

In addition to Galton’s aforementioned contributions, he also created a statistical

psychometric methodology with Karl Pearson to study differences between individuals

(Richards, 1997, p. 17). Many psychologists used this methodology to find differences between

groups as well as for Galton’s eugenics project (Richards, 1997, p. 17). During this period,

racism was not considered wrong or offensive but, instead, scientific (Simmons, 1963, p. 9).
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Through Galton’s work and that of many, the differences between races were explicitly depicted

such that non-white races were ultimately seen as innately inferior, animalistic, subhuman, or

childlike (Richards, 1997, p. 7).

Galton’s work with eugenics was later used as justification for the policies in Nazi

Germany. Some of the policies influenced by Galton’s work included the sterilization,

institutionalization, and mass murder of racial groups, homosexuals, disabled people, and many

others (Allison, 2011). Eugenics and other sciences were used to convince the public that this

quick and deliberate elimination of entire groups of people was justified and even positive for the

future (Allison, 2011). This provided an opportunity for white superiority to be used in

incredibly negative and powerful ways. However, this also allowed for psychologists to show

how white superiority is not valid.

E.G. Boring and Anti-Semitism in America

Between the 1920s and 1950s, racism in United States was directed both at African

Americans and Jewish people. Though anti-Semitism is often seen as a European evil, the racism

that existed against Jewish people in the United States made it more difficult for Jews to enter

the field of psychology (and likely other fields) (Winston, 1998, p. 27). E.G. Boring, who was a

director and chairman at Harvard University, worked diligently to place Jewish students. He is

well known today for his A History of Experimental Psychology and for being one of the first

historians of psychology (Winston, 1998, p. 27).

Between the 1920s and 1950s, E.G. Boring had been writing letters of reference for his

students, many of which were Jewish. In his letters of reference, he was required to state whether

students were Jewish (or might be), which often greatly reduced their chances at receiving a

position (Winston, 1998, p. 28); the reason for this was because Jewish people were thought to
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carry the “defect” of Jewishness, which also could give them “objectionable traits”, including

being aggressive, perverse, greedy, materialistic, cowardly, traitorous, disloyal, etc. (Winston,

1998, p. 28-30). Despite the negativity centered around Jews, E.G. Boring felt responsible for

placing his students into positions and took these letters of reference seriously. In one case, he

described a Jewish student, Lewin, as mitigating the defect with his “personal charm” (Winston,

1998, p. 27). Another student of Boring’s, Roback, was described as having not been placed

“because he is a Jew, and his inferiority sometimes expresses itself in aggression,” (Winston,

1998, p. 30; Boring 1926).

This form of racism was similar to that experienced by black people, because Jewish

people were also believed to be innately inferior. The main difference between racism against

black people and African Americans and anti-Semitism concerned the fact that one could

conceal one’s Jewish identity (Winston, 1998, p. 28). The 1920s through the 1950s were years of

explicit and destructive racism. Towards the end of this period, the Civil Rights Movement

began and many movements were starting to gain momentum in hopes of decreasing the

inequality felt my many.

Antiracist Activism

As more work was done to prove differences between races, people on the other side

were working to prove that these differences were not innate. In the 1950s, people were looking

to prove that an IQ gap existed between white and African American students. However, Horace

Mann Bond worked to prove this IQ gap was due to nurture rather than nature.

Horace Mann Bond was an African American scholar who grew up in an upper class

African American family (Winston, 2003, p. 264). Similar to many African American scholars,

he was influenced by the work of W.E.B. DuBois, who was a civil rights activist, sociologist,
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and author. With many great influences like DuBois and Bond’s college educated parents, Bond

saw issue with intelligence testing and found reasons why differences in intelligence could not be

attributed to race. He refused to blindly accept the allegations brought on by White southerners

that African Americans were innately less intelligent and, ultimately, inferior (Winston, 2003, p.

261).

In order to prove that IQ testing was an illegitimate way to indicate innate inferiority,

Bond brought attention to the fact that black people in the north had higher scores than those in

the south and that scores correlated with the amount of money spent on education in the areas

they resided (Winston, 2003, p. 265). He believed that black students should not believe in these

ideas that they are, by nature, less intelligent but that they should instead prove these ideas wrong

(Winston, 2003, p. 265). He also realized that white people residing in southern states including

Mississippi, Kentucky and Arkansas received lower scores than those of other sections of the

United States. He questioned whether people would believe that those southern white people are

inferior to those residing in other states, who earned a higher average score (Winston, 2003, p.

265).

Another well-known figure in the civil rights movement was Kenneth Bancroft Clark.

Kenneth Bancroft Clark is most well known for his work with the 1954 Supreme Court case,

Brown v. Board of Education and the Great Society reform. Clark’s work with Thurgood

Marshall on this case began his career in political activism (Winston, 2003, p. 234). In order to

prove the illegality of “separate but equal” segregation in public education, Kenneth and Mamie

Clark conducted multiple studies over a decade, which found that a proportion of African

American children self-identified as White rather than Black, which was seen as exhibiting

“wishful thinking” (Winston, 2003, p. 240). These results earned Kenneth Clark more
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opportunities to address the ways race affected the development of youth and to continue his

scholarly activism. Though Brown v. Board of Education was a win for Clark, the government

acted slowly in fixing this issue (Winston, 2003, p. 241). It was even argued that the

desegregation of schools did not improve education or discrimination and, in fact, may have had

negative effects, like the loss of education on Black culture and history. This began the violent

phase of the Civil Rights movement, because it showed the disparity between political actions

and real social change (Winston, 2003, p. 241).

Though Brown v. Board of Education seemed to have unfavorable effects on society, it

did kick start social movements that motivated many leaders in Civil Rights movement, like

Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X. Malcolm X engendered powerful responses from both

racists and anti-racist activists. Even the latter group was bifurcated into those who supported

him and others who believed he was too radical (Little, 1999, p. 465). As a man who had been

continuously attacked and discriminated against throughout his life, he fought back with violence

and hatred (Little, 1999, p. 9).

Malcolm X is best known for his association with the Nation of Islam and his

controversial ideologies. Early in Malcolm X’s activism, he was critical of the Civil Rights

movement because he believed the only way to achieve freedom, equality, and respect was by

any means necessary, rather than the nonviolent strategies employed by Civil Rights leaders like

Martin Luther King, Jr. (Little, 1999, p. xvii). However, after breaking from the Nation of Islam

and visiting Mecca, Malcolm X expressed interest in working with Civil Rights leaders (Little,

1999, p. 466).

Malcolm X’s work was important to the Civil Rights movement because he attacked

every instance of racism; he even attacked African Americans who stayed silent when
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experiencing or watching racism. During a time in which white people would not listen,

Malcolm X demanded their attention (Little, 1999, p. 465). He was one of the first African

Americans to stand up and fight for equality and, against all odds, be respected and feared by

others (Little, 1999, p. 465). Malcolm X, along with all other civil rights leaders took the

oppression they experienced and used it to motivate the people around them to fight back. The

psychologists and leaders of the civil rights movement showed that African Americans did

indeed have a voice and intellect, and by doing this, they had one less barrier in their way to

gaining equality.

Racism in the 21st Century

In 21st century America, we continue to see racism persist. With the recent unjustified

deaths of Eric Garner, Michael Brown, Sandra Bland, and many more African Americans,

racism continues to be detrimental to society (Garcia & Sharif, 2015, p. e27). Currently, much of

society denies the existence of racism but continues to find ways to attribute characteristics to

race. The disproportionate impacts of police violence on African Americans shows that either

police do not value the lives of African Americans or that police fear African Americans or

assume that they are more threatening (Garcia & Sharif, 2015, p. e27). Regardless of the reason

for the disproportionate impact of police violence, it is caused by racism at some level.

Racism is also prominent in society through its role in exacerbating health disparities. For

example, being African American may lend itself to increased risk for certain diseases; however,

society increases the threat to the well being of black communities. Because society values white

lives over African American lives, there are negative effects on the education, socioeconomic

status, and access to health care for African Americans (Garcia & Sharif, 2015, p. e27). These

factors worsen the health outcomes of African Americans (Garcia & Sharif, 2015, p. e28). Some
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negative health consequences for African Americans include disproportionately higher rates of

infant mortality, obesity, deaths caused by heart disease and stroke, and a shorter life expectancy

in comparison to whites (Garcia & Sharif, 2015, p. e28). In addition, African Americans of lower

socioeconomic status tend to live in areas where education is poor and where there is less access

to health care. This, in itself, puts African Americans at risk for undiagnosed diseases, which can

therefore not be treated.

In addition to racialized health disparities, institutional racism puts more African

Americans in prison for the same crimes that white people commit, which continues the cycle of

crime and poverty that exists in African American communities (Garcia & Sharif, 2015, p. e27).

Furthermore, due to the lower socioeconomic status of some African American communities,

there is a digital divide and residential segregation that maintains the inequality that exists

(Garcia & Sharif, 2015, p. e28). Despite the progress that has been made, the cycles that

perpetuate racism continue.

The current state of racism is inextricable from its long, complex history. Theoretically,

psychology can be used to analyze racism and the way it operates in the human mind. In reality,

though, even the field of psychology has not historically been exempt from the effects of racism.

From Kant to Galton to Boring, we see racism and the way that it influences psychological

theory in both positive and negative ways. Fortunately, the psychology community has taken

serious steps to remove racism from its practices. Unfortunately, it has not been enough to

remove racism from society at large. Hopefully, we can use psychology to remove racism from

society completely in order to show that, unlike historical theorists believed, white superiority is

illegitimate.
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References

Allison, K. C. (2011). Eugenics, race hygiene, and the Holocaust : antecedents and

consolidations. The Routledge History Of The Holocaust, 45.

Boring, E. G. (1926). Letter to R. H. Wheeler. E. G. Boring Papers, Harvard University

Archives.

Galton, F. (1904). Eugenics: Its Definition, Scope, and Aims. American Journal of Sociology,

10(1), 1-25. Retrieved from

http://www.jstor.org.proxy.libraries.rutgers.edu/stable/2762125

JeeLyn García, J., & Sharif, M. Z. (2015). Black Lives Matter: A Commentary on Racism and

Public Health. American Journal Of Public Health, 105(8), e27-e30.

Kant, I. (1999). Of the different human races Mikkelson translation. The Classification of Races.

8-22.

Little, M. (1999). The Autobiography of Malcolm X as told to Alex Haley. New York:

Ballantine Books.

Richards, G. (1997). Race, racism, and psychology: Towards a reflexive history. London:

Routledge.

Simmons, D. C. (1963). “Scientific” Racism. New Republic, 148(1), 9.

Winston, A. S. (1998). "The defects of his race": E. G. Boring and antisemitism in American

psychology, 1923-1953. History of Psychology, 1(1), 27-51.

Winston, A. S. (2003). Defining difference: race and racism in the history of psychology.

Washington: American Psychological Association.

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