Black Ethnicity and the Persistence of Ethnogenesis Ronald L. Taylor The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 84, No. 6. (May, 1979), pp. 1401-1423. Stable URL hitp:/flinks.jstor-org/siisici=0002-9602% 28197905%2984%3 A6%3C 1401%3ABEATPO%3E2.0,CO%3B2-M ‘The American Journal of Sociology is eurrently published by The University of Chicago Press. Your use of the ISTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at hup:/www,jstororglabout/terms.hml. ISTOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at hupulwww.jstor.orgijournalsuepress html. ch copy of any part of'a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the sereen or printed page of such transmission, ISTOR is an independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of scholarly journals. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support @ jstor.org. hupulwww jstor.org/ ‘Sun Aug 27 18:09:15 2006Black Ethnicity and the Persistence of Ethnogenesis' Ronald L. Taylor University of Connecticut Some scholars assume a radical discontinuity between the experiences of blacks in the United States and the experiences of immigrant eth- ric groups in American cities. There is a tendency to see the situation of blacks in racial rather than in ethnic terms and to emphasize the conditions of racial oppression and exploitation as exclusive sources of black sociocultural characteristics. This emphasis obscures the portant role of migration, urbanization, and intergroup conflict in promoting a distinctive black ethnicity. Indeed, a review of the urban history of black populations in northern cities ‘suggests that the phe- ‘nomenon of black ethnogenesis was inspired by essentially the same structural conditions as the development of ethnic identities and com- munities among white ethnic populations in American cities. ‘Traditional perspectives on ethnicity in American sociology have come under increasing criticism in recent years (Metzger 1971; Greeley 1974; Yancey, Ericksen, and Juliani 1976). Much of this criticism has focused on problems in the assimilationist and pluralist perspectives on ethnicity. Attention has been called to the static, nonprocessual character of these orientations (Vander Zanden 1973); to the narrow focus on culture and tradition as defining characteristics of ethnicity (Hechter 1971); and to the a priori assumption that ethnically based ascriptive relationships in- evitably give way to class distinctions and cleavages in modern industrial societies (Blauner 1972; Enloe 1973). While traditional perspectives focus fon the survival and transformation of European-derived ethnic cultures jin America, the process whereby ethnic groups come into being (i.e., the Phenomenon of ‘ethnogenesis”) has been largely ignored (Barth 1969; Greeley 1974). Similarly, the emphasis on culture as an explanatory vari- able has tended to obscure the contribution of structural conditions to the emergence and persistence of ethnicity (van den Berghe 1967; Yancey et al. 1976). There are suggestions (e.g, Cohen 1969; Doorbos 1972; Hechter 1974) that while ethnicity may involve cultural referents, its de- velopment and persistence depend on certain structural conditions. Thus, the expectation that class or functional cleavages should come to predomi- nate over ascriptive solidarities in modern society is said to be unjustified 11 wish fo thank Harold Abramson, William D’Antonio, Michael Gordon, Wiliam ‘Newman, and Larry Jordan for their helpful comments on an earlier draft of this paper. © 1979 by The University of Chicago, 0002-9602/79/8406-0007901.86 AJS Volume 84 Number 6 1401American Journal of Sociology in view of the persistence of these structural factors (Mayhew 1968; Bell 1975). While recent attempts to reassess ethnicity have revised conventional theoretical frameworks (Schermethorn 1970; Cohen 1974; Greeley 1974), the implications of the reformulations as they relate to the contemporary status of black Americans have yet to be explored systematically. This may be due in part to the prevailing and largely unexamined assumption that the status of blacks in American society is “inherently and funda- mentally different from that of white ethnic groups and that any attempt to treat it comparatively with the others under the same general analytical scheme [is] inherently illegitimate” (Parsons 1975, p. 72).? There are indications, however, that such presumed differences may be more appar- cent than real. If, as Yancey et al. maintain, ethnicity is best understood as an emergent phenomenon which has its origin in the “exigencies of sur- vival and the structure of opportunity in this country” (1976, p. 400) and becomes crystallized under conditions which reinforce common occupation- al status, residential segregation, and dependence on common local tutions and services, then the historical as well as the contemporary status of black Americans and the black community may be more profitably con- lered in ethnic than in racial terms. To be sure, sociologists have frequently recognized the relevance of the ethnic perspective to the contemporary status of the black minority. For instance, in assessing the legacy of the Civil Rights movement and the racial crisis of the sixties, Killian (1975) argues, a la Singer (1962), that blacks are in the process of becoming an ethnic group. But he views this development as a recent occurrence symbolized by the emergence of the “black power” slogan and qualitatively different from the “historic plural- ism of other American ethnic groups.” Writing earlier, Glazer and Moy- nihan ({1963] 1970) characterized blacks as an ethnic group rather than as a racial category. In their view, black ethnicity is rooted in common interest and shared social problems rather than in communal social struc- 21 should be noted that Parsons is summar te dsaares. 4 Although the “internal colonialism” perspective has emerged in recent years as a significant alternative to traditional sociological perspectives on race and radl stra Cation in America, Its emphasis on oppresion and control as major operative forces behind black-white relations tends to encourage a more “reactive” than “proactive” mage and interpretation of Black behavioral, cultural, and institutional development than availble evidence would appear to suggest (see Gutman 1976). As a consequence, this perspective provides an incomplete model of the dynamic forces inherent in the emergent phenomenon of black ethnogenesis. Blauner, the chief proponent of this pet- spective, apparently recognizes this weakness: "The colonial perspective cannot. by Itself provide the theoretical framework necessary to grasp the complexities of race relations and social change in America” (1972, p. 18). ng the conventional view with which 1402Black Ethnogenesis ture and a collective ethos. Likewise, Enloe (1973) asserts that, because of continuing discrimination, exclusion, and deprivation, blacks have been “involuntarily ethnicized.” What these accounts share is the assumption that black ethnicity is largely a recent, externally imposed phenomenon instead of a historical development. Although sociologists acknowledge con- temporary external forces giving rise to black ethnicity, they have gener- ally failed to identify the internal forces of the black community which hhave contributed to this emergent phenomenon, ‘The present discussion represents a preliminary attempt to elucidate the process of black ethnogenesis, emphasizing the interplay between black sociocultural characteristics and American social structure. The paper is divided into four sections. The first reviews some of the major sociological arguments which purport to explain the nature of black communities. The second examines black ethnogenesis in the context of those urban struc- tural conditions which have been shown to be associated with its rise and development. Section three considers the development and internal dy- ‘namics of black urban communities. The final section analyzes the contem- porary bases of black ethnicity. Although black ethnicity should not be seen as limited to northern urban areas, there is reason to assume that ethnic identification has been more relevant to social organization and solidarity in those areas than in others (Warner and Davis 1939; Glazer 1971) Accordingly, this discussion considers black ethnogenesis in the northern urban environment. ‘THE ETHNIC PERSPECTIVE AND BLACK AMERICANS ‘The study of black ethnogenesis has been hampered by the conceptual ambiguity of “ethnicity.” Ethnicity has been conceptualized in both cul- tural and structural terms (Barth 1969; Cohen 1974); it has been used to refer to the primary ties that bind individuals into solidary groups by virtue of a shared cultural history and common symbols (Hechter 1974; Parsons 1975); and to any structural differentiation based on race, na- tionality, language, or religion (Gordon 1964; Schermerhorn 1970; Gree- ley 1974). While the latter usage recognizes racial distinctiveness as a basis of ethnic identification, the term “ethnicity” has usually been re- ‘Lacking the cultural diversity brought to northern and midwestern regions of the United States by massive foreign immigration, the South, with its coloreaste system of social stratification, has not experienced the development of ethnically based acrip- tive, rdationships. Consequently, nether southern whites nor blacks have ‘yplealy conceived of themselves in ethnic terms. But, as Killan (1970) has shown, migration to northern and midwestern cites bas frequently generated a recognition of cultural And socal distinctiveness on the part of southern whites and the formation of rela- tively cohesive “bilby” communities In these areas. There is no reason to expect that black migrants have not reacted similarly. 1403American Journal of Sociology served to describe the sociocultural characteristics of European and Asian ‘immigrants. ‘The social science model of Buropean immigration sees immigrants entering the American social process with an articulated set of values and beliefs which serve as principles of social organization and personal iden- tity (Handlin 19595; Schooler 1976). Thus national cultural patterns as- similated by the diverse immigrant minorities are said to be refracted through the prisms of their cultural heritages (Gordon 1964) and thus produce “new social forms” in the United States (Glazer and Moynihan [1963] 1970). In contrast, it is presumed that the extreme “deculturation” of blacks during their enslavement left them without an authentic, viable cultural heritage with which to sustain ethnic identity and communal life (Myrdal [1944] 1964; Frazier [1949] 1957; Glazer and Moynihan [1963] 1970; Gordon 1964). While the existence of distinctive social attributes, and cultural patterns has been acknowledged (Rainwater 19705; Myrdal [1944] 1964), black communality is seen essentially as a “counterforma- tion”—a reaction to exclusion from mainstream social processes. Thus it to the sociology of prejudice and discrimination, to economic expl tation and racial oppression, that social scientists have frequently turned to explain black sociocultural characteristics. Much of the conventional ‘wisdom regarding the contemporary status of black Americans has been summed up by Glazer and Moynihan in their often quoted assertion that “it is not possible for Negroes to view themselves as other ethnic groups viewed themselves . .. because the Negro is only an American, and noth- ing else. He has no values and culture to guard and protect” ({1963] 1970, p. 52). While it is beyond the scope of this paper to review the literature chal- lenging such interpretations (eg., Valentine 1972; Blauner 1970; Gutman 1976), at least two observations should be made. First, the bulk of socio- logical studies on black communities, including the works cited above, has been static or synchronic, more concerned with the problem of “detailing black disadvantages and documenting the ‘tangle of pathology’ ” (Vander Zanden 1973, p. 40) than with assessing how the sociocultural character- istics of black communities evolved. To be sure, there have been important political and ideological reasons for this emphasis. For example, sociolo- gists have feared that attention to subcultural characteristics would have negative policy implications if it suggested that obstacles to assimilation and integration were endemic to the black community rather than a func- tion of exclusion and subordination (Hannerz 1969; Berger 1970; Glazer 1971). Yet the dominant emphasis has done more to encourage than to refute such allegations. Second, social science research has been notably ethnocentric in its treatment of black ethnicity (Williams 1964; Valentine 1404Black Ethnogenesis 1968; Metzger 1971). The emphasis has been largely on the etiquette of intergroup relations and on the attitudes and behavior of whites toward Dlacks, with litle attention given to black-black relationships (Szwed 1969). Moreover, the one-dimensionality and ahistorical bias of much of this work has tended to obscure the political history of black Americans. AAs Blauner has noted, it is through their continuing struggle to surmount land change a racist social system, that black Americans have created a political history” (1970, p. 355). And it isin the context of this political history that black ethnicity began to take form (Gosnell 1935; Singer 1962; Killian 1975) In addition to its political dimension, black ethnicity must be viewed in relation to urbanization, internal migration, and structured inequality (Hershberg 1973). For members of subordinate immigrant populations, there is evidence of a direct relationship between urbanism and increased awareness of and attachment to ethnic identity (Eisenstadt 1954). Fischer has demonstrated how ethnic identities and subcultural developments are intensified by urbanism, as distinguishable in-migrant populations to urban areas reach a “critical mass,” enabling them to create and sustain a variety of specialized institutions and services which “structure, envelop, protect and foster their subcultures” (1975, p. 1326) and by increasing cultural conflicts occasioned by competition and coresidence of diverse urban popu lations. Similarly, Yancey etal. have shown how the coincidence of occu pational concentration, residential segregation, and dependence on local institutions and services promoted the crystallization of ethnic identities and communities in American cities. Consequently, they argue that “eth- nicity may have relatively little to do with Europe, Asia and Africa, but ‘much more to do with the exigencies of survival and the structure of op- portunity in this country” (1976, p. 400) Jn much the same way, black ethnicity may be seen as deriving from the conditions giving ise to ethnic solidarities and communities among ie populations in American cities. With an emphasis on urban- ation, and structural discrimination as the principal antecedent conditions, the role of African heritage or cultural “survivals” becomes largely irrelevant for an understanding of the collective and emer- sent character of black ethnicity (Mintz and Price 1976; Gutman 1976). ‘Thus study of the ethnic experience of black Americans should take the urban ghetto instead of the African village as the point of departure (cf Yancey et al. [1976, p. 397] re other ethnic groups). What is necessary is to show how blacks, within an urban context of structured inequality, have sought not only to develop and sustain group cohesiveness and identity but also to establish social networks and communication patterns as the ‘bases of their institutional and communal life. 1405American Journal of Sociology BLACK ETHNOGENESIS AND THE URBAN CONTEXT ‘The problems of black migrants to northern cities during the early 20th century were much like those experienced by European immigrants from 1830 to 1920 (Stephenson 1926; Handlin 19596; Fried 1969). A variety of evidence (Hutchenson 1956; Handlin 1959a; Schooler 1976) suggests that the majority of European immigrants were no better prepared to cope with urban society than were the more recent black migrants. In his review of the literature on black and European migrations, Fried concludes: “In spite of the real discrepancy in the status achievements associated with these two great rural to urban migrations and the more striking discrepan- ies in other forms of discrimination and inequality, the similarities are considerable and portentous: a modern history of servile status and recent emancipation that created an opportunity to migrate more readily than it provided a basis for economic and social freedom at home; rural origins in pre-industrial communities; the absence of any grounds for hope . . .” (1969, p. 149). While itis not clear whether opportunities for education, employment, and economic mobility were greater for the earlier European immigrants than for the more recent black migrants, it is elear that early 20th-century black migration took place within the context of severe racial discrimina- tion and structured inequality. Moreover, as Drake and Cayton ({1945] 1962) pointed out, patterns of employment and the character of residen- tial setlement profoundly influenced the nature of black adjustment to and participation in the urban social structure. ‘The combination of occupation- al concentration and residential segregation provided the basis for new forms of association and social organization and influenced the type and character of community institutions which emerged. Occupational Concentration Prior to the great migration of the early 20th century, the relatively small black labor force in urban centers of the northeast and midwest had al- ready begun to concentrate in certain occupational categories (Du Bois [1899] 1967; Drake and Cayton [1945] 1962; Handlin 19592). Hersh- berg (1973) has shown how employment opportunities for blacks in Phila- delphia declined precipitously from 1838 to 1880 despite an expanding economy and increasing demand for skilled and unskilled laborers, Seheiner (1965) reports a similar trend in employment patterns among black work- ers in New York City between 1865 and 1920. Declining economic par- ticipation of black workers in many northern cities was apparently relatedBlack Ethnogen blacks in a variety of skilled and unskilled occupations (Farley 1968), But increasing job discrimination appears to have had a greater effect than direct competition on excluding blacks from skilled trades and industrial jobs (Spero and Hartis 1931). Although statistical evidence is fragmen- tary, it does suggest that by the end of the 1880s, the majority of black adult workers in northern cities were in the service trades. Du Bois’s ([1899] 1967) study of Philadelphia’s Seventh Ward which, in 1896, con- tained the largest concentration of blacks outside the South, found that roughly 74% of the black labor force was employed as domestic servants, while the remainder was concentrated in a variety of other service-related ‘occupations. ‘A decline in the volume of European immigration after 1915 saw blacks replace foreign immigrants as the primary source of unskilled and menial labor (Handlin 19593). Like the majority of European immigrants who preceded them, black migrants entered the labor force at the bottom of the ‘occupational hierarchy. Some found employment in the construction and garment industries, in petty trade, and as skilled artisans. But racial dis- crimination, reinforced by trade union restrictions, prevented access to & variety of skilled, technical, and clerical jobs (Spero and Harris 1931; Drake and Cayton [1945] 1962). Although the First World War and the postwar boom cteated limited opportunities for upward mobility and re- sulted in relative improvements in the occupational status of black workers, the contraction of industrial growth and employment opportunities duri the Depression reversed this trend. It was only with renewed prosperity Jn the 1940s that black workers began to experience significant improve ments in their occupational status (Killingsworth 1969) ‘The potential contribution of occupational concentration to ethnic iden- tification and solidarity has been demonstrated in a number of studies (Lieberson 1963; Williams 1964; Hechter 1974). Yancey et al. (1976) argue that common occupational status facilitates group consciousness to the degree that it results in similarities in economic status or life-style, ‘common social and economic interests, and common patterns of association. That the bulk of black workers in early 20th-century northern cities were concentrated in certain occupational categories is clear (Spero and Harris 1931; Taeuber and Taeuber 1963; Kornweibel 1976). That such concen- trations encouraged group consciousness and collective solidarity has also been amply documented (eg., Reuter [1927] 1970; Gosnell 1935; Drake ‘and Cayton [1945] 1962). Moreover, to the degree that blacks in north- ern cities experienced relatively litte intergenerational mobility during this period (Lieberson 1963) and were subjected to increasing patterns of resi dential ghettoization, the potential for the emergence of collective con- sciousness and subcultural development was maximized, 1407American Journal of Sociology Residential Segregation Although the development and growth of relatively large homogeneous areas of black settlement in northern metropolitan regions has been attrib- uted to the rapid increase in the black populations in these cities between 1910 and 1930, there is some evidence (Warner and Burke 1969) that highly concentrated black settlements could be found in some northern cities as early as the 1830s. Warner and Burke present evidence of strong clustering of blacks in such cities as Philadelphia and New York by 1860 and note similar trends in other northern cites during and after this period. Nonetheless, pre-20th-century patterns of black urban settlement do not appear to have been substantially diferent from the patter of settlement of early European immigrants (Handlin 19590; Weaver 1948}. That is, siven their low socioeconomic status, early black residents of northern concentrated first onthe periphery, and later near the center ofc in correspondence to the distribution of employment opportunities and low cost housing (Warner and Burke 1969). Tn general, the distribution of black populations in northern cities appears to have been determined by such factors as the percentage of blacks in the population of a given city, the nature of the local industrial economy, and local attitudes toward segregation (Kennedy 1930; Woofter 1928). Although lack residential segregation did not originate during the early decades of the 20th century, it was intensified greatly then (Lieber- son 1963; Taeuber and Taeuber 1965). Although the number of black in-migrants during this period was significantly smaller than the European immigration of 1880 to 1910, as Fried has noted, “it increased the pro- portions of the black population living in urban areas more dramatically than any equivalent concentration of a single ethnic group during the ear- lier period” (1969, pp. 130-31). Increases in the observed level of black residential segregation from 1910 to 1930 have been reported by Lieberson (1963). His study of ethnic assimilation in 10 American cities revealed high levels of residential segregation among all ethnic groups for all the cities studied, but the indices of segregation for blacks in each city were substantially higher. Also, he found that the degree of residential segre- sation among immigrant groups was influenced by their socioeconomic status and by length of residence. In contrast, patterns of black residential segregation were less responsive to changes in socioeconomic status or length of residence in northern cities (Woofter 1928; Taeuber and Taeuber 1965). As a result, black communities “tended to be ethnically distinctive and represented a wider range of social class positions . ..” (Fried 1969, p. 145) than did immigrant communities of the same peri Residential segregation affects other dimensions of urban organization. Hawley (1944) has noted that residential segregation of a minority group 1408Black Ethnogenesis population not only accentuates diferences and therefore heightens vi bility but also encourages the development and retention of distinctive cul- tural traits. In addition, residential concentration fosters a varity of for- tal and informal associations to satisfy the needs of those so concentrated (Brenton 1964). There is some evidence that the growth in residential seg- regation promoted the development of a variety of specialized black in tutions and services (newspapers, churches bars, cafes, etc). Foley (1966) has shown a direct relationship between increases in residential concentra- tion of blacks in northern cities and the growth of black businesses. Such establishments, along with other local organizations, served. as focal points for social relationships and as sources of authority over local residents. As such, they promoted the development of internal bonds and cohesion among older and more recent black residents of northern cities (Little [1965] 1968; Hannerz 1974) ‘THE INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF BLACK COMMUNITIES Although few immigrants to American cities of the late 19th and early 20th centuries escaped the disorganizing effects of the urban industrial environment, it has been argued that the survival and transformation of selected aspects of preimmigeant cultural and social patterns facilitated adjustments to the unfamiliar conditions (Ware 1935; Ward 1971) and provided the bases for ethnic communities and subcultures. In contrast, black in-migrants to urban areas were generally assumed to have been ‘without the social and cultural resources to resist the disintegrating pres- sures of urban life (Frazier [1949] 1957; Glazer and Moynihan [1963] of black familial and social organization. However, recent historical (Furs- tenberg, Hershberg, and Modell 1975; Gutman 1976) and contemporary (Suttles 1968; Hannerz 1969; Stack 1974) research raises serious doubts as to the extent of family and social disorganization among urban black populations. Gutman (1976) has demonstrated that traditional interpre- tations of black family life and social organization are seriously misleading. respect to family structure, he writes: At all moments in time between 1880 and 1925—that is from an adult {generation born in slavery to an adult generation about to be devastated by the Great Depression of the 1930's . . . the typical Afro-American family was lower class in status and headed by two parents. That was s0 in the urban and rural South in 1880 and 1900 and in New York City in 1905 and 1025. The two-parent household was not limited to better ad- vvantaged Afro-Americans. ... It was just as common among farm labor- fers, sharecroppers, tenants, and northern and southern urban unskilled laborers and service workers. It accompanied the southern blacks in the great migration to the North that has so reshaped the United States in the twentieth century. (P. 456] 1409American Journal of Sociology If, as Gutman and others (eg., Blassingame 1972; Mintz and Price 1976) have shown, a distinctive institutional and cultural life did develop ‘among blacks prior to and after the emancipation, and if the black family, as the principal agent through which cultural traits are transmitted from generation to generation, remained viable in both rural and urban areas of the North and South, itis reasonable to argue that early 20th-century black migrants to northern cities possessed the essential social and cultural resources which enable other migrant populations to cope with urban in- dustrial society.* Indeed, an abundance of historical and sociological evidence (Du Bois [1899] 1967; Woofter 1928; Kennedy 1930; Drake and Cayton [1943] 1962; Hershberg 1973) indicates that a well-established communal ‘organized around churches, benevolent societies, and other characteristic ethnic associations, had evolved among relatively segregated black popu- lations in many northern cities prior to the substantial increase in southern tigation (Handlin 19596). These settlements had grown only moderately size since the mid-19th century and contained a relatively homogeneous population (Weaver 1948). However, the influx of large numbers of south- ‘em migrants during the first three decades of the 20th century transformed the communal organizations and supplied the impetus for a wider range of services and institutions (Johnson 1943). ‘The impact of earlier and continuing patterns of residential segregation and massive black in-migration could be seen in the emergence of all-black schools, hospitals, parks, stores, and other facilities within areas of black concentration during this period (Kennedy 1930; Johnson 1943). ‘The presence of such facilities within a relatively bounded spat possible a degree of institutional completeness found to be of critical im- portance in affecting local community orientations (Brenton 1964; Ka- sarda and Janowitz 1974). Moreover, the use of local institutions and ser- vices for satisfying immediate social and economic needs would appear to hhave encouraged a sense of local spatial identity and attachment in much the same way as in other lower class ethnic communities (Drake and Cay- ton [1945] 1962; Firey 1945; Whyte 1943). ‘The survival and stability of early 20th-century black settlements were related to the expansion of adjacent central business distriets which posed 4 continuous threat to all centrally concentrated populations during this For Gutman (1976), the key aspects of an evolving black culture begun under slavery ate distinctive kinship networks and domestic arrangements which formed the social bass of developing black communities. Mintz and Price (1976), however, would focus les on sociocultural formations and more on the apparent values and cognitive ‘orientations reflected in normative patterns of behavior and social relations. wh were transmited in the socialization process. While the specifics of black culture are, of course, relevant and are the subject of continuing empirical investigation, they should not detain us hee, 1410Black Ethnogenesis Period. As @ consequence of the trend toward regional decentralization of commercial activities during the later part of the 1800s and early 20th century, some residential settlements on the periphery of the central busi ness district lost their economic advantage as potential areas of commercial expansion, Tt was largely in these areas that stable ghettos were estab- lished (Ward 1968). Black areas of settlement tended to expand as adja- cent districts which housed other groups were abandoned by their original populations. In such cities as New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia, they became “self-contained cities” (Frazier 1937; Drake and Cayton [1943] 1962), which, while bearing a functional economic relationship to the larger metropolitan area, were largely autonomous in their sociocultural fe. Since much of black residential expansion occurred within a tightly segregated pattern, it might be expected that residential instability and dislocation were decidedly minimized. ‘Local organizations and institutions helped community stability by fa- cilitating the adjustment of black in-migrants to the urban milieu. ‘The role of black civic, religous, and other voluntary organizations in assist ing the adaptive process has been well documented (Scott 1920; Kennedy 1930; Reuter [1927] 1970). Although usually interpreted in terms of their “compensatory” function (Myrdal [1944] 1964; Orum 1966), the abun- dance of voluntary associations which emerged during this period might best be seen as a characteristic response to the conditions of urban life. ‘The need for material and moral support, prompted by the pressures of the new environment, tended to emphasize the value of belonging to soc organizations and, in the absence of relatives and friends, such associations became all the more essential. Despite barriers to black residential mobility imposed by extralegal, eco- nomic, and ecological factors, there are suggestions that emergent black communities in northem cities were more than ‘areas of minimum choice” (McKenzie 1926) for their inhabitants, and came eventually to be seen as cultural and symbolic manifestations of an evolving collective identity (Osofsky 1966; Spear 1967). For example, Drake and Cayton's ((1945] 1962, vol. 1) classic study of black community life in Chicago notes that black inhabitants of the ghetto did not view their institutional life as in- ferior to other distinctive local lifestyles; indeed, “they expressed con- siderable pride in it, viewing it as evidence that they, as well as whites, can create a collective life. . . . They do not ordinarily experience their social separateness as oppressive or undesirable. Black metropolis is the world of their relatives and friends” (p. 122). Such collective sentiments were also present in other northern black communities (Seott 1920; Frazier [1949] 1957). Residential segregation and concentration spurred community develop- ment in another respect as well: it fostered black political partiAmerican Journal of Sociology (Gosnell 1935; Katznelson 1973).° Opportunities to enter the political pro- cess not only fostered group consciousness and solidarity but also perpetu- ated the division of cities, both demographically and politically, into ethnic components. The articulation of political interests required leadership and ‘organization, which in early 20th-century black communities came primar- ily from religious and civic organizations (Gosnell 1935; Frazier [1949] 1957). Religious and civic leaders were frequently active in promoti national ideology for the black community and in providing the moral jus- tification for identification with it. Indeed the emergence of radical and more moderate political movements of the 1920s and 1930s may be seen as both evidence and expressions of an emergent corporate self-awareness and solidarity among urban blacks fostered, in part, through such efforts (Reuter [1927] 1970). Tt may be argued, then, that migration, urbanization, spatial isolation, and concentration all promoted black subcultural development and eth- nicity in early 20th-century northern cities, Moreover, community integra- tion and ethnic identification appear to have been intensified by the nature of intergroup contacts and by political and violent conflict (Frazier [1949] 1957; Drake and Cayton [1945] 1962). Thus such communities could be characterized as “cultural-symbolic units” (Hunter 1975) which not only ‘supported a viable institutional life but also offered opportuni factions and attachments, Although contemporary black eth rive from a somewhat different set of variables, its origins are to be found in structural conditions of early 20th-century American cities. ‘THE CONTEMPORARY BASES OF BLACK ETHNICITY Tt has been suggested that the demographic and ecological factors which hhad earlier promoted ethnic identification and community development among European immigrants to northern cities have been greatly attenu- ated in recent years. The dispersal of economic opportunities and the resi dential decentralization of ethnic populations are among the principal fac- tors identified as having altered the ecological and interpersonal bases of ethnic communities. Thus, Yancey et al. argue that contemporary ethnicity ©The political Implications of back migration and concentration in northern cites have been impressively documented in Osofsky's Harlem: The Making of a Ghetto He asserts that". while the urbanization of the Negro obviously caused great dif. ficulties, it also provided the base for significant political power unprecedented in the history of the Negro in the North, As the Negro population increased in numbers, the cynical and apathetic attitudes that typified the reactions of plitdans In the late teenth century came to an end... Tn the 18908 Negrocs were an almost power- less minority group; the least influential minority group in the metropolis. Thelr role, if any, was on the periphery of munidpal affairs. Within the next generation Negroes became an integral part of city government and poliies—and polities provide ‘wedge for economie advancement” (1966, pp. 189, 177). 112Black Ethnogenesis rust be understood as, in part, “responses to residues of earlier historical periods and, in part, responses to the increasingly more marginal social and ‘economic positions of the white working-class neighborhood” (1976, p. 399). Tt may be argued that the contemporary situation of blacks in north- ‘ern cities has been similarly afected by changing ecological conditions, but that the influence of these changes on black ethnicity and community dif- fers from that observed for white ethnic groups. While the enactment of restrictive immigration legis: 1924 se- verely reduced European immigration to the United States, black in-mi- gration to northern cities has continued at a fairly high level since the 1920s (Farley 1968). While residential decentralization and concomitant reductions in residential segregation have been evident for almost all im- ant groups since the cessation of large scale immigration (Lieberson 1963; Kantrowitz 1969), the degree of black residential segregation from other urban populations has increased. Moreover, the attraction of black migrants to inner-city districts, together with the continual areal expan- sion of such districts within northern metropolitan regions, has transformed moderate-sized black residential areas into large urban ghettos (Foley 1973). Despite the changing socioeconomic characteristics of northern black migrants (Lieberson 1973) and reported trends toward residential decentralization through black suburbanization (Farley 1970), there is litle evidence that black residential segregation has declined significantly. Tt might be anticipated that to the degree that black populations in northern cities are sharply differentiated in their residential location from ‘ther urban populations, they are also likely to differ in the extent of their participation in the urban economy (Lieberson 1963; Mooney 1969). At Teast one study comparing the contemporary economic status of northern blacks with that of other ethnic groups indicates that the occupational structure of many black communities resembles the occupational patterns of first and second generation immigrants of three quarters of a century ago in its heavy concentration in manufacturing, laboring, and service ‘occupations (Newman 1965). This has made blacks particularly vulner- able to changing patterns of industrial and commercial employment (Tay- lor 1977). The concentration of industrial growth and employment oppor- tunities on the periphery of central cities has tended to exacerbate the job finding problems of less skilled and typically younger black inner-city residents by increasing the distance between them and new sources of em ployment. As a consequence, growing numbers of inner-city inhabitants have been relegated to economically less productive and increasingly mar- ginal positions in the urban labor force. This development may be seen as reinforcing current patterns of black residential segregation and concen- tration, while at the same time giving impetus to new forms of association and collective behavior (Suttles 1968). 1413American Journal of Sociology ‘The growth in size and density of black populations in northern cities, accompanied by declining economic opportunities, raises important ques- tions about the social solidarity among residents of inner-city ghettos. Hligh unemployment, family instability, poor housing, and other characteristics ts suggest a degree of social disorganiza- tion which would militate against strong community attachments and so- integration. Thus in contrast to the relatively stable, family-based ‘working-class communities of contemporary urban white ethnics, black inner-city communities have been characterized as fragmentary in their social organization (Glazer and Moynihan [1963] 1970; Rainwater 1970a) and lacking in extensive associational networks and overarching institu- tions of social control. At best, areas of black concentration in northern cities have been seen as “pseudoneighborhoods” lacking many of the in- digenous social and cultural resources essential for social integration. How- ever, a growing body of urban ethnographic research (Suttles 1968; Han- nerz 1969; Valentine and Valentine 1970; Stack 1974) has revealed the limitations of such oversimplified characterizations of black communities. In part, these li is stem from a preoccupation with the physical as- pects of the ghetto environment (Hartman 1963; Fried and Levin 1968) and from a failure to distinguish between the varieties of urban residential areas (Suttles 1972). As Fried and Levin have noted, “the skid-row type of slum, in particular, has determined the popular conception of slums out of all proportion to the distribution of populations in different kinds of slum areas” (1968, p. 61). The physical aspects of the ghetto must be dis- tinguished from its functions as a setting for social action. Systematic evi- dence indicates that the institutional, normative, and ecological dimensions of communities in general (Kaufman 1959; Kasarda and Janowitz 1974) and the ghetto community in particular (Hannerz 1969; Stack 1974) can be identified by focusing on the nature of local social networks. Such a focus avoids the tendency to view ghetto communities as fragmentary or disorganized. One illustration of the relationship between community structure and local social networks is provided by Hannerz in his study of the black inner-city ghetto of Washington, D.C. He found that its internal structure ‘was effectively defined by the “multitude of connecting personal networks of kinsmen, peers, and neighbors” (1969, p. 34). While age, sex, kinship roles, and life-style ordered social relations and generated functional ferentiations within the community, the overall pattern was one of “orga- nized diversity” sustained by a shared perspective and common participa- tion in local community institutions. Similar observations have been re- ported by Suttles in his investigation of the Addams area of Chicago. He notes that face-to-face relations and a “personalistic morality” were the primary forms of association among black residents of the area, and that waaBlack Ethnogenesis, “kinship functions to create an extensive web of connections between in- formal groups” (1968, p. 229). The network of formal and informal asso- ciational ties, rooted in a personalistic morality, formed the basis of the “ordered segmentation” characterizing the relationship between blacks and other ethnic groups inhabiting the area. Although neighborhood, place of work, lifestyle, and other factors tend to influence the frequency of interaction and forms of association among ghetto inhabitants, there are suggestions that patterns of kinship relations are more frequent determinants of interpersonal ties and social relations within black lower- and working-class communities (Hays and Mindel 1973). In her investigation of black family organization and residence in a midwestern city, Stack (1974) found that social relations within the ‘community not only were organized on the model of kin relationships but vwere frequently initiated and facilitated on the basis of “socially recog- nized” kinship ties. Through an elaborate system of mutual aid and recip- rocal obligations, kinship was observed to overlap with non-kin networks to form extensive interpersonal links between multiple domestic units and informal groups. Whitten and Szwed suggest that the use of kinship as a model for organizing social relationships within ghetto communities is understandable when it is recognized that “people adapt first to the domi- nant modalities in their environment by using their most accessible social ccapital—kinship—in such a way as to maximize flexible networks” (1970, p. 47). Thus they see the highly flexible networks of kin and pseudo-kin relationships as a response to socioeconomic marginality. Whether ex- plained in socioeconomic or in cultural terms, the general conclusion from ccurrent, though limited, empirical evidence ts that kin and friendship ties are extensive among blacks residing in urban areas (Martineau 1977). Such evidence tends to refute the image of the atomized or anonymous slum dweller. ‘The spatial mobility of black inner-city residents contributes indirectly to the enlargement and complexity of community social networks and to their relative integration by fostering multiple interpersonal links among local neighborhoods (Smith, Form, and Stone 1954; Feagan 1970; Han- nerz 1969). Although such intracommunity ties and involvements have been characterized as weak (Liebow 1967; Rainwater 1970a), there are suggestions that weak interpersonal ties may be more productive of group ‘cohesion and community integration than strong ones, Granovetter (1973) hhas demonstrated the positive effects of weak interpersonal ties on the di fusion of information and influence, mobility opportunities, and commu- nity organizations, Whitten and Sawed, in basic agreement with Grano- vetter, argue that under conditions of social and economic marginality, “definable, bounded groups are maladaptive, and survival value for them is thereby limited” (1970, p. 45). The presence or absence of flexible, aisAmerican Journal of Sociology overlapping, and extended social networks may explain the ability or in- ability of local groups to evolve a sense of community beyond the local neighborhood or to act in concert toward the achievement of collective social and political goals (Gans 1962; Suttles 1972; Granovetter 1973). Such highly elastic kinship, friendship, and associational ties abound in black inner-city ghettos. While variations are to be found in patterns of community identification and involvement among utban populations, a number of studies (Hartman 1963; Fried and Levin 1968; Hunter 1974) point to the strong attachment that inner-city residents develop for the local neighborhood and the gen- eral residential environment. Although little systematic evidence is avail- able, reports of residential satisfaction among black inner-city inhabitants (McAllister, Kaiser, and Butler 1971) and internal resistance to the pros- pect of moving into integrated neighborhoods (Watts et al. 1964) may be interpreted as evidence of community attachment. Local spatial identit and the sense of satisfaction and belonging are frequently explained terms of the abundance of associational networks and attachments to local institutions. More specifically, the presence of specialized institutions and services (churches, food stores, bars, radio stations, etc.) lend a speci quality to interpersonal relations and to the spatial context within which ‘of community attach- ment among black inner-city residents has recently been summarized by Drake: “For the masses of ghetto dwellers, this is a warm and familiar nilieu, preferable to the sanitary coldness of middle-class neighborhoods, and a counterpart to the communities of the foreign born, each of whi has its own distinctive subcultural flavor” (1965, p. 778). These observations suggest that the contemporary urban black residen- tial community is both a spatial and a sociopsychological community. In degrees, residents of the local spatial area may share a sense of interdependence and a diffused psychological unity with blacks in other communities based on common social experiences, sentiments, and a shared awareness of their ascribed ethnic status (Williams 1964). These common bonds are sustained through a variety of local, regional, and national afi ations and a wide range of mass media. As a symbolic object of orientation, the sociospatial black community may evoke varying degrees of identi cation and involvement from different segments of the black population depending, among other factors, on the extent of local internal differen- tiation and the structure of urban opportunities (Hannerz 1974). How- ever, there appears to be a close correspondence between location in the spatial community and involvement in the sociopsychological community. ‘Williams (1964) has examined this relationship and describes it schemati- cally as shown in table 1. ‘Membership in the spatial and sociopsychological community involves 1416Black Ethnogenesis TABLE 1 BLACK IDENTIFICATION WITH SPATIAL AND SSOCIOPSYCHOLOGICAL. COMMUNITIES entiation IeSpatal Sociologia Community Comunity ‘Black segment A + + Black segment B a = ‘Black Segment C. + = Black segment D. the majority of urban blacks (table 1, segment A). For some spatially dispersed blacks (table 1, segment B), the South (typically referred to as down-home”), similar economic status, and the common experience of discrimination and oppression are fundamental aspects of a shared per- spective creating a diffused psychological group unity. For this segment, who reside in integrated or predominantly white communities, member- ship in the sociopsychological community may be sustained through con- tributions to and involvements in local or national black organizations, through subscriptions to black publications, and through frequent contacts with friends and relatives in the spatial community. In contrast to the preceding groups, a certain portion (table 1, segment C) of the local black population may reside in the spatial community but participate only to a limited extent in its institutional life and identify with it only in limited situations. This segment is likely to include younger, more upwardly mobile residents. Janowite’s (1951) concept of the ‘‘com- ‘munity of limited liability” seems appropriate in describing the orienta- tions of this segment. Another, and even smaller group (table 1, segment ‘D) neither resides nor participates in the local spatial community nor feels a sense of sociopsychological unity with its inhabitants. Their social re- lationships are confined largely to whites of similar socioeconomic status, interests, and aspirations. Members of this segment are likely to include older, well-established, northern-bo blacks whose high socioecono status or professional involvements have minimized their pa the black subsociety. The considerable diversity of black experience should not obscure the fact that the majority of blacks are identified with the spatial and sociopsychological black community. ‘The preceding observations do not deny the negative effects of social and residential ghettoization—or the larger implications of structural and col- lective oppression—but they do identify those common elements and criti- cal orientations which provide the core of social organization and group tification for a majority of urban blacks. To be sure, the quality of life in some inner-city ghettos is closer to the “urban jungle” than to the 447‘American Journal of Sociology “urban village,” but such characterizations tend to obscure rather than clarify the normative, behavioral, and symbolic properties that have come to be associated with ghetto communities. Moreover, the argument that patterns of social organization and behavior among urban blacks are largely reflections of community and class rather than manifestations of a putative “black culture” (Berger 1970; Gans 1974) tends to ignore the role of dif- ferentiating factors in promoting group identifications and solidarities (Hechter 1974). Persistent patterns of structured inequality have, until recently, created systematic uniformities in the environments of blacks of virtually all class levels, producing, in turn, similarities in experiences, ba- sic orientations, and patterns of behavior. Thus contemporary black eth- nicity may be seen partly as a response to the more general perception of the intensification of these systematic conditions and partly as an emer- sence from a long political process in which the historically ascribed status of blacks has become the focal point around which they have sought to organize for the advancement of collective interests Indeed, contemporary black ethnicity has much in common with what some writers (Cohen 1969; Bell 1975) call political ethnicity, the mot zation of affective social ties, values, symbols, and other “collective repre- sentations” in order to articulate informal political organization and to advance social, economic, and political interests, The revitalization of terest in African cultural traditions, the focus on distinctive aspects of black life-styles and subcultural orientations, and the emphasis on black pride and solidarity may all be seen as strategic developments in the in- stitutionalization of a new collective status. Yet contemporary black eth- nicity is not at base a political phenomenon, even though politics has played a central role in recent attempts to raise the level of communal consciousness and strengthen collective bonds. To view it largely in terms of its political dimensions is to ignore the more fundamental structural arrangements from which it emerged. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Some scholars suggest a radical discontinuity between the historical and contemporary status of blacks and the sociocultural characteristics and experiences of immigrant ethnic groups in American cities. Yet our review of the history of black populations in northern cities indicates that black cethnogenesis was inspired by the same structural conditions that promoted solidarities and communities among white ethnic populations. Tt should not be inferred that there are no significant differences between the historical experience or contemporary situation of blacks and other major ethnic groups in American society. Nor do observed similarities in situational responses or social characteristics constitute sufficient evidence 1418Black Ethnogenesis, for assuming comparable outcomes in status achievements or in the level of social participation. Neither the legacy of systematic discrimination nor the magnitude of current social and economic disadvantages encountered by large segments of urban black populations warrants such conclusions. Rather, my discussion takes iste with the view that, until recently, black populations in northern cities lacked many of the indigenous social and cultural resources with which to sustain communal life, and, by exten: the view that black ethnicity is a recent phenomenon. Tt'has not been’ suficently appreciated that the various immigrant collectivities forged common identities in different ways (Haller 1975) and sought to insttu- tionalize different forms of behavior as they encountered differential urban opportunities (Handlin 19596; Hannerz 1974). While social and economic constraints were indubitably more severe and the range of opportunities ‘more limited for black in-migrants to northern cities, they, t00, sought to articulate formal social organization and establish a corporate identity ‘Traditional analyses have erred in assuming that white ethnic groups, but rot blacks, encountered conditions which generated ethnic identification and community. Ethnicity involves a complex set of interdependent variables requiring multiple levels of analysis and modes of study. If ethnicity is the system of interaction among members of a group sharing the social definition of an ethnic minority, network analysis may help to illuminate this phenom- ‘enon among black urban populations. Such an approach “ives priority to the way social life is organized through empirically observed systems of interaction and reliance, systems of resource allocation, and systems of integration and coordination” (Craven and Wellman 1974, p. $8). From this perspective, ethnicity and community become less abstract and amor- phous, and the internal fabric of urban black ghettos becomes more clearly visible. If ethnicity is conceived as a cultural or symbolic system, the cul- tural symbols and meanings which constitute a collective identity system must be clearly delineated, along with the distinctive networks of subcul- tural relationships which foster and sustain it. In this respect, Valentine's characterization of black collective orientations and behavior as “bicul- tural” in the sense that blacks “regularly draw upon ... an ethnically di tinctive repertoire of beliefs and customs and . . . make use of behavior patterns from the European American cultural mainstream” (1972, p. 33) is useful ‘This discussion has sought only to provide the historical and structural context within which black ethnogenesis unfolds. Larger social, psycho- logical, and political implications remain to be considered. 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