Equal Opportunities International

Exploring the role of machismo in gender discrimination: a comparison of Mexico and the US
Sharon L. Segrest Eric J. Romero Darla J. Domke-Damonte
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 Exploring The Role of Exploring The Role

Machismo in Gender of Machismo

in Gender
Discrimination
Discrimination: A Comparison
of Mexico and the U.S.
by Sharon L. Segrest, Department of Management, College of Business &
Economics, California State University, Fullerton, P.O. Box 6848, Fuller-
ton, CA 92834-6848 USA;
Eric J. Romero, Department of Management, College of Business Admin-
istration, University of Texas - Pan American, 1201 West University Drive,
Edinburg, TX 78539-2999;
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Darla J. Domke-Damonte, Department of Management and Marketing, and

E. Craig Wall Sr. School of Business Administration, Coastal Carolina Uni-
versity, Conway, SC 29528
Abstract
This conceptual paper explores how the construct of machismo can influence
gender-based discrimination across two cultures; Mexico and the U.S. First,
the relevant literature on machismo is reviewed and the construct clarified.
Secondly, evidence is presented which indicates that masculine gender roles
are not innate, but rather heavily influenced by cultural factors. Hofstede’s
cultural dimensions are used to develop propositions about the effect of mas-
culinity on gender-based discrimination. We suggest propositions designed
to explain how programs aimed at eliminating or reducing gender-based dis-
crimination might be impacted by high levels of cultural masculinity.
__________________________
As companies expand their operations around the globe, many are attempt-
ing to develop company-wide policies that govern the hiring, employment,
and promotion policies. However, it is commonly understood that “occupa-
tional segregation by sex is extensive in every region, at all economic devel-
opment levels, under all political systems, and in diverse religious, social,
and cultural environments” around the world (Anker, 1997 p.315). Sexism,
although becoming less acceptable in the U.S., still endures as is evidenced
in organizations by the remaining gap between the sexes in representation at
the highest organizational levels and salary inequality (Meyerson, 2000).
Debra Meyerson, professor at the Center for Gender in Organizations at
the Simmons Graduate School of Management says that in the U.S. women
held approximately 12% of Fortune 500 top positions in 2000 and that men
hold more than 93% of “line office” jobs that eventually lead to top manage-
ment positions. Moreover, according to the National Center for Education
Statistics the median salary in 1997 for women in the U.S. between the ages

Volume 22 Number 1 2003 13

 of 25 to 34 with a bachelor’s degree was about 78% of what their male peers
earned. Additionally, it has been suggested that women are often judged
Exploring The Role
more harshly than men. For example, Martha Stewart, who was accused of
of Machismo
fraud, was vehemently attacked by the media, while Kenneth Lay, who
in Gender
through the Enron scandal left thousands of employees out of work and
Discrimination
practically broke, received less negative press (Cuniberti, 2002).
With the growing number of maquiladoras (defined below) in Mexico
and the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement
(NAFTA), more attention is being placed upon working conditions in Mex-
ico, and in particular gender issues in Mexico are receiving more attention.
Mexico’s maquiladoras have recently been cited for gender-based discrimi-
nation violations of the codes of the International Labor Organization, Inter-
national Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention to
Eliminate All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (Human Rights
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Watch, 1996; Kelson, 2000).

In Mexico, gender discrimination seems to be more blatant than in the
U.S. perhaps due to the fact that Mexican women have less legal protection
than women in the U.S. Along with NAFTA, the North American Agree-
ment on Labor Cooperation (NAALC) has implemented as an agreement
between the governments to dictate economic and labor policies. The
NAALC includes the following principles: 1. Freedom of association and
protection of the right to organize. 2. The right to bargain collectively. 3. The
right to strike. 4. Prohibition of forced labor. 5. Labor protection for children
and young persons. 6. Minimum employment standards. 7. Elimination of
employment discrimination. 8. Equal pay for women and men. 9. Prevention
of occupations injuries and illnesses. 10. Compensation in cases of occupa-
tional injuries and illnesses. 11. Protection of migrant workers. (Kelson,
2000)
Researchers have attempted to explain gender discrimination using
many different socioeconomic rubrics: neoclassical, human capital theo-
ries; institutional and labor market segmentation theories; and non-
economic or feminist/gender theories (Anker, 1997). In his overview of the
usefulness of these various theories for explaining occupational segregation
and pay discrimination based on gender, Anker (1997) indicates that the
gender-based theories have the most explanatory power. More specifically,
Anker (1997) suggests that cross-cultural differences are important predic-
tors of occupational segregation; with cultures that emphasize masculine
role definitions being the most egregious perpetrators.
Mexican Culture, Management Style and Maquiladoras
Maquiladoras
Maquiladoras are facilities engaged in manufacturing and assembly pro-
cesses located in Mexico, mostly along the border with the U.S. (Howell,
Romero, Dorfman, Paul & Bautista, 2003; Miller, Hom, & Gomez-Mejia,

14 Equal Opportunities International

 2001). These facilities are used primarily to take advantage of plentiful low
cost labor (Robertson & Dutkowsky, 2002) and easy access to the U.S. Most Exploring The Role
maquiladoras are operated by U.S. firms (Lindquist, 2001) while the remain- of Machismo
der are operated by multinational firms from other nations such as Taiwan, in Gender
Germany (Solis, Raghu-Nathan, & Rao, 2000.), Korea, and Japan (Paik & Discrimination
Sohn, 1998). As will be discussed below, Maquiladoras are contributing to
the Americanization of the border region.
Mexican Culture and Management Style

An important element of Mexican culture is social hierarchy and harmony.

Mexican organizations generally use top down communication because
Mexicans expect to receive orders yet, this does not usually result in conflict.
Dorfman, Howell, Hibino, Lee, Tate & Bautista (1997) found that leaders in
Mexico are expected to be directive and at the same time avoid conflict.
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Based on similar results, previous researchers (Dorfman & Howell, 1997;

Stephens & Greer, 1995) have characterized Mexican leaders as autocratic
and paternalistic. According to Diaz-Guerrero (1979), Mexican coping style,
the way people manage stress and problems, is principally focused on self-
modification such as passively tolerating stress, problems and other difficul-
ties. The Mexican coping style contributes to social harmony in work groups
and society by reducing external attempts at conflict resolution. Mexicans
can also be described as group oriented. Chemers & Ayman (1985) found
that in Mexico, a leader’s satisfaction with co-workers and supervisors was
positively related to group and individual performance. This finding sug-
gests that successful leaders in Mexico are relationship and group oriented.
Kras (1994) has a similar position, indicating that Mexican managers have a
tendency to be relationship oriented.

Changes in Mexican Culture

There is evidence that Mexican culture is changing due to several factors. In-
gelehart & Caraballo (1997) found that Mexican culture has changed consid-
erably from 1981 to 1990 due to the effect of economic development. One
possible change is an increase in individualism. Hofstede (1983) proposes
that prosperous countries tend to have cultures that are more individualistic
than developed countries. Therefore, as Mexico develops economically, its
culture may develop norms congruent with higher levels of individualism.

Another factor affecting Mexican culture is the integration of women in

the workforce. Muller & Rowell (1997) gave many interesting anecdotal ex-
amples of discrimination faced by women managers in Mexico, but they also
indicate that Mexican women have made substantial gains in securing man-
agement and administrative level positions in Mexico. They characterize fe-
male Mexican managers as delegating responsibilities, encouraging open
communication, supporting employees, using nonabrasive problem solving

Volume 22 Number 1 2003 15

 processes, and prioritizing staff development. It seems possible that female
Mexican managers are contributing to changes in Mexican culture through
Exploring The Role
their involvement in the management of organizations. In addition, Muller
of Machismo
and Rowell (1997) gave examples of husbands taking on some non-
in Gender
traditional roles in supporting their wives’ careers. These changes may ac-
Discrimination
celerate the evolution of the predominant Mexican management approach
from an authoritative style to one that is participative. However, this is not
the only basis of such a change.
Interaction with other cultures is another possible source of change in
Mexican culture and management style. Trade and foreign investment has
increased significantly in the U.S. – Mexico border region (Brouthers,
McCray & Wilkinson, 1999) due in part to Mexico’s economic develop-
ment policies (Sargent & Matthews, 2001).The significant investment in
maquiladoras, for example, has led to intense interaction with American
and other multinational firms, which is contributing to changes in Mexican
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management style. For example, Stephens and Greer (1995) discovered that
Mexican managers working for firms along the U.S. border tend to develop
managerial styles that are similar to those of American managers. Addition-
ally, it is common for Mexicans living on the border to secure their educa-
tion in the United States which makes them thoroughly familiar with
American culture.
Machismo
Machismo is a form of masculinity, which typically has a negative connota-
tion and used to describe how male dominance and superiority are encour-
aged by parents and societal forces (Bilmes, 1992; Mayo & Resnick, 1996).
The term Machismo is a Spanish word usually used pejoratively in describ-
ing an attitude of male dominance and superiority which is legitimized
through patriarchal social systems and reinforced through cultural values
and norms (Bilmes, 1992; Mayo & Resnick, 1996). Latin societies have
been influenced by Roman law, which firmly incorporated males as patri-
archs. Some associate machismo with the repeated rise and fall to political
power of men who are able to dominate other men and women (Wolf & Han-
sen, 1972). For example, the origins of Mexican machismo are thought to be
associated with Spanish conquest (Paz, 1961; Ramos, 1962). The Spanish
word “macho” can also simply signify masculinity and can even be used in a
positive sense, referring to gender pride and identity (Bilmes, 1992). None-
theless, the notorious Latin macho image remains vividly implanted in the
minds of many individuals.
Stevens (1973) is credited with coining the term marianismo as refer-
ring to the stereotypical Latin American female counterpart to machismo.
Marianismo is based on the image of the Virgin Maria and connotes saintli-
ness, submissiveness, and frigidity (Gil & Vasquez, 1996). However, this
concept probably goes back farther than Catholicism, perhaps to the time of
the Spanish Conquest. It may be broadly related to such concepts as the “vic-

16 Equal Opportunities International

 tor and vanquished, master and slave, the head of the house and woman as his
complement, the patriarch and his children” (Mosher, & Tomkins, 1988). Exploring The Role
Marianismo is important due to its limiting and stigmatizing effects on His- of Machismo
panic women, and has a role in perpetuating machismo attitudes. in Gender
Discrimination
For decades, social scientists such as Diaz-Guerrero (1975) have repeat-
edly emphasized that machismo has not only negative elements, but also
positive elements such as self-respect and a sense of responsibility to the
family as provider. Diaz-Guerrero (1979) also emphasizes the “historico-
socioculutral premises (HCSPs)” and discusses machismo in the context of
other Mexican values such as the affiliate obedience, virginity, consent, fear
of authority, family status quo, respect over love (“respeto”—connoting
more emotional and dutifulness than “respect” in English), family unity/
honor (familismo), family harmony or smooth relations (sympatia), indirect
communication, positive emotional expressivity (words of endearment), and
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cultural rigidity (Falicov, 1995)

A segment in this type of research deals with perpetuating stereotypical

images of Latin machismo. In trying to understand the Latin concept of mas-
culinity, generalizations are often made and obviously, these generalized
stereotypes do not apply to all Latin males. Although many people seem to
consider machismo as a purely Latino concept, machismo in the form of os-
tentatious manliness and often sexist attitudes seems to exist in many socie-
ties. For example, many Arab and Asian societies also display machismo. In
Saudi Arabia, women are not allowed to drive, while in Japan women often
are required to quit their jobs when they marry. The machismo attitude has
also been associated with U.S. males ranging from the “tough” cowboy to the
northeastern urban ghetto male (Gilmore, 1990). In both examples, respect is
earned from other men, in part, after a man has established his “tough-guy”
reputation (Gilmore, 1990).

There are different views about this type of masculinity. If masculinity

concepts are highly similar and universal among humans across cultures,
then an argument can be made for the universal or biological roots of mascu-
linity concepts. In this case, companies attempting to develop worldwide
standards for treatment of women will have a somewhat well defined task.
However, if masculinity concepts vary widely across cultures, then an argu-
ment can be made for cultural values as the roots of masculinity. In this case,
companies would have great difficulty incorporating all of the respective
value differences regarding the treatment, hiring, and promotion of women
into a single worldwide policy document. Therefore, an important question
is, are the origins of the masculine gender role innate, learned through cul-
tural values, or some combination of innate and learned? Given the impor-
tance of maquiladoras and other direct investments in Mexico to many
American companies, the purpose of this paper is to explore how the con-
struct of machismo can influence gender discrimination in Mexican and
American cultures.

Volume 22 Number 1 2003 17

 Types of Machismo
Exploring The Role Thomkins (1979) concisely described what he called the “macho personal-
of Machismo ity constellation” using the following three categories: callous sexual atti-
in Gender tudes, violence as manly, and danger as exciting. Similarly, in an effort to
Discrimination clarify the various dimensions of machismo, Andrade (1992) summarizes
four archetypes of machismo which are discussed in the scholarly and popu-
lar literature. These types include the “Conqueror macho”; the “Playboy
macho”; the “Masked macho”; and the “Authentic macho.” Although indi-
viduals may, and probably often have qualities related to more than one of
these categories, these archetypes can be beneficial as a heuristic tool.
The Conqueror macho involves supposed invincibility and extreme
bravery in fearlessly facing dangerous situations. Exaggerated sexual po-
tency has also been linked to this archetype. “Pistorleros” or gunslingers
who seek control over others are classic Conqueror machos. On the negative
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side, this type is often ruthless and bloodthirsty. He is always demanding

more power and placing himself above the law and ethical boundaries of so-
ciety.
It has been argued that this concept of machismo in Mexico has its ori-
gins in the Spanish conquest (Oster, 1989). Some researchers using a
psycho-historical perspective, such as Ramos (1962) and Riding (1985)
claim that the root of Mexican machismo lies in the exploitation of natives
by Spanish conquistadors. The conquistadors, such as Cortes, do appear to
exemplify some aspects of this type of machismo as these men demonstrated
bravery in many dangerous situations where they were vastly outnumbered
in a foreign land.
U. S. history does not have a large-scale conquest similar to Mexico’s,
perhaps because the native population in North America was sparser and
more dispersed. Yet, the American culture also demonstrates this type of
Conqueror macho to a certain degree. The strong and fearless Western Cow-
boy, gangsters, and U. S. film heroes such as Rambo clearly fit this category.
The second archetype is the Playboy macho, which is based on a sense
of a man’s biological, social, and intellectual superiority over females. Ac-
cording to Andrade (1992) researchers who studied the Mexican family,
found strong evidence for this type of machismo. According to this stereo-
type, males are permitted to act in a sexually suggestive manner toward fe-
males and to even abuse them sexually, physically, or mentally. This
attitude of superiority allows men to immerse themselves in pleasurable sen-
sations such as chasing women and committing adultery. Many Latin
American males feel free to have mistresses, which perhaps reflects chau-
vinistic and macho attitudes.
American culture demonstrates similar attitudes, but perhaps to a lesser
degree. An example is this stereotype is U. S. construction worker who
whistles and makes comments to women. Rock stars such as Elvis Presley

18 Equal Opportunities International

 and athletic heroes epitomize this attitude. According to Andrade, Hugh
Heffner, wrote about his philosophy of the playboy in the mid-1960. To the Exploring The Role
Playboy …“a girl is something, like a sports car or a bottle of scotch or an Ivy of Machismo
League suit, that is meant to be used and enjoyed by men” (1992, p. 36). in Gender
The third less common archetype is the Masked macho. This type de- Discrimination
scribes the man who hides his intentions behind a mask through guile and
cunning. This type is often considered a rebel and may have power seeking
tendencies. He is the fighter for oppressed people in society. An example in
Mexican history that seems to fit this macho type is the legendary Pancho
Villa; although some may suggest he had tendencies related to the Playboy
archetype as well. American western heroes such as Billy the Kid and Jesse
James also fit into this category.
Finally, the Authentic macho is the man who simply tries to be a respon-
sible husband and father. This is a more balanced individual who believes in
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honor, respect, strength, dignity, and protection of the family. This corre-
sponds to one of the types of machismo espoused by Mirande (1986) called
the “ethical perspective” which involves earning respect from family and/or
community members. Because they are less exaggerated and less exciting
than other types, this type is not as popularized in legends, literature, and
movies.
According to Andrade (1992), Cuauhtemoc, the last Emperor of the Az-
tec empire, fits this archetype. According to legend, Cuauhtemoc resisted
telling the Spanish conquistador, Cortes, the location of the hidden Aztec
treasure. Even though he was tortured by having his feet burnt by the Span-
iards, and eventually hung, he was able to keep his secret to protect his peo-
ple. Some Mexican American migrant farm workers are also representative
of this archetype in that he accepts his low status in society and responsibly
works with dignity through long and difficult hours in the field. Atticus
Finch, the father in the novel To Kill a Mockingbird, represents an authentic
macho as does Bill Cosby. In the case of the authentic macho, it once again
appears that the masculine archetype is not unique to Latin cultures. There-
fore, it is important to consider the extent to which machismo is a universal
trait evolving across cultural groups. The next section addresses this issue.
Gender Role Differences Across Cultures
In many societies, it is common for males to be very concerned with eco-
nomic achievements, while females are primarily concerned with achieve-
ments related to nurture. Margaret Mead (1962) in an effort to explain gender
role differentiation, states that women across cultures attain “a sense of irre-
versible achievement” in childbirth. Men on the other hand, focus on the role
of provider, builder, and protector to attain a sense of achievement.
Williams and Best (1982) found evidence from their thirty-country study
for the existence of “traits ascribed to men and women.” This cross-cultural
gender trait theory corresponds with the evolutionary psychology view with

Volume 22 Number 1 2003 19

 its biological roots. Adaptations occur when solutions evolve in response to
reproductive and survival tasks. The dominance/submission traits, which
Exploring The Role
are prominent in the psychology of gender, may have their roots in biology.
of Machismo
According to Buss (1991), gender “differences in agency and communion
in Gender
(e.g. men’s greater levels of physical aggressiveness; women’s greater lev-
Discrimination
els of empathy) may stem from the distinct reproductive problems that men
and women have faced in ancestral environments-problems of gaining ac-
cess to mates through intrasexual competition and problems of elevated pa-
rental investment in children.” (p.467)
In Manhood in the Making, David Gilmore (1990) sought to investigate
the existence of a global ideal of masculinity. After discussing many cul-
tures, Gilmore concludes that manhood generally involves pressures to be
the protector, provider and father. Additionally, there is often some form of
masculinity test required to achieve manhood. Examples of such tests in-
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clude hazing as is seen in the U. S. Marines, hunting tasks among the Kung
Bushmen of southwest Africa, and elaborate and painful rituals among the
Pueblo Indians of New Mexico. Similar masculine roles were identified
around the world: in Mediterranean countries such as Spain, Turkey, Mo-
rocco, and Greece; in the South Pacific island of Truk; in the remote Mehi-
naku Indians of Brazil; and in the East and South Asian countries of Japan,
China, and India.
However, Gilmore also found two examples of societies, the Tahitians
of French Polynesia and the Semai of Malaysia, which do not have the usual
notions of masculinity. In Tahiti, women were chiefs, participated in sports
with men, and at times dominated their husbands. There were no cultural
gender rules related to jobs and skills. Men cooked often and showed affec-
tion freely to other males. Grammatically, gender among them is not ex-
pressed in pronouns, because this distinction in describing people is not
considered important. Gilmore (1990, p.201) suggests, “that cultural vari-
ables may outweigh nature in the masculinity puzzle.”
Mead (1935) in Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies, at-
tempted to show the influence of culture on gender roles in describing socie-
ties in which sex roles are extremely different from those typical in Western
civilizations. For example, two New Guinea tribes, the Iatmul and Tcham-
buli, are located in close proximity to each other yet, they demonstrate very
different gender roles. The Iatmul have the typical pattern of male aggres-
siveness and female nurturance. In stark contract, the Tchambuli exhibit a
pattern of female initiative in community matters, while the males are more
submissive and focus on theater and art.
Socialization theories concentrate on scripts or socializing scenes per-
formed by the parents and other societal members in which the acceptable
societal norms are transmitted and reinforced to children (Mosher &
Tomkins, 1988). One extensive, cross-cultural study by Low (1989) investi-
gated socialization in relation to personality across 93 cultures. Support was

20 Equal Opportunities International

 found across cultures for the training of boys to show higher levels of forti-
tude, aggression, and self-reliance than girls. Girls, on the other hand, were Exploring The Role
trained to be more responsible, obedient, and restrained than boys. This study of Machismo
supports a general pattern of uniformity in gender roles cross-culturally. Be- in Gender
cause of the ubiquitous nature of similar general roles across cultures, argu- Discrimination
ments could be made for the biological roots of masculinity. On the other
hand, this study among others also demonstrates the important role of culture
in introducing and reinforcing scripts that teach children “appropriate” gen-
der roles.
Therefore, it appears that the universal perspectives of gender roles de-
scribed in this section do not present an accurate picture of masculinity ef-
fects, or machismo, on social issues such as gender discrimination. The
cultural perspectives of gender roles focus on the unique value systems
within cultures that emphasize the “correctness” of particular ways of acting.
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This perspective seems more valuable in explaining gender differences, and

specifically machismo. Given this conclusion, we now turn to Hofstede’s
(1980) cultural value dimensions in an effort to further elucidate the origins
of machismo and its potential effects.
The Effects of Cultural Variables on Gender Discrimination
Hofstede’s (1980) seminal work has been widely cited in explaining behav-
iors across cultures. Data were obtained from subsidiaries of a large multina-
tional corporation in 40 countries. Over 116,000 questionnaires were
collected from 1967 to 1971 from employees ranging in job level from un-
skilled workers to research scientists. Hofstede proposed the following four
cultural dimensions: masculinity-femininity; power distance; uncertainty
avoidance, and individualism-collectivism. Although subgroups exist in
most cultures, Hofstede claims that with most countries, there are still some
distinguishing values which most average, middle-class inhabitants share,
and that these general value differences are useful when examining cultural
differences.
Masculinity - Femininity
Cultures high in masculinity place an emphasis on material gain and asser-
tiveness, while countries high in femininity emphasize relationships, con-
cern for others, and quality of life. In masculine societies, sex roles are
clearly distinguished with the ideal male behaving assertively and the ideal
female behaving in a nurturing manner. High masculinity cultures are also
known for having a strong father figure in the family, while the position of
the mother figure is supportive. Mexico and the United States are examples
of countries which rated high on masculine values. Scandinavian countries
like Norway tend to be the more feminine and emphasize quality of work life
in their factories. Interestingly, there seems to be more role freedom in femi-
nine cultures. For example, in the Netherlands, it is acceptable for men to stay
home with the children while women work.

Volume 22 Number 1 2003 21

 Hofstede (1980) stated, “The one concept from the anthropological lit-
erature which can be directly associated with masculinity is ‘machismo’…
Exploring The Role
which is usually attributed to Latin American countries, especially Mexico”
of Machismo
(p.289). Masculinity seems to be associated with latitude. Countries with
in Gender
warmer climates, such as those of the Caribbean and the Mediterranean,
Discrimination
tend to have very masculine cultures. Perhaps this is because masculinity is
“more easily maintained in warmer climate in which survival and popula-
tion growth are less dependent on man’s intervention with nature”
(Hofstede, 1980; p.295). Hofstede suggests a greater dependency on tech-
nology for survival in more moderate climates. This necessitates a minimum
level of education and equality among the sexes. A certain level of complex
skills is needed by both men and women for survival in a cooler climate,
which leads to more flexible gender roles.
Hofstede’s (1980) generated scores that indicate degrees of masculinity
with Mexico, Venezuela, and Colombia scoring high on masculinity. Ar-
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gentina and Brazil score in the middle range on masculinity, while Peru and
Chile are more feminine. The U.S. is higher than Argentina and Brazil on
masculinity, but somewhat lower than Mexico, Venezuela, and Colombia.
Table 1 summarizes the masculinity scores of selected countries examined
in Hofstede’s research. This provides empirical support for the contention
that Mexico is somewhat more masculine than the U. S., but it also demon-
strates that the U. S. is also a highly masculine culture. However, the rela-
tively small difference in masculinity scores for the Mexico and U. S. (69
and 62) respectively, indicate that other cultural dimensions may play a role
in the exaggerated machismo that is linked to Mexico.
The earlier arguments advanced in support of the gender role expecta-
tions between men and women in masculine versus feminine cultures sug-
gest that societal expectations for women’s roles in organizations would be
substantially different from those occupied by men. We conclude that
gender-based discrimination will occur more frequently in cultures that are
high in masculinity and low in femininity. Therefore, since Mexico’s culture
is more masculine than the United States’ culture, we expect there to be
more gender-based discrimination in Mexico. Based on these expected dif-
ferences, we offer the following proposition.
P1: Gender-based discrimination will occur more frequently in
Mexico than in the U.S due to higher masculinity in Mexican
culture.
Power Distance
Power distance represents how a culture deals with inequalities among peo-
ple. People in high power distance societies have the belief that everyone has
his or her rightful place in the world. They are not in close contact with peo-
ple above their level in society. Cultures with high power distances accept
large differences in power and wealth. Titles and status are highly valued in
high power distance societies. In these cultures, the powerful are entitled to

22 Equal Opportunities International

 privileges and it is normal for people with power to display it. In these cul-
tures, there is often latent conflict between the powerful and the powerless as Exploring The Role
well as superiors and subordinates. Overall, individuals in these cultures ex- of Machismo
pect and accept inequality. in Gender
Discrimination
TABLE 1
Masculinity Index

Japan 95 Canada 52

Austria 79 Pakistan 50

Venezuela 73 Brazil 49

Italy 70 Singapore 48

Switzerland 70 Israel 47
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Mexico 69 Turkey 45

Ireland 68 Taiwan 45

Great Britain 66 Iran 43

Germany 66 France 43

Philippines 64 Spain 42

Colombia 64 Peru 42

South Africa 63 Thailand 34

U.S.A 62 Portugal 31

Australia 61 Chile 28

New Zealand 58 Finland 26

Greece 57 Denmark 16

Hong Kong 57 Netherlands 14

Argentina 56 Norway 8

India 56 Sweden 5

Belgium 54

*Taken from Hofstede (1980)

On the other hand, individuals in low power distance countries share the
belief that societal inequities should be minimized. Cultures with low power
distances do not accept large differences in power and wealth, and engage in
efforts to minimize inequalities. This does not mean that inequality does not
exist in low power distance societies, it only means that inequality is less tol-
erated. Low power distance countries include the U. S. and Sweden, while

Volume 22 Number 1 2003 23

 high power distance countries include Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia, and
Spain. See Table 2 for power distance scores of selected countries.
Exploring The Role
of Machismo
in Gender Power distance may enhance the effects of masculinity on gender-based
Discrimination discrimination. High power distance could interact with high masculinity to
exacerbate exploitative machismo attitudes. Kelly (1984) proposed that
class differentials, which are related to power distance, play a role in ma-
chismo. He wrote that “To men oppressed by the organization of labor and
misdistribution of social wealth and power in society after society, the dual
order of patriarchal society provide in many…instances the satisfaction of
dominion over women” (Kelly, 1984; p. 61). Pena (1991) also wrote about
the displacement of class conflict through degrading the women in Mexican
folklore.
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TABLE 2
Power Distance Index

Philippines 94

Mexico 81

Venezuela 81

India 77

Brazil 69

Colombia 67

Peru 64

Chile 63

Spain 57

Italy 50

Argentina 49

U.S.A. 40

Netherlands 38

Israel 13

*Taken from Hofstede (1980)

Socioeconomic level may play a role in this situation. Pena (1991) in in-
terviewing Mexican working-class men found that according to one worker,
that charrita coloardas (colored jokes), which often target women, are an
effort “to make light of things for a moment, to forget the problems of life for
a moment -the toil, the struggle” (p.43). Ramos (1962) and Pena (1991) have
suggested that more blatant machismo such as vulgar language and degrada-
tion of women is more common among working-class men than it is among
men in higher levels of society. However, this relationship of lower classes

24 Equal Opportunities International

 to machismo should be viewed with caution, because some cultures have
demonstrated the opposite relationship. Exploring The Role
Based on the literature reviewed so far, we conclude that the power dis- of Machismo
tance moderates the gender-based discrimination effect of masculinity. in Gender
More specifically, greater power distance exacerbates the effect of masculin- Discrimination
ity on gender-based discrimination, such that countries highest in power dis-
tance and masculinity will experience the greatest gender-based
discrimination. Given this conclusion, the following proposition is sug-
gested:
P2: Power distance will moderate (intensifying) the effect of
masculinity on gender-based discrimination. Gender-based
discrimination will be more common and problematic in Mexico
than in the U.S. due to the higher level of power distance in
Mexican culture
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Uncertainty Avoidance
Uncertainty avoidance describes the degree to which ambiguous situations
are perceived as threatening to people and the degree to which they try to
avoid these situations. Uncertainty avoidance strategies include ensuring
more career stability, instituting formal rules, rejecting deviant ideas and be-
havior, and believing in the absolute truths. There is usually more resistance
to change in high uncertainty avoidance countries. This resistance to change
may be related to the continuance of exploitative machismo attitudes in Mex-
ico and elsewhere. High uncertainty avoidance countries include Mexico,
Spain and Japan.
In countries that are categorized as having a higher tolerance for uncer-
tainty, people are more comfortable with ambiguous situations. Change is
not resisted as much as in high uncertainty avoidance cultures. Low uncer-
tainty avoidance countries include the U.S. and India. For example, though
much still remains to be done in the United States (a low uncertainty avoid-
ance culture), companies have gone far toward implementing programs and
practices aimed at eliminating gender-based discrimination.
With regard to gender-based discrimination, the resistance to change as-
sociated with strong uncertainty avoidance may cause programs with stipu-
lations against gender-based discrimination, such as NAFTA, to be
implemented more slowly than in cultures which are less risk averse. Moreo-
ver, this may also partly explain the lag in adoption of such policies by many
Japanese companies (high uncertainty avoidance culture). We expect to see a
find a similar pattern in Mexico. Additionally, masculinity will have a mod-
erating effect on the relationship between uncertainty avoidance and the im-
plementation speed of gender-based discrimination programs. A country
such as Mexico, which is high in masculinity, will be slower to implement
programs directed at reducing or eliminating gender-based discrimination.
As a result, the following propositions are suggested:

Volume 22 Number 1 2003 25

 P3: Companies in Mexico will be slower to implement programs
directed at reducing or eliminating gender-based discrimination
Exploring The Role
than companies in the U.S. because of the higher uncertainty
of Machismo
avoidance in Mexico.
in Gender
Discrimination P4: Companies in Mexico will be slower than American firms in
implementing programs directed at reducing or eliminating
gender-based discrimination due to the moderating effect of
masculinity on the relationship between uncertainty avoidance
and the implementation speed of gender-based discrimination
programs.
Individualism - Collectivism
People in individualistic cultures are more concerned with themselves or
their immediate families (husband, wife, children). In individualist cultures,
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emotional independence of the individual from institutions is emphasized.

An example of a country which rated high on individualism is the United
States
People in collectivist societies are more concerned with their entire in-
group, extended family or organization. Collectivist societies emphasize
conformity and belonging to institutions. Collectivist countries are always
characterized by large power distance, even though individualist countries
do not always have small power distance (Hofstede, 1983). Family support,
harmony and protection of members are values prevalent in collectivist cul-
tures (Hofstede, 1980). Triandis, Marin, Lisansky, & Betancourt (1984)
seem to support this position. Examples of countries which rated low on in-
dividualism are Mexico and Japan.
This dimension may play a role in the machismo socialization process.
In a collectivist culture, there is more emphasis on molding the child to an
ideal versus appreciating the uniqueness of the child. Fitting in and learning
the appropriate gender roles may be emphasized more in a collectivist cul-
ture such as Mexico than in an individualistic culture such as the U. S. In ad-
dition, the need for an appropriate reputation, respect, and acceptance
among male peers may be more important in Mexico.
Consistent with the arguments advanced for the power distance dimen-
sion, it is expected that gender-based discrimination will be more commonly
accepted in highly collectivist cultures, where the existing in-group is a
strong force that is difficult to change. As a result, the implementation of
programs directed at reducing or eliminating gender-based discrimination
are also anticipated to be slower in this environment. Furthermore, mascu-
linity will moderate the relationship between collectivism and implementa-
tion speed of gender-based discrimination, such that cultures highest in
masculinity and collectivism will be the slowest to implement programs di-
rected at gender-based discrimination. Based on these conclusions, the fol-
lowing propositions are suggested:

26 Equal Opportunities International

 P5: Companies in Mexico will be slower, than companies in the U.S.,
to implement programs directed at reducing or eliminating Exploring The Role
gender-based discrimination due to the higher collectivism in of Machismo
Mexican culture. in Gender
P6: Companies in Mexico will be slower than American firms in Discrimination
implementing programs directed at reducing or eliminating
gender-based discrimination due to the moderating effect of
masculinity on the relationship between collectivism and the
implementation speed of gender-based discrimination programs.
Discussion
The construct of machismo appears to be related to sexist attitudes associated
with gender-based discrimination. However, as demonstrated by the review
of the literature on the universal perspective described in this paper, inade-
quate evidence exists to consider these outcomes simply as a result of bio-
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logical or evolutionary forces. Instead, the very strong effects of cultural

values are paramount in defining societal expectations about gender roles
both inside and outside of the workplace.
The implications of these propositions are important for U.S. companies
expanding into Mexico. As companies attempt to discourage gender-based
discrimination within the workplace, they will need to be sensitive to the
dominant cultural values of the respective regions within which they operate.
Moreover, planning for program implementation and expectations about the
results of programs directed at decreasing or eliminating gender-based dis-
crimination must be based upon the respective culture’s stance on these cul-
tural dimensions. Finally, important implications exist for expatriate or
transpatriate female managers assigned to Mexico. It is critical for them to
realize, and for their companies to prepare them to adapt to the differing so-
cietal expectations about women’s roles within the location they will be serv-
ing so that they are able to both interact effectively within the workplace and
exist safely and comfortably in the society. We have attempted to further ex-
pand the dialogue on the relationships between the construct of machismo
and gender-based discrimination. It is hoped that future researchers will seek
to develop an even fuller understanding about these complex relationships.

Volume 22 Number 1 2003 27

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