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Total History:
The Annales School
may be powerful on land and sea but Germans dominated the air.
He was, of course, referring to that thin spiritual atmosphere in
which the philosophers floated their dreams and theories.
Today, in the second half of the twentieth century, while other
powers measure their strength in terms of armoured divisions or
technological prowess, the French reign supreme in historiography.
That at least is the view of Professor Traian Stoianovich in his in-
structive study of the contemporary French historical school -
Now it has happened again (for only the second time in 2,300
years). A third model of historiography has emerged on the banks
of the Seine and has been developed to its present brilliant form by
the historians gathered round the periodical Annales: Economies,
Sociétés, Civilisations. For Stoianovich, not since Ranke has there
been a more important school or better method of historical re-
search. The origins of this Annales method can be found in the
work of Lucien Febvre (1878-1956) and Marc Bloch (1886-1944). It
had its roots in the French tradition but was also inspired, as its
sub-title suggests, by the German Yierteljahrschrift fur Sozial- und
Wirtschaftsgeschichte.
Annales first appeared in 1929, a time when Marxist scholars
were attempting to uncover the economic base of the political and
cultural superstructure. If their results were uninspiring they never-
theless encouraged interest in a more scientific approach. However,
from the beginning the founders of Annales felt that both the Third
Republic style of history and the economic determinism of the
Marxists were too constricting for the kind of historiography they
had in mind. They aspired to higher things -
to a discipline which
both dominated and embraced all other studies of the human con-
dition. They celebrated every attempt to enlarge Clio’s realm.
Hence their admiration for Jacob Burckhardt (d. 1897) who
brought about a shift from conventional history to
Kulturgeschichte, which for Karl Lamprecht could only be
’primarily a socio-psychological science’, a formulation which un-
doubtedly influenced later Annales evolution. And Wilhelm
Dilthey (d. 1911) produced with his kind of Geistesgeschichte the
outline of what would in a more advanced stage of Annales growth
appear as histoire des mentalit6s. However, the detection of
sources cannot impair the originality of the enterprise launched by
Febvre and Bloch at the end of the 1920s, which also witnessed the
publication of the first volume of Henri Berr’s collection -
L’Evolution de I’Humanit6 with its overall title Synthese Histori-
que. The need for a fusion of economic, social and cultural history
was increasingly felt and the magic word ’synthesis’ was em-
broidered on the new flag. Even if in those days nearly half a cen-
tury ago the first Annales researchers were still far from the recent
proudly imperialistic cri de guerre uttered by Emmanuel Le Roy
Ladurie, one of the present champions of the current: ’History is
the synthesis of all social sciences (sciences de I’homme) turned
towards the past’ -
where the original braquees is far stronger
3
*Senatism (analyse sénelle In the original) is the critical examination of very long
trends in demographic or economic processes.
4
a field of
research to whose ‘serialisation’ Pierre Chaunu had attracted atten-
tion -
or like the study of sexual behavior in the past, a domain in
which Jean-Louis Flandrin has won his spurs.
Structuralism is not accepted by everyone sheltering under the
Annales umbrella. It is also true that very much is asked: not only
the analysis of an economic structure, that is, the organization of a
given economic variable with its significance to the general
economic system and its precise relationship to other variables such
as cost, prices, income, money, interest rates, rents; but also the
global
weighing -
time from inside the Annales empire, have started to express a cer-
tain uneasiness about the neglect of what was once considered the
mainstream of historical writing. Jacques Le Goff,13 a specialist in
the study of various cultural and ethnic medieval traditions, was
perhaps the first to ring the alarm bell. He complained that the in-
clination to relegate ’events’-
velopments for the events in the period of Philip II’; and John
Elliot, in 1973, that’Braudel’s mountains move his men, but never
8
his men the mountains.’ Geoffrey Parker, on the other hand, states
that this work, which took 26 years in the writing, is ’a masterpiece
which will stand for ever’, a sweeping statement concerning a study
in history. Other sincere admirers of both Annales and Braudel,
such J.H. Hexterl8 who praises the French historian’s proud
formula ’History is the science of the sciences of man’, cannot
nevertheless conceal a certain uneasiness about the hatred felt by
Annales scholars for poor histoire événementielle. Hexter is even
led to complain that about that kind of history Braudel ’writes
with a passionate and at timers unreasonable antipathy’ -
Roper tries to explain that to Braudel and his disciples ’this political
history is merely the topmost layer of his multidimensional study:
the long-exposed layer which has been rendered familiar by
previous research’.The point is, of course, that ’previous research’
had been done outside the Annales sphere of influence.
Accordingly it was done ’flatly’, without the benefit of the deep
synthesizing research which is a must for this French historical
school. Therefore, for a rational, consistent, coherent Annales
scholar all that Trevor-Roper calls the ’familiar... layer’ of
political history appears not only as unfamiliar but even as
completely useless. On the other hand, to outsiders, the original sin
of Annales scholarship is its lack of interest in political history
which has led to the subsequent dearth of studies in this field, so
that the Annales stalwarts disdainfully criticize the way other
historians tackle the problem without being able to point out how
it could have been done in their new fashion. Till a couple of years
ago, Annales scholarship escaped the dilemma by denying, en bloc,
the need for political history; this created an atmosphere in which
the study of such history was considered as being beneath the
dignity of a fully-fledged French docteur d’Etat. Until quite
recently the Annales editorial board refused to print articles dealing
with purely political problems, oligarchies, ruling groups, social
9
It has already been said that the flaw in the majestic structure
was felt by the younger Annales scholars, who consequently started
to produce political-historical studies. Lately the master himself,
Professor Braudel, has had second thoughts about the matter: ’I
don’t think of society the way I did forty years ago’, he said in a re-
cent interview; ’there is no society without hierarchy. You have
economic hierarchy -
the
rulers and the ruled. The hierarchies maintain themselves. The per-
manence of hierarchies -
NOTES
history of the climate since the year 1000 (London 1971); this author, together with
Jean Paul Aron, published Anthropologie du conscrit français d’après les comptes
numériques et sommaires du recrutement de l’armée 1819-1826 (Paris 1972).
7. Chaunu’s Séville was published, with a preface by Lucien Febvre, in
1955-59. This historian is a very prolific writer, an astounding feat considering the
quality of his output. He is the author, inter alia, of L’Amérique et les Américains
(Paris 1964); L’expansion européenne du XIIIe au XVe siècle (Paris 1965); La
Civilisation de I’Europe classique (Paris 1966); Conquête et exploration des
nouveaux mondes - XVIe siècle (Paris 1969); L’Espagne de Charles Quint (Paris
1973); Histoire Science Sociale, la durée, l’espace et I’homme à l’époque moderne
(Paris 1974); Le Temps des Réformes (Paris 1975).
8. For the relations between Annales and Marxist historians, see the index of-
Stoianovich’s book, 253.
12
Michael Harsgor
is Professor of Early Modern History at the
University of Tel Aviv.