Meaningful Consideration?

A Review of Traditional Knowledge in Environmental Decision

Making
Author(s): Stephen C. Ellis
Source: Arctic, Vol. 58, No. 1 (Mar., 2005), pp. 66-77
Published by: Arctic Institute of North America
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40512668
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 ARCTIC

VOL. 58, NO. 1 (MARCH 2005) P. 66-77

Meaningful Consideration? A Review of Traditional Knowledge

in Environmental Decision Making
STEPHEN C. ELLIS1

(Received 19 December 2003; accepted in revised form 28 July 2004)

ABSTRACT. In Canada's Northwest Territories, governments, industrial corporations, and other organizations have tried man
strategies to promote the meaningful consideration of traditional knowledge in environmental decision making, acknowledg
that such consideration can foster more socially egalitarian and environmentally sustainable relationships between hum
societies and Nature. These initiatives have taken the form of both "top-down" strategies (preparing environmental governa
authorities to receive traditional knowledge) and "bottom-up" strategies (fostering the capacity of aboriginal people to b
traditional knowledge to bear in environmental decision making). Unfortunately, most of these strategies have had only margin
beneficial effects, primarily because they failed to overcome certain significant barriers. These include communication barr
arising from the different languages and styles of expression used by traditional knowledge holders; conceptual barriers, stemmin
from the organizations' difficulties in comprehending the values, practices, and context underlying traditional knowledge; a
political barriers, resulting from an unwillingness to acknowledge traditional-knowledge messages that may conflict with th
agendas of government or industry. Still other barriers emanate from the co-opting of traditional knowledge by non-aborig
researchers and their institutions. These barriers help maintain a power imbalance between the practitioners of science
European- style environmental governance and the aboriginal people and their traditional knowledge. This imbalance fosters
rejection of traditional knowledge or its transformation and assimilation into Euro-Canadian ways of knowing and doing.

Key words: traditional knowledge, environment, aboriginal, governance, power, Northwest Territories, policy, management

RÉSUMÉ. Dans les Territoires du Nord-Ouest du Canada, les gouvernements, les sociétés industrielles et autres organisati
ont essayé de nombreuses stratégies pour promouvoir une prise en considération sérieuse du savoir traditionnel dans le proce
décisionnel visant l'environnement, reconnaissant qu'une telle prise en considération peut favoriser des relations plus égalitai
sur le plan social et plus durables sur le plan écologique entre les sociétés humaines et la Nature. Ces initiatives ont pris la fo
de stratégies «descendantes» (préparant les autorités de gouvernance environnementale à accepter le savoir traditionnel) e
stratégies «ascendantes» (favorisant la capacité des Autochtones à peser sur la prise de décisions visant l'environneme
Malheureusement, la plupart de ces stratégies n'ont eu que des effets bénéfiques marginaux, en raison surtout de leur éch
surmonter certains obstacles cruciaux, dont les entraves à la communication, nées de la diversité des langues et styles d'expres
propres aux détenteurs de savoir traditionnel; les obstacles d'ordre conceptuel, issus des difficultés qu'ont les organisations à sa
les valeurs, les pratiques et le contexte sous-jacents au savoir traditionnel; et les obstacles politiques, découlant du manqu
volonté à reconnaître les messages du savoir traditionnel qui pourraient être incompatibles avec les plans du gouvernement o
l'industrie. Il y a aussi d'autres obstacles émanant de la cooptation du savoir traditionnel par les chercheurs non autochtones e
leurs institutions. Ces barrières contribuent à maintenir un déséquilibre de pouvoirs entre, d'un côté, les adeptes de la scienc
de la gouvernance environnementale de style européen, et de l'autre, les Autochtones et leur savoir traditionnel. Ce déséquilib
favorise le rejet du savoir traditionnel ou sa transformation et assimilation à la façon d'apprendre et de faire euro-canadienn

Mots clés: savoir traditionnel, environnement, autochtone, gouvernance, pouvoir, Territoires du Nord-Ouest, politique, gestio

Traduit pour la revue Arctic par Nésida Loyer.

INTRODUCTION of its acknowledged connection with environment

sustainability and the empowerment of marginalized p
ples, it has been variously analyzed, systemized, a
Traditional knowledge, broadly defined as a cumulative,
collective body of knowledge, experience, and incorporated
values held into a myriad of environmental decision
making
by societies with a history of subsistence (Zamparo, processes. These include environmental ass
1996;
ment
Huntington, 1998; Berkes et al., 2000), has been (Stevenson, 1996; Wiles et al., 1999), land-claim a
promi-
treatyman-
nent in the discourse surrounding land and resource entitlement processes (Freeman, 1976; Teed, 200
agement and decision making for about 20 years.wildlife management (Usher, 1987; Gunn et al., 19
Because

1 Lutsël K'é, Northwest Territories XOE 1A0, Canada; present address: 3428 State Hwy 14N, Cerrillos, New Me
stevecellis@yahoo.com
© The Arctic Institute of North America

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 TK IN ENVIRONMENTAL DECISION MAKING • 67

and land-use regulation (Duerden and Kuhn, 1998). A

environmental decision-making processes. In response,
variety of strategies have been used in an attemptfederal and territorial government departments and indus-
to bring
trial corporations
traditional knowledge into these processes. Questions re- with environmental interests, in their
main, however, concerning the success of these policies,
diverse have officially recognized the importance of
approaches. traditional knowledge. They have also initiated programs
Impetus for the incorporation of traditional and procedures with the express purpose of introducing
knowledge
into environmental decision making comes traditional
from two knowledge into their environmental decision-
making processes
sources. Firstly, some western theorists, researchers, and (GNWT, 1993; BHPB, 2001; De Beers
Canada
aboriginal peoples perceive traditional knowledge to Mining
be a Inc., 2002; INAC, 2003).
means of informing sustainable living and environmental
This paper reviews strategies for bringing traditional knowl-
management practices (Sillitoe, 1998; Berkes et al.,into
edge 2000;environmental decision-making processes, focus-
Agrawal, 2002). By employing traditional knowledge,
ing on theitcase is of the NWT. It describes government, industry,
thought, a greater breadth and depth of environmental
and other organizational strategies for linking traditional
information can be brought to bear, along with a more
knowledge and environmental governance and critiques them,
drawing
holistic understanding of the relationships amongst upon my own and others' experiences with such
living
strategies
beings and their environments (Huntington, 2000). It during
is their implementation. This critique will
proposed that traditional knowledge, either on its own or
assess the strategies in light of the two instrumental purposes
in conjunction with science, can greatly aid in of
predicting
promoting traditional knowledge in environmental deci-
and preventing the potential environmental impacts
sion making: of a) ensuring that traditional knowledge has a real
development, as well as informing wise land-use
influenceand
on environmental decision making, and b) empow-
resource management. Proponents of traditional eringknowl-
aboriginal people in environmental governance proc-
edge maintain that it can offer contributions to esses. It will identify and explore successes and deficiencies
environ-
mental decision making from a broader scope of evident in the strategies with regard to realizing these two
environmental values, practices, and knowledge. goals, and in the case of deficiencies, will consider the
Secondly, aboriginal groups have supported and pro- beginnings of solutions.
moted discussion around traditional knowledge in the
interest of aboriginal empowerment (Legat, 1 99 1 ; Martinez,
1994; Agrawal, 2002). Environmental decision making THE APPLICATION OF TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE

has historically been the domain of government bureau-

crats and managers trained in the scientific tradition, who Practical methods for encouraging the use of tradit
may have little understanding of the cultural context in knowledge in environmental decision-making proces
which aboriginal people live. With the advent of increased generally fall into two archetypical categories. The
self-determination in many regions (e.g., land claims, category includes those methods that are based on
treaty entitlement settlements), aboriginal people are seek- official recognition of traditional knowledge, followe
ing to increase their role in environmental decision mak- the development of rules of procedure for the use of
ing, particularly as it directly concerns their traditional knowledge by institutions of authority. In this "top-d
lands (Purcell and Onjoro, 2002). By promoting the recog- approach, the structures of governance are constructe
nition and use of their traditional knowledge in environ- accommodate traditional knowledge, but the knowle
mental governance, aboriginal people necessarily advocate itself is not fostered or sought out. The second cate
an increased role for the holders of traditional knowledge. increases the capacity of aboriginal people to bring t
tional knowledge to bear on policies and procedur
The theory is that an increase in role will empower aborigi-
nal people (Legat, 1991). Aboriginal people will have a governance and regulation. This "bottom-up" approa
greater capacity to contribute to, and thus exert control characterized by initiatives designed to encourage
over, decisions pertaining to their traditional lands. learning and transmission of traditional knowledge a
The Northwest Territories (NWT) of Canada serve as a community level, as well as developing the means
good forum for an examination and evaluation of strate- communicate this knowledge within the structures
gies and techniques that have been, and continue to be, processes of environmental governance.
employed to bring traditional knowledge into environ- These methodological approaches are not mutually
mental decision making. The promotion of traditional clusive, and indeed need to be considered in concert if the
knowledge in environmental decision making has been use of traditional knowledge in environmental decision
particularly prominent in the NWT, where aboriginal peo- making is to be fostered successfully. Creating policies
ple form a majority of the population and maintain close and procedures for the inclusion of traditional knowledge
in institutions of authority is a fruitless endeavour if
relationships with their traditional lands. Aboriginal or-
ganizations in the NWT, as well as certain Euro-Canadian aboriginal groups do not have the capacity to develop or
theorists and researchers, have applied significant pres-transmit their knowledge. Likewise, promoting the capac-
sure upon government and industry in an effort to ensure ity to develop and transmit traditional knowledge in the
that traditional knowledge is incorporated into NWT interest of decision making is largely ineffective if the

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68 • S.C. ELLIS

Sometimes,
structures of governance are not prepared to receive this if a proposed project is deemed likely to
have significant adverse effects on the environment, the
type of knowledge. The agents of government and industry
MVLWB
in the NWT have implemented these two approaches in recommends it to the MVEIRB for an environ-
various policies, programs, and procedures. mental assessment. Aboriginal groups are able to declare
themselves as interveners in an environmental assessment
The Top-Down Approach and can thus participate in a number of processes, includ-
ing the development of terms of reference, a conformity
The top-down approach is employed primarily by check of the proponent's environmental assessment re-
those
port,
agencies with the power to regulate and legislate. Indian a formal information request period, technical ses-
and
Northern Affairs Canada (INAC), the federal departmentsions, and public hearings. If the MVEIRB is satisfied that
with legislative and policy authority over Crown land a proposed
and development will have minimal negative envi-
natural resources in the NWT, ultimately regulatesronmental
and ad- impact, it is then referred back to the MVLWB
for the issuance of permits and licences, usually with
ministers most resource-development activities. According
recommendations for terms and conditions of approval
to the department's principles for sustainable development,
(MVEIRB, 2003).
INAC must exercise its authority in a way that maintains
respect for diverse cultures and traditional values and The MVRMA regulatory process purports to consider
pro-
vides fair and equitable opportunities for aboriginal peoples.
traditional knowledge in three primary ways. Firstly, aborigi-
Decisions must be based on the best available scientific,
nal groups potentially affected by a proposed development
traditional, and local knowledge (INAC, 2003). INAC is recommendations substantiated by traditional
can make
responsible for developing and implementing the great ma-
knowledge through the pre-screening process or as interveners.
Secondly,
jority of the top-down initiatives meant to foster the inclusion aboriginal representatives comprise half the mem-
of traditional knowledge in the regulation of land and bers
water
of the MVLWB and the MVEIRB . These representatives
use in the NWT. can evaluate and review a proposed project using the values,
The most evident of these initiatives has been the information, and experience that stem from the traditional
overhauling of the regulatory process through the settle- of their people. Thirdly, aboriginal groups are
knowledge
ment of land claims and the Mackenzie Valley Resource
able to make statements and presentations at technical ses-
Management Act (MVRMA). Responsibility for review-
sions and public hearings. In all these processes, ostensibly,
concerns
ing and approving land-use permit and water licence and recommendations stemming from traditional
appli-
cations in the NWT lies with regional co-management
knowledge are considered fully and equally with those based
on science.
boards and two pan-territorial co-management boards: the
Mackenzie Valley Land and Water Board (MVLWB) TheandGovernment of the Northwest Territories (GNWT)
the Mackenzie Valley Environmental Impact Review hasBoard
also taken the top-down approach to encourage the use
(MVEIRB). Land and water use applications are reviewed
of traditional knowledge in environmental decision mak-
following procedures that are unique in Canada. ing. While the territorial government has little jurisdiction
over land and resources in the NWT compared to the
Resource development proponents submit applications
federal government, it does exercise regulatory power
for land-use permits and water licences to the MVLWB.
over
The board then distributes these applications to all permits for wildlife research and exploitation. Ac-
poten-
tially affected aboriginal groups, typically, aboriginal
cording to the GNWT policy on traditional knowledge, the
territorial government "recognizes that aboriginal tradi-
groups with communities or traditional land-use interests
tional knowledge is a valid and essential source of infor-
near the proposed development. This is the "pre-screen-
ing" process (MVEIRB, 2003), which typicallymation gives about the natural environment and its resources,
the use
aboriginal groups 30 to 45 days to provide comments andof natural resources, and the relationship of people
recommendations to the board concerning the proposed
to the land and to each other, and will incorporate tradi-
development. Once the time for pre-screening hastional knowledge into government decisions and action
elapsed,
where appropriate" (GNWT, 1993). In applying this policy
the board reviews the applications, consults with technical
to the on
experts, and either approves or rejects the applications review of wildlife research permits, the GNWT
the basis of their economic and environmental merits. requires applicants to consult with the appropriate authori-
ties in
Sometimes hearings are held to seek public input into a aboriginal communities near the proposed study
area.isIn order to be positively considered for a wildlife
review: this typically occurs when a proposed project
deemed to be of significance to the general populace.
research permit, applicants must provide a recommenda-
tion
Finally, the Minister of INAC, whose department has theform signed by the appropriate aboriginal authorities
ultimate authority on land and resource use, must sign (GNWT,
off 2003). In theory, aboriginal groups have the
all decisions made by the board. Once granted ministerial
discretion to apply their traditional knowledge in deciding
approval, proponents receive the relevant permits whether
and to provide a recommendation to the GNWT con-
licences for their proposed development, often with at- a particular research permit.
cerning
Industrial corporations have also implemented top-
tached conditions and restrictions as determined by the
board. down approaches to fostering traditional knowledge in

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 TK IN ENVIRONMENTAL DECISION MAKING • 69

environmental decision making. Diavik Diamond Mines resources to aboriginal groups for this purpose,
providing
Inc., as a requirement of its environmental agreement through such
(a initiatives as the Interim Resource Manage-
legal instrument currently required of the diamond ment Assistance program and the Environmental Capacity
indus-
try in the NWT), has adopted a top-down approach to Initiative, as well as through funds to sup-
Development
promoting traditional knowledge in its management port local
of Lands and Environment Committee activities.
environment issues. Diavik has established an Environ- These types of funding programs do not specifically serve
mental Monitoring Advisory Board (EMAB) composed to increase
of the capacity of aboriginal people to bring
traditional knowledge into environmental decision mak-
representatives from the federal and territorial govern-
ments, Diavik, and aboriginal communities affected by ing.the
However, the theory is that increasing the general
mine development. This board is responsible for, among capacity of aboriginal groups to participate in these proc-
esses will naturally promote traditional knowledge.
other things, the provision of meaningful roles for aborigi-
nal people in the monitoring, management, and regulation The second thrust of the bottom-up approach seeks to
of the Diavik mine. Aboriginal members of the EMAB foster
can traditional knowledge at the community level. This
thrust does not promote the use of traditional knowledge in
make recommendations based upon their traditional knowl-
environmental decision-making processes directly, but
edge to regulatory authorities and to the mining company,
rather
advocate for traditional knowledge studies relevant to the indirectly, by seeking to ensure that traditional
knowledge is available for such purposes. Aboriginal
mine, and generally serve as the voice of their people
people in the NWT are keenly aware that, if their tradi-
(DDMI, 2001). Diavik has built a structure whereby tradi-
tional knowledge can theoretically gain entry intotional
the knowledge is not used, documented, or otherwise
decision-making process. encouraged, it will soon become an artifact of the past.
Another top-down approach employed by industry Elders
is are passing away, and much of their knowledge is
exemplified in the preparation of the environmental notas-being transmitted to younger generations (Gwich'in
sessment report for the Snap Lake Diamond Project. De and Raydorogetsky , 1 997). This second thrust seeks
Elders
Beers Canada Mining Inc., the project proponent, hastobeen
conserve and promote existing traditional knowledge,
navigating the environmental assessment process in as well
the as to cultivate socio-cultural initiatives that ensure
it will be passed on and continue to evolve. Aboriginal
hopes of receiving the land-use permits and water licence
necessary for mine production. The terms of referencegroups
for are using resources accessed through governments,
industry, and research organizations for this purpose.
this report state that "Traditional knowledge shall be given
full and equal consideration to that of western science." InTo
a statement to the Legislative Assembly of the GNWT,
the Honourable Jim Antoine said that the Department of
do this, De Beers constructed a framework for the incorpo-
Resources, Wildlife and Economic Development "has em-
ration of traditional knowledge into its environmental
assessment report. This framework established that barked
tradi- on a process designed to rebuild capacity in the
traditional
tional knowledge was to be used by De Beers to identify or economy. Training programs targeting
youth... have been developed to teach trapping and tradi-
confirm valued ecosystem components and environmental
tional life skills" (Antoine, 2002). Programs such as the
issues in the Snap Lake area, identify alternative project
Community Harvester Assistance Program and the Western
designs, and develop mitigation measures for environ-
mental impacts (De Beers Canada Mining Inc., 2002). Harvesters Assistance Program provide subsidies to aborigi-
nal land users to help them purchase the equipment and
The Bottom-Up Approach supplies they need to engage in traditional harvesting activi-
ties. Such subsidies help ensure that traditional knowledge is
The top-down approach to the incorporation of tradi- continually being updated through people's experiences on
tional knowledge into environmental governance describedthe land. Other programs provide funding for on-the-land
above is of little use if traditional knowledge cannot be
activities, such as elder-youth camps, and cultural activities,
accessed and is not forthcoming. Many organizationssuch thusas hunting trips and spiritual gatherings.
employ a bottom-up approach to increase the capacityAs ofa condition of its environmental agreement with the
aboriginal people to bring traditional knowledge to bearfederal
on and territorial governments, BHP Billiton Dia-
policies and procedures of governance. In the NWT, monds
this Inc. (BHPB) was required to "...incorporate all
approach has largely been a development exercise with available traditional knowledge in the Environmental Plans
and Programs..." and "...give all available traditional
two primary thrusts: the first seeks to increase aboriginal
groups' means to participate in environmental decision knowledge full consideration along with scientific knowl-
making, while the second strives to maintain, cultivate,edge..." (IEMA, 2001). BHPB thus provides resources to
and indirectly promote traditional knowledge in theaboriginal
com- organizations for traditional knowledge stud-
munities. The first thrust is typically implemented byies,
the particularly traditional land-use mapping based on
provision of funds to aboriginal groups to participate Geographic
in Information Systems. De Beers Canada Min-
environmental decision-making processes, such as public ing Inc., prompted by similar requirements in the terms of
hearings and environmental assessments. The federal reference
and for environmental assessment of its Snap Lake
territorial governments have been the primary agencies Diamond Project, provided funding for a comprehensive

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70 • S.C. ELLIS

elders' assessment of the proposed mining project (LKDFN The incorporation of traditional knowledge into envi
and Ellis, 2002; De Beers Canada Mining Inc., 2002). ronmental decision making, however, is not an automati
One goal of research initiatives such as the result West of aboriginal participation in these processes. This
Kitikmeot Slave Study is to generate and document because
tradi- the structures and procedures of environmenta
tional knowledge for use in environmental decision mak-
governance are very much entrenched in the Euro-Cana-
ing (WKSS, 2001). These initiatives encourage aboriginal
dian cultural tradition of decision making, even though
groups to map traditional land use and record oralthey histo-allow for aboriginal people to participate within th
ries, legends, myths, and knowledge about the wildlife,confines of this tradition (Cizek, 1990; Kuhn et al., 1994
plants, and geography in their traditional territories. Such 2001). Environmental governance in the NWT i
Simpson,
studies typically employ local aboriginal people versed in
typically discussed at meetings and workshops organize
their native language to conduct interviews and record the
by boards and committees. Language in these meetings
stories of elders and other land users on a variety of and workshops can be rife with technical and scientific
topics,
from traditional ways of living to the biology andterms behav-(Bielawski, 2003; MVEIRB, 2004). Such discus-
iour of specific animal species. Two examples sions, are the based on written documents and correspondence in
Traditional Ecological Knowledge in the Kache Tué Studyhave few analogues within cultures immersed in
English,
Region project (LKDFN et al., 2001) and the Dogrib traditional knowledge, where oral communication in na-
Traditional Knowledge Project (Dogrib Treaty 1 1tive Coun-
languages is the norm. The decisions they produce are
cil, 2001). often based upon Euro-Canadian value systems and scien-
While by no means a complete enumeration, thetific previ-
evidence, whereas in traditional-knowledge cultures,
ous examples from the NWT provide an overview of the
they are often based on experience (Goulet, 1998). Conse-
types of policies, programs, and procedures used to pro- traditional knowledge experts (often elders) rarely
quently,
mote the consideration of traditional knowledge in haveenvi-
much understanding of environmental decision-mak-
ronmental decision making. Together, the top-down ing procedures,
and let alone the material discussed as evi-
bottom-up approaches have as ultimate objectives dence the use in meetings and workshops, which limits their
of traditional knowledge to influence environmental deci-
ability to contribute meaningfully. To illustrate, Kruse et
sion making and the empowerment of aboriginal people in provide evidence that aboriginal representatives
al. (1998)
environmental governance. But how effective have they
on co-management boards do not report the outcomes
been at accomplishing these objectives? from meetings back to their communities because they
lack understanding about what was discussed.

A CRITIQUE OF TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE The Specialization of Environmental Decision Making

IN PRACTICE

Environmental governance in the NWT is embedded in

The critique begins by specifically considering thetradi-
Euro-Canadian traditions of science and decision mak-
tional knowledge policies in the NWT. As Paci ing, et al.
inclining aboriginal governments to designate indi-
(2002) and Usher (2000) effectively demonstrate, theseversed in these concepts and methods to be their
viduals
policies, while well-intentioned and comparatively pro-
representatives in environmental discussion. Aboriginal
gressive, consistently lack either direction or common
people who have gone to college and who thus may
agreement on what traditional knowledge is, what kind of the conventional discourse surrounding envi-
comprehend
information it provides, and how it can be accessed and governance are often appointed to such roles.
ronmental
brought into environmental governance processes. Tradi-even people with a Western higher education
However,
tional knowledge policy requirements provide virtually
may haveno difficulties. Environmental governance discus-
guidance for implementation. As a result, organizations
sions are usually very specialized in nature, requiring
are left to interpret and implement these policies as theyin such fields as biology, hydrology, geology,
expertise
see fit. law, and engineering. An individual must have expertise
In fact, policy actualization is typically left up toexperience
and abo- in such technical disciplines to compre-
riginal participants. Many agencies perceive the participa-
hend and meaningfully participate in environmental deci-
tion of aboriginal people in environmental governancesion-making discussions. Aboriginal people with such
specialization
processes as constituting consideration of traditional knowl- are rare in the NWT. When interviewed,
edge (Duerden and Kuhn, 1998). It is fairly assumed that
eight aboriginal leaders from across the NWT stated that it
aboriginal people understand the nature and utility of
is often difficult to find people who are recognized as
having
traditional knowledge and thus are best suited to bring traditional knowledge and are also technically able
this
knowledge into environmental decision making.toConse- participate in environmental governance processes
quently, aboriginal participants in environmental(Barnaby
govern- et al., 2003b).
ance processes are frequently expected to bring forward As a result, aboriginal governments often hire non-abo-
traditional knowledge and interpret it in the context of
riginal scientific experts to represent them in processes of
discussion at hand (Barnaby et al., 2003b). environmental governance, particularly in the typically very

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 TK IN ENVIRONMENTAL DECISION MAKING • 71

specialized public hearings and technical sessions.inserted the word "ammonia" into their translations when
Bielawski
referring
(2003) noticed this trend in 1996 while participating to the chemical in question. After the hearing,
in public
hearings concerning BHP Billiton Diamonds Inc.'one of the interpreters (B. Catholique, pers. comm. 2002)
s applica-
explained
tion for a water licence, and it was echoed at public hearingsthat the elders were quite confused during this
held in 2003 for the environmental assessment of presentation,
the Snap as they understood the mine water effluent to
be "infected
Lake Diamond Project (MVEIRB, 2003). The majority of with pneumonia."
These challenges
such scientific experts have an extremely limited capacity to mean that traditional knowledge ex-
contribute traditional knowledge to environmentalperts often receive translations during environmental de-
decision-
making processes. cision-making discussions that are oversimplified or even
This is not to suggest that aboriginal groupsincorrect.
employ Nonetheless, they are expected to contribute
only non-aboriginal scientific experts as their representa- to environmental governance proceedings
meaningfully
tives in environmental governance processes. Foron the basis of these translations. Interpreters are then
exam-
ple, the Lutsël K'é Dene First Nation was predominantlythe challenge of communicating the statements
faced with
of traditional
represented by community elders at the public hearings for knowledge experts to an English-speaking
audience.
the Snap Lake Diamond Project (MVEIRB, 2003). Some To do so, they must have a sophisticated under-
standing
aboriginal organizations will still attempt to incorporateof traditional knowledge and be able to commu-
their traditional knowledge into these processesnicate this knowledge effectively to those unfamiliar with
by desig-
its nuances and concepts. They must also transmit the
nating elders and other land users as their representatives
meaning
in public hearings and technical sessions. However, theof terms and concepts that are unique to the
effective transmission of traditional knowledge relevant aboriginal language. Thus it is often the case that
in these
forums remains very challenging. the contributions of traditional knowledge experts heard
by government or industry representatives are perceived
The Importance of Language and Translation as simplistic or even incomprehensible (Barnaby et al.,
2003b). The dialogue between science and traditional
Initial challenges simply have to do with knowledge
language.is so hampered by fundamental differences in
concept and
Most elders and other traditional knowledge experts are language that effective communication be-
comfortable only when communicating orallycomes extremely difficult (Goulet, 1998).
in their
native languages (Colorado, 1988). As a result, most
traditional knowledge experts can participate in The Role of Metaphor
environ-
mental governance discussions only through interpreters.
These interpreters, in the NWT, are commonly aboriginal Even when traditional knowledge is effectively trans-
professionals who are versed in both English and mitted through superb oratory and translation efforts,
a native
language. They must understand the highly technical participants
dis- in environmental decision-making processes
cussions of science and then translate them understand- may have difficulties comprehending this knowledge (just
as traditional knowledge experts have trouble understand-
ably into aboriginal languages. To be completely effective,
ing scientific communications). Traditional knowledge
an interpreter must first be familiar with relevant technical
fields in order to understand scientific terms and concepts statements can be difficult to interpret and confusing for
such as "eutrophication" and "watershed management."those not familiar with aboriginal styles of communica-
This is possible only if the interpreter has had considerable tion. They are often communicated in ways that are foreign
and often quite specific training in the range of relevant to conventional scientific style, using metaphor, analogy,
technical fields. Interpreters also need both a sophisticatedand myth to transmit cultural values or information. Petitot
understanding of the traditional language and training in (1976) and Blondin (1990) documented many such com-
interpretation. The latter is a highly specialized skill re-munications in the form of stories from various aboriginal
quiring substantial education. Such a combination is un- peoples in the NWT.
derstandably rare. Traditional knowledge experts draw from a broad range
The above problem is compounded by the fact that of knowledge and experience when communicating. Envi-
aboriginal languages have no words for such scientific ronmental knowledge, cultural values, history, politics,
concepts as "eutrophication" and "watershed manage- and the broad concerns and aspirations of their people may
ment." Even if an interpreter understands these terms, often inform the speech of an elder or other land user
translating them for traditional knowledge experts is ex- participating in an environmental hearing or technical
tremely difficult, if not impossible (Legat, 199 1 ; Martinez,session. Such speakers rarely limit themselves to a specific
1994). In one telling episode during public hearings for topic,
a but rather provide holistic analyses and broad state-
proposed expansion of the Ekati Diamond mine, the pro-ments (Snowshoe, 1977; Roue and Nakashima, 2002). An
account by elder Morris Lockhart in a public hearing
ponent' s technical experts gave a presentation concerning
levels of ammonia in mine water effluent (MVLWB, concerning an expansion of the Ekati Diamond Mine
2002). There being no equivalent word for or description (MVLWB, 2002) covered many subjects, including his
of ammonia in aboriginal languages, interpreters simply personal history, aboriginal identity and values, the colonial

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72 • S.C. ELLIS

stripped
experience, and previous industrial developments and theirof the characteristics that make it traditional
(Agrawal, 1995; Simpson, 2001).
impacts upon his people and the land. He effectively
In the
outlined the values and concerns of his people around the NWT, most provisions for including traditional
knowledge in environmental decision making involve
proposed expansion in terms of his people's traditional
knowledge and experiences. Not once, however,"scientized"
did he traditional knowledge (Cizek, 1990;
even mention the particular development with which Stevenson,
the 1996; Zamparo, 1996). Such information typi-
hearing was concerned. Consequently, much of his cally consists of empirical observations made by elders
mes-
sage was lost on some of the government and industry and other land users that answer who, what, when, and
representatives at the hearing. A few questioned the where questions. Land-use and occupancy research, which
rel-
evance of the elder's statement, commenting aloud that is the
themost common forum for introducing traditional
development in question was not addressed. Others, knowledge
who into environmental decision making (Kuhn et
understood its relevance and listened with interest, al.,may
1994), reduces traditional knowledge to points or
still have been at a loss, as there was a complete polygons
absence on a map denoting a person's name, an activity,
of questions after the elder' s presentation. Bielawskia(2003)
time period, and a location, data that are easily amenable
noticed the same difficulty in dealing with elders' com-
to scientific manipulation and analysis (Duerden and Kuhn,
ments during the regulatory process surrounding the1998; Tobias, 2000). The "scientization" of traditional
initial
Ekati Diamond Mine hearings in 1996, as did Nadasdy
knowledge is also demonstrated in climate-change re-
(1999) during resource co-management meetings.search (Riedlinger and Berkes, 2001), resource manage-
ment (Freeman, 1992), and environmental assessment (De
The Scientization of Traditional Knowledge Beers Canada Mining Inc., 2002).
Credibility also tends to be given to traditional knowl-
This brings us to another fundamental problem with edgethewhen it compares favorably with observations and
top-down approach. Notions outside the realm ofexplanations
science generated by scientific means (Sillitoe, 1998;
Raffles, 2002). Cruikshank (1981) examined the oral tra-
and Euro-Canadian values are often considered unworthy
of serious discussion in environmental decision-making
ditions of aboriginal peoples in the Yukon, looking for
processes (Colorado, 1988). Traditional knowledgeareasis of-of convergence between their legends and known
ten seen as legitimate only when it has been adapted geological
to the data. She discovered concurrence between abo-
specialized narrative of science (Mauro and Hardison,riginal narratives concerning great floods and geological
2000; Simpson, 2001; Agrawal, 2002; Raffles, 2002). evidence pointing to the existence of ice-dammed lakes in
Traditional knowledge perceived as directly relevant the region,
to consequently lending credence to the oral
conventional environmental governance is most often traditions.
in- In other cases, science will accept traditional
corporated into the decision-making process. However,knowledge only if it helps bolster existing and established
knowledge that may seem to be irrelevant to the scientific
task of doctrines (Deloria, 1997). An example is the
Western-style environmental decision making, like perceived
the caribou crisis in the eastern Arctic during the
statements of Morris Lockhart at the Ekati expansion early 1980s. Biologists, on the basis of results from scien-
public hearing, is commonly ignored. tific aerial censuses, warned that caribou populations in
The step whereby knowledge deemed amenablethe to region
en- were seriously depleted and overhunted. Inuit
vironmental decision making is separated from otherland users in the region disputed this contention, asserting
knowl-
that variable seasonal caribou movements had resulted in
edge is the first in a process that Agrawal (2002) describes
as "scientization," which involves distinguishing deficient
the de- census results. To resolve the issue, more aerial
censuses were conducted, which resulted in a dramatic
scriptive from the analytic, the anecdotal from the system-
atic, and the mythic from the factual (Raffles, 2002). increase
Thein caribou population estimates (Freeman, 1989).
second step in this process involves testing and validating Only then was the traditional knowledge of the Inuit land
relevant knowledge using scientific criteria. The criteria users acknowledged to be valid.
most often applied are replicability, rationality, rigour, Conversely, when traditional knowledge is not substan-
and universality. Direct, empirical, and preferablytiated by scientific methods, results, and conclusions, it is
quanti-
fiable information most easily satisfies these criteria;commonly
there- ignored or discarded (Raffles, 2002). Accord-
fore, the aspects of traditional knowledge that have ingthese
to Deloria (1997), traditional knowledge not corrobo-
characteristics are most often seen to be valid and useful. rated by scientific evidence is often prematurely rejected
Myths, practices, values, beliefs, and other contextual instead of being viewed as substance for future inquiry.
knowledge, however, tend to be discarded, because sci- Orthodox science and traditional knowledge are estab-
ence has little means of dealing with such subjective, non- lished in disparate worldviews: science mostly views na-
positivist knowledge (Pierotti and Wildcat, 1997). ture as mechanical and separate from humans, whereas
Traditional knowledge that has successfully navigated the traditional knowledge typically sees humans as part of a
scientization process becomes, in the eyes of conventional spiritual and animistic nature (Martinez, 1994; Berkes,
science and its practitioners, truthful, useful, and ulti- 1998). As a result, the two systems of understanding often
mately, powerful. This knowledge, however, has also been have quite distinct explanations for environmental

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 TK IN ENVIRONMENTAL DECISION MAKING • 73

know everything
phenomena. In NWT environmental decision making, this about their people's traditional knowl-
edge.
is evidenced by the common rejection of traditional Rather, what they do know is derived from the
knowl-
edge that addresses how and why questions. broader cultural experience. This message is often lost in
environmental
This point is well illustrated in the following two exam- governance processes. For example, in the
information
ples drawn from personal experience. The first example request period of the Snap Lake Diamond
Project
has to do with injured caribou. Aboriginal land environmental assessment, MVEIRB technical
users
across the NWT noticed a high incidence ofconsultants
limping questioned the universality and reliability of
documented
Bathurst caribou during the summer of 2001. Samples ofelders' statements in the De Beers environ-
mental
caribou legs with swollen, lacerated joints were assessment report (MVEIRB, 2002). These con-
collected
sultants for
by aboriginal hunters and sent to GNWT biologists maintained that the statements were individual
scientific analysis. The government scientists opinions
concluded of an anecdotal nature, and thus were not real
information.
that the swollen joints were a natural occurrence, a result
of a wet summer that had exacerbated the occurrence of
foot rot in the caribou (T. Lockhart, pers. comm. 2001).The Appropriation of Traditional Knowledge Research
Aboriginal elders, however, maintained that although they
had seen many summers that were far more wet, they had The focus of this critique now shifts to traditional
never in their long lives seen such a high incidence of knowledge research, an oft-used bottom-up approach.
caribou injured in such a fashion (LKDFN and Ellis,Aboriginal groups devote some of their self-generated
2002). The elders attributed these injuries to the large, funds to support traditional knowledge research. How-
jagged rocks used to form the sides of mine roads. Caribou, ever, as most aboriginal groups have little internal capital
they maintained, injured themselves when they traveledand receive typically minimal core funds from a fiduciary,
across these roads during their migrations. The GNWT most funding for traditional knowledge research comes
rejected these claims and closed the matter. The elders' from government, industry, and research organizations.
viewpoint may indeed have been incorrect, but it certainly Consequently, the objectives of most traditional knowl-
warranted further investigation. edge research reflect the agendas of outside funding agen-
The second example is drawn from a technical work-cies. Research products must be tailored to needs and
shop of the West Kitikmeot Slave Study Society. During expectations
a that, like the agencies themselves, are cus-
breakout session, aboriginal land users and governmentaltomarily immersed in Euro-Canadian culture and science
wildlife biologists discussed the westward shift in (Flaherty, 1995).
muskoxen distribution during past years. Some elders Aboriginal groups, when interacting with outside fund-
explained that this shift in distribution mirrored a similar ing agencies, most often do so on terms set, consciously or
shift in the DenésQhné (Chipewyan) people over the pastunconsciously, by the latter (Alcorn, 1993). Research
50 years, and that the muskoxen were following the people project results must be communicable and useful to fund-
because they missed them and wanted their company. This ing agencies that are largely rooted in the Euro-Canadian
was a conclusion that would never be reached through cultural tradition of bureaucratic state management
conventional scientific means, and it completely baffled (Nadasdy, 1999). Research results must therefore be trans-
the participating scientific experts. Ultimately, the scien- formed into forms understandable to these funding agen-
tific experts ignored the elders' interpretation withoutcies, with emphasis on those aspects of traditional
further dialogue, and proceeded to devise an explanation knowledge that are amenable to "scientization" and present
for the distribution shift using standard principles of popu-solutions to environmental problems.
lation ecology. Consequently, most traditional knowledge research
Traditional knowledge contributions are commonly re- projects require one or more primary researchers in an
jected in environmental decision-making proceedings be-intermediate role, who can successfully drive the research
cause they are deemed anecdotal, and therefore agenda and ensure that the needs and expectations of both
non-replicable and non-universal (Hobson, 1992; Duerden the aboriginal group whose traditional knowledge is being
and Kuhn, 1998). Traditional knowledge communications researched and the funding agency are satisfied. Aborigi-
are usually framed in personal experience and take the nal cultures do not have a tradition of formal research in
form of stories. It is perhaps natural to regard them merelythe Euro-Canadian sense of the word (Colorado, 1988);
as expressions of personal opinion. These stories, how- thus, aboriginal people with such a research background
ever, are meant to convey the cumulative and collectiveare rare in the NWT. Accordingly, primary researchers
experience of a society (Peat, 1996; Paci et al., 2002). with an intermediate role in traditional knowledge projects
Traditional knowledge experts derive their legitimacy and are almost invariably Euro-Canadians, educated in the
knowledge from their membership in a lineage intimately scientific tradition, who have an interest in traditional
tied to a culture and a territory. In effect, these experts knowledge and aboriginal people (Simpson, 200 1 ). Exam-
ples to support this assertion abound in northern Canada.
(e.g., elders) act as individual manifestations of a culture's
collective knowledge and wisdom (Goulet, 1998; RoueEuro-Canadian researchers fulfil roles as primary research-
and Nakashima, 2002). This is not to say that these experts ers in the Tuktu and Nogak Project with the Inuit of the

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74 • S.C. ELLIS

Coronation Gulf (WKSS, 2001), the Whaehdoo Naowoo

in scientific research methods. As well, they are educated
Program with the Dogrib (Barnaby et al., 2003a), and
in traditional knowledge through their interactions with
various research initiatives with the communities of Deliné elders and other land users. The research activities in
and Lutsël K'é. which they are involved provide an inter-generational
Primary researchers usually devise overall research
conduit for the transmission of traditional knowledge
plans based on questions postulated by aboriginal commu-
(ICC, 1996). This balanced training is essential, as these
researchers must interact with elders and land users, often
nities or authorities and are responsible for research theory
and design. They ensure timely and satisfactory comple-
on the land, in order to gather traditional knowledge. The
knowledge they gather must then be manipulated and
tion of research products in a form intelligible to funding
agencies (reports, maps, etc.). They also train aboriginal
converted into a format understandable to the agencies that
researchers in theory and methods and generally carry outprovide funding and use research results in environmental
activities that build capacity in conducting formal re- management (Nadasdy, 1999). Aboriginal researchers in-
search (Zamparo, 1996; WKSS, 2001). Aboriginal crease re- their facility with traditional and scientific princi-
ples, practices, and knowledge, and in a sense become
searchers in traditional knowledge projects typically assist
and learn from the primary researcher. They are usually empowered.
involved in day-to-day tasks such as information gather- As an example, a traditional knowledge research project
ing, organization, database entry, and community report-has been ongoing in Lutsël K'é for four years, with finan-
ing under the supervision of the primary researcher. cial support from industry. Two young aboriginal people
However, they often play a limited role in the analysis,have been creating a traditional knowledge database. The
interpretation, and publication of research results (E.
purpose of this database is to store and make accessible
Marlowe, pers. comm. 2002). traditional land-use information and oral histories. Both
Because of these circumstances, non-aboriginalresearchers
re- have been trained in database and Geographic
searchers often become point people for traditional knowl-
Information System software, as well as information man-
edge research projects. Despite the best efforts of manyagement methods. They have also learned a great deal
non-aboriginal researchers to ensure that due creditaboutis their heritage and their traditional knowledge through
regular, research-related interaction with elders and other
given to aboriginal researchers and communities, they find
the role of "expert" is often foisted upon them by Euro-
land users. Through an increase in knowledge, they have
Canadian society. These researchers tend to receive much
augmented their capacity (J. Lockhart, pers. comm. 2004).
of the credit for research conducted in aboriginal commu-
nities, as they are the primary creators of the reports,
presentations, and publications that mean something to DISCUSSION
Western institutions and science (Raffles, 2002). Aca-
demic ownership of research thus often falls, willingly In
or the end, have strategies used to bring tradition
not, into the hands of non-aboriginal researchers. Theknowledge into environmental decision making been
aboriginal researchers and the people whose knowledge is
fective? Strategies used to foster traditional knowledg
being researched in the first place are commonly seen the
to community level have had some success. At a
have only a supportive role (St. Denis, 1992). As an end
minimum, both top-down and bottom-up strategies h
result, traditional knowledge becomes separated fromprovided
the some gainful employment for aboriginal peo
people who are its holders and practitioners (Simpson,
(e.g., in traditional knowledge research). At best, abor
200 1 ), and non-aboriginal researchers, now acknowledged
nal people are learning and maintaining the tradition
as "experts," gain a measure of ownership over an aborigi-
knowledge and practices of their people, especially w
nal group's traditional knowledge (Flaherty, 1995; the usual channels whereby traditional knowledge is tr
Nadasdy, 1999). mitted have broken down. Through education, aborigi
people are becoming empowered.
Capacity Building However, often this empowerment occurs in the broade
context of the needs and expectations of Euro-Canad
Despite the appropriation of traditional knowledge,
agencies and their decision-making processes. While p
traditional knowledge research has had some successcies
in advocate that traditional knowledge and governa
empowering aboriginal people. Aboriginal researchersstructures
are include aboriginal participation, true pow
remains concentrated in Euro-Canadian bureaucratic struc
most typically younger to middle-aged individuals who
have been educated to a varying degree in both traditional
tures, and Euro-Canadian values remain the primary b
and Western ways. They usually can speak their native for action. Aboriginal people and their knowledge
language, have some familiarity with traditional skillsoften
and empowered only to the degree to which they confo
practices, and are somewhat proficient in formal research
to these structures and values. Traditional knowledge
skills such as writing, typing, and information manage-often researched only insofar as it is useful to Weste
ment (Colorado, 1988; Tobias, 2000; WKSS, 2001). Quite style environmental governance, and it has become a
often a non-aboriginal researcher trains these individuals
other field of academic expertise (Flaherty, 1995). All

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 TK IN ENVIRONMENTAL DECISION MAKING • 75

often, aboriginal people are becoming empowered not

integrated into environmental decision making without
upon their own terms, but largely upon terms setthreatening
by Euro- the foundations of a fundamentally Euro-
Canadian society. Canadian system (Nadasdy, 1999; Raffles, 2002). The
Strategies for fostering the influence of traditional conventional paradigm of environmental decision making
knowledge in environmental decision making thus haveremains
not intact and unchallenged.
had any significant degree of success. Upon beingThe problem is partly one of very different and seem-
brought
into decision-making processes, traditional knowledge ingly incompatible
is systems of understanding, and funda-
commonly ignored, misunderstood, or transformed into
mentally one of power. Even with the very best of intentions
something palatable to conventional environmental to understand
gov- traditional knowledge, agents of the domi-
ernance. Current practice essentially changes nant Euro-Canadian society are unavoidably enmeshed in
traditional
knowledge into science. At the same time, the their valuesown
and cultural values, practices, and institutions.
practices associated with traditional knowledge Mechanisms
are com- to bring traditional knowledge into the realm
monly discarded or ignored because they are incompatible of environmental decision making are couched in these
with science and dominant Euro-Canadian values. It is, cultural artifacts. Initiatives to incorporate traditional
however, these very values and practices that can serve to knowledge into environmental decision making can be
help realize environmental decision making that focuses effective only if they strive to address this problem by
upon environmental stewardship and respect for the land adapting conventional environmental decision making to
(Paci et al., 2002). Traditional beliefs, values, and prac- aboriginal ways of knowing and doing, rather than the
tices can help foster sustainable relationships betweenconventional converse.
humans and nature. However, these beliefs, values, and There must be a shift in the balance of power, a reformu-
practices must first be accepted as a valid basis for deci- lation of the values, practices, and knowledge that underlie
sion making. This is not to say that traditional knowledge environmental decision-making processes. Power over
contributions should be accepted and incorporated into land-based knowledge and the consequent power over
environmental decision making without question. Rather, land must be asserted by aboriginal peoples, taken out of
they should be considered upon their own terms as valid the exclusive realm of science and Euro-Canadian institu-
substance for discussion and debate, arising as they do tions, and taken into a realm where traditional ways of
from an independently viable system of knowledge and knowing and doing share equal influence.
ultimately, from a unique way of life.

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