DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION.

Dress provides important social and cultural information concerning

status, power, group identity, manufacture, and trade. The significant role played by clothing in ancient society is
apparent in the biblical writers who use dress metaphorically to make ethical exhortations or take theological
positions, and to show the status and character of significant figures.
Any description of dress and its importance in the biblical tradition is complicated by the long period involved
(ca. 2000 B.C.E.–125 C.E.), the diversity of peoples and nations depicted, the distinctive dress worn by various
classes and groups, the extensive geographic area with which the texts deal, the paucity of sculptural or physical
evidence in Palestine, and the fluid meaning of terms used for dress in literary texts. Nevertheless, significant
evidence for clothing and ornamentation worn by biblical people comes from physical remains, artistic renderings,
and textual evidence.
Archaeological excavations in and around Palestine have periodically uncovered remains of clothing and
textiles and of ornamentation such as rings, buttons, toggle pins, and earrings for most relevant periods. Sculpture,
ivory carvings, and paintings provide rare though often stylized glimpses of clothing of persons from the kingdoms
of Judea and Israel. In addition, some groups or individuals during the preexilic and postexilic periods no doubt
wore the garb of the dominant political and cultural power of the time. For these reasons sculpture, pictorial panels,
and steles in Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Anatolia provide important though not unambiguous clues to ancient dress.
Likewise, Greek and Roman society and culture influenced what persons wore in Palestine during the Greco-
Roman period. Further, the NT depicts people and events throughout the Roman empire. Description of dress and
ornamentation in the NT period, therefore, must consider material evidence obtained from sculpture, numismatics,
funerary dedications, mosaics, and paintings both in and outside of Palestine proper. In addition, textual sources
give important evidence for the role of dress in ancient societies as well as its symbolic importance. When
combined, archaeology, artistic representation, and literary evidence elucidate what people wore, how people
wanted to look, and the symbolic power of dress and ornamentation (Bonfante and Jaunzems 1988: 1385–86).
A. Hebrew Scriptures
1. Men
a. Outer garments
b. Undergarments
c. Headgear and hair
d. Footwear
e. Ornamentation
2. Women
a. Outer garments
b. Undergarments
c. Headgear and hair
d. Footwear
e. Ornamentation
3. Manufacture and Trade
B. Intertestamental and New Testament Period
1. Men
a. Outer garments
b. Undergarments
c. Headgear and hair
d. Footwear
e. Ornamentation
2. Women
a. Outer garments
b. Undergarments
c. Headgear and hair
d. Footwear
e. Ornamentation
3. Manufacture and Trade
A. Hebrew Scriptures
The frequent reference to dress or ornamentation indicates the social and symbolic importance of clothing for
ancient Israelite society. The most common Hebrew term for clothing, beged, occurs over 200 times and is used
indiscriminately for men’s (Gen 39:12) and women’s (Gen 38:14) clothing, the torn garments of a leper (Lev
13:45), the robes of the high priest (Lev 8:30), the covering of the poor and the garb of the wealthy (Ezek 26:16;
27:20). Less frequent general terms for dress include śalmâ (Josh 9:5; 1 Kgs 10:25; Mic 2:8); mad (Lev 6:3; 1 Sam
18:4); kĕsût (Job 31:19; Isa 50:3); malbuš (1 Kgs 10:5; 2 Chr 9:4); śimlâ (Gen 9:23; Deut 22:5; Isa 9:5); ʾadderet
(Gen 25:25; Josh 7:21); tilbos̆et (Isa 59:17); and lĕbûš (Gen 49:11; Job 30:18; Mal 2:16). Even fabric, generally
wool or linen (Lev 14:47), could have symbolic importance; only priests, for example, were to mix the two (Lev
19:19; Deut 22:11).
1. Men. a. Outer garments. The outer garment in the Hebrew scriptures is given a number of names which
makes clear distinctions difficult. Outer wear in antiquity was generally draped around the body and pinned, belted,
buttoned, or fastened (Bonfante and Jaunzems, 1988: 1386). The outer garment primarily served a functional role.
Men or women could carry kneading bowls on the shoulders wrapped in a śimlâ, a large mantle (Exod 12:34).
Mantles, madweh, down to the ankles are implied (2 Sam 10:4 = 1 Chr 19:4) which provided protection from the
elements. The outer garment, kĕsût, covered one while sleeping and was the final most essential part of one’s V 2,
p 233 wardrobe (Exod 22:27; Job 24:7; 31:19). A portion of the outer garment, ʾadderet, could be pulled up to cover
one’s head (1 Kgs 19:13).
Rare visual evidence for a male’s outerwear in Syro-Palestine comes from the “Black Obelisk” of Shalmaneser
III (858–824 B.C.E.), which shows Jehu, the Israelite king, wearing a fringed outer garment with tassels on a section
thrown over the shoulder; a girdle with tassels on the end is tied around his middle (ANEP, 120–22, 290–91; Mazar
et al. 1959, 3: 212–13; cf. 2 Sam 20:8). Each of his attendants has a fringed mantle or śimlâ draped over the left
shoulder (Matthews 1988: 119). Tassels, gĕdilı̂ m, or fringes which could be placed on the four corners of one’s
cloak, kĕsût (Deut 22:12) served as extensions of the hem and were to contain a blue thread as a reminder of the
covenant between God and the Israelites (Num 15:37–41). The tassels, according to ancient Near East parallels,
were threads of the embroidery and could be decorated with a flower head or bell. The more ornate the hem, the
greater the social status and wealth of a person (Milgrom 1983: 61–65).
Some traditions portray the outer garment of special persons as conveying power (or its loss). Saul, for example,
grabs and rips the hem of Samuel’s cloak, symbolizing the loss of Saul’s kingdom to David (1 Sam 15:27; cf. 1
Sam 24:4–20; cf. Stephens 1931: 68–69). Elijah, on the other hand, throws his mantle ʾadderet) over Elisha to
indicate his successor (1 Kgs 19:19); Elisha uses the same mantle to part the waters of the Jordan (2 Kgs 2:8, 14).
Garments also served as an expensive prize of war (Josh 7:21; cf. Gen 25:25; Judg 14:12; 1 Sam 27:9, ANET, 175,
177, 311), gifts (1 Kgs 10:25), payment (2 Kgs 5:23; Prov 20:16), or disguise (1 Sam 28:8). Some prophets wore
a hairy mantle (Zech 13:4), perhaps of camel hair (Mark 1:6). Prisoners in certain periods had to wear special
clothing (2 Kgs 25:29; Jer 52:33) as did widows and those in mourning (Gen 38:14). A red garment symbolized
the destruction by God of his enemies (Isa 63:1–4).
In general, the tearing or removal of one’s garments publicly displayed despair (Gen 37:29), mourning (2 Sam
1:11–12), or loss of status (Num 20:26). A type of cloak, meʿı̂ l, which was wrapped around the body and the
undergarments (1 Sam 15:27; Ps 109:29) was commonly torn when one was in grief (Job 2:12; Ezra 9:3). The
prophet Ahijah tore his new śimla to symbolize the division of Solomon’s nation into the northern and southern
kingdoms (1 Kgs 11:30). Shame, humiliation, powerlessness, or outrage result when one is stripped of one’s dress
(cf. Bonfante 1989:546). The king of the Ammonites exerts his power, displays his contempt, and shames David’s
emissaries when he cuts their clothing, madwêhem (lit. “their garments”) in half to the hips and shaves off half
their beards (2 Sam 10:4–5; cf. Isa 7:20). The stele of Sennacherib (705–681 B.C.E.) depicts naked male prisoners
from Lachish impaled on stakes as the battle rages; after the fall of the city, naked prisoners are staked out on the
ground. The pictures graphically portray for the Assyrian audience and their client states (including Judah) the
impotence of those who challenge Assyrian rule (Mazar et al. 1959, 2: 286–87; cf. Mic 2:8). Prohibitions against
taking a poor man’s coat existed (Exod 22:25–26); a 7th century B.C.E. ostracon records a peasant’s plea to the
governor to return a coat that had been confiscated (WHJP 4: 249).
In the priestly tradition, special outerwear depicted power, prestige, and identity. The apparel of the high priest
expressed the priest’s intercessory role for Israel (Exod 28:29, 38). Three outer garments apparently distinguished
his garb. The ephod cloth was composed of a mixture of fine linen and gold leaf, blue, purple, and scarlet threads
(probably woolen); the garment itself had shoulder straps. Each strap had an onyx stone engraved with six names
of the tribes of Israel (Exod 28:6–12; 39:2–7). The same materials were used to fashion the breastplate, which was
worn over the ephod and had twelve precious stones, each inscribed with the name of a tribe, in four rows. The
Urim and Thummim were also attached to the ephod (Exod 28:15–30; 39:8–21). Under the ephod was worn a blue
robe made of wool with pomegranates of linen, and blue, purple, and scarlet wool threads alternating with golden
bells on the fringe (Exod 28:31–35); Josephus attaches cosmic implications to the colors (Ant 3.184–87). The
Levites wore outerwear of fine linen; the Chronicler depicts the priestly character of David by describing him as
one who wears a robe, meʿil, of fine linen (1 Chr 15:27).
Special clothing must be worn by the priests entering the holy place (tent of meeting and altar) or they may die
(Exod 28:42). Apparently priests wore other garb when not performing temple duties (Ezek 42:14; 44:19) further
emphasizing the sacred and special character of the priestly garb (Bergemeier 1963: 268–71). The clothing served
as a protective cover for them while they were in the presence of God.
b. Undergarments. Most males wore the ʾezor, probably the type of kilt represented by the soldiers of Lachish
in the stele of Sennacherib, that wrapped around the waist. Generally made of flax, the ʾezor often had a leather or
cloth belt from which a knife, seal, stone weight, or other valuables could be hung. Excavators have found leather
and bronze belts in Iron Age tombs at Tel ’Aitan (WHJP 4: 247–48). The kĕtonet was probably the forerunner of
the Greek chitōn and Roman tunic, and was worn next to the skin (Brown, 1980: 8–11) or over the ʾezor; it often
had sleeves (Gen 37:3; Lev 16:4; Cant 5:3). The “Black Obelisk” of Shalmaneser mentions the kĕtonet, a garment
generally made of wool (Matthews 1988: 117–19). Antecedents reach back at least to the 19th century B.C.E. as
the Egyptian tomb at Beni-Hasan that depicts Semites contemporary with the patriarchs indicates. The men have
pointed beards and no mustaches and wear decorated one-shoulder tunics that reach to just below the knees. Some
men are bare from the waist up; from the waist down they wear a skirtlike garment with fringe at the bottom
(Davies and Gardiner 1936, pl. 10–11; ANEP, 3).
Jehu, who prostrates before Shalmaneser III, appears to wear a short-sleeved tunic extending to the ankles that
is belted around the middle and has fringes or a large border along the bottom (ANEP, 120, panel II; cf. Isa 22:21).
Jehu’s attendants also wear tunics that extend to the ankles under their cloaks (Mazar et al. 1959, 3: 212–18.) In
like fashion, the stele of Sennacherib shows several Judaean leaders or defenders of Lachish wearing an unbelted
tunic with sleeves as they plead for their lives before the king V 2, p 234 (ANEP, 129, 293–94). Styles of
undergarments apparently varied according to one’s wealth or allegiance. Excavations at Ramat-Rahel and En-
Gedi, for example, have found 7th century B.C.E. sherds with figures of men whose dress imitates the style of
Assyrian wall paintings (WHJP 4: 248).
Priests had special undergarments. The high priest’s tunic was a “checkerwork of fine linen” (Exod 28:39);
according to Josephus, this tunic extended to the ankles and had long sleeves (Ant 3.153). Around the tunic was a
finely spun linen girdle that contained blue, purple, and scarlet wool and elaborate embroidery (Exod 28:30; 39:29).
Under their tunics priests wore linen breeches, miknĕsê, that covered their loins (Exod 28:42; 39:28; Ezek 44:18).
In addition, a type of girdle, ʿabnĕt, was worn as a belt around the waist (Exod 29:9; Lev 8:7).
c. Headgear and hair. A turban or cloth miter could cover the head (Exod 29:6; Zech 3:5). Some (hăbālı̂ m)
were wound around the head (1 Kgs 20:31; cf. the term sānı̂ p [Job 29:14; Isa 3:23]). Helmets in war are depicted
on the Sennacherib stele (cf. 1 Sam 17:5; 2 Chr 26:14). The soldiers on the walls have two types of headgear. Most
of the archers have conical helmets with earflaps; other defenders’ headgear, rounded on top, may be a length of
cloth wrapped around the head (Mazar et al. 1959, 4:283; WHJP 4: 248). In contrast, on the Shalmaneser stele
Jehu’s ambassadors have socklike headcoverings similar to Syrian headdress of the day (Mazar et al. 1959, 3:212–
13; ANEP, 120–22, 290–91).
Priests wore a turban of fine linen (Exod 28:39). In addition, the high priest wore a crown or miter, nēzer. A
gold plate hung by a blue thread in front of the miter or headdress that had the world “Holy to the Lord” engraved
on it (Exod 28:36–38; 39:30–31; cf. however, Jos. Ant 3.178; JW, 5.235, who states that it had only the
tetragrammaton; Feldman 1971: vii–clxix).
The obelisk of Shalmaneser shows the Israelite king, Jehu, and his attendants with pointed beards (Mazar et al.
1959, 3: 212–13; ANEP, 120–22, 290–91) similar to the Semites in the Beni-Hasan painting (ANEP, 3). In contrast,
the Sennacherib stele has some defenders of Lachish wearing hair and beards that are tightly curled (ANEP, 129,
293–94), reflecting a change in hairstyle because of either a different time period or region.
Hairstyle had important symbolic implications and often depicted one’s relation to the rest of the community.
According to priestly tradition, the tattered clothing and long, unkempt hair of the leper signified his uncleanness
with respect to the community (Lev 13:45–46). Carefully defined procedures in the priestly tradition determined
whether a person with yellowed or thinning hair in the beard or on the head, perhaps a type of ringworm, was
viewed as unclean (Lev 13:29–37). A male healed of leprosy, however, displayed his new status in the community
by washing his clothes and shaving his hair, including his beard and eyebrows (Lev 14:8–9). Mold or mildew on
garments was also viewed as a form of leprosy; such unclean garments were destroyed (Lev 13:47–59).
Hair carried symbolic as well as religious social or political overtones. Kings and priests were anointed with
oil poured over their head. Spit running down one’s beard could depict insanity (1 Sam 21:13). Joab took Amasa
by his beard, perhaps as an outward sign of greeting, while he killed him with a hidden weapon (2 Sam 20:9). As
a sign of his total allegiance to God the Nazirite did not cut his hair (Num 6:5) until his time of separation with
God was completed; then he shaved his head and burned the hair (Num 6:18; cf. Judg 16:22). Levitical priests
were to trim their hair and not let their locks grown long nor shave their heads (Ezek 44:20). Some traditions,
however, discouraged persons from rounding the hair, śēʿăr, near the temples; nor were persons to cut or tear the
edges of their beard when mourning (Lev 19:27; 21:5; Deut 14:1), a custom in the ancient Near East (Isa 15:2; Jer
48:37). Other traditions, however, especially in the prophetic tradition suggest that shaving heads or beards as a
sign of mourning or judgment was practiced (Amos 8:10; Isa 22:12; Jer 41:5; Mic 1:16; Ezek 5:1; cf. Job 1:20).
Indeed, tearing out one’s hair or beard could indicate shame and anger (Ezra 9:3).
d. Footwear. A sandal, naʿal, was generally made of leather and fastened with a strap or laces, śĕrôk (Gen
14:23; Isa 5:27). The male Semites in the Beni-Hasan tomb painting wear sandals with straps (ANEP, 2–3). The
attendants of the Israelite king Jehu, however, wear shoes with upturned toes that cover the entire foot (Mazar et
al. 1959, 3:212–13; ANEP, 120–22, 190–291).
To go barefoot indicated poverty (Deut 25:19), mourning (2 Sam 15:30; Ezek 24:17, 23), or contact with holy
ground (Exod 3:5; Josh 5:15). Isaiah’s symbolic act of taking off his sandals portrays the eventual destruction of
Egypt and Ethiopia by the Assyrians who lead the captives away naked and barefoot (Isa 20:2–5; cf. the barefoot
petitioners from Lachish who appear before Sennacherib; ANEP, 129, 293–94).
The sandal could symbolize breakdown in the fabric of society or the family. The prophet Amos depicts social
disparity and societal disintegration in the northern kingdom by condemning the wealthy who sell the poor for a
pair of shoes (Amos 2:6; 8:6). Another tradition states that when a man does not marry his brother’s widow, even
on the advice of the elders, the widow may pull off one of his sandals and spit in his face (Exod 25:9–10). In still
a different tradition the removal of one’s sandal verifies a business transaction, which could include marriage (Ruth
4:7–10). The Deuteronomist symbolized God’s presence and guidance of Israel by the lack of wear on the sandals
of those who wandered 40 years in the wilderness (Deut 29:5). In contrast, in the same tradition the Gibeonites
used worn-out, patched sandals and clothing to trick the Israelites (Josh 9:5, 13).
e. Ornamentation. Typically, the greater the ornamentation on outer garments, especially the hem, the greater
the importance of the individual in society (Milgrom 1983: 61). Thus the high priest wore elaborately decorated
outerwear. The king wore purple robes and garments of fine linen. A man could wear a signet, or an arm band, or
a cylinder that had his name or some identifying mark on it around his neck, or on his hand or arm (Gen 38:18, 25;
Jer 22:24; 2 Sam 1:10). Finger rings indicated rank (Gen 41:42; Esth 3:10; Hestrin and Dayagi-Mendels 1979; IDB
1: 871). Molds for casting bronze ornaments have been found at several sites in Israel (WHJP 4: 253).
2. Women. Specific information on the dress of women is sparse, especially since general terms for dress are
V 2, p 235 similar to those mentioned for men’s clothing (lĕbûš, malbuš, beged). Some characteristics distinguished
the two, however, as indicated by the warning that men were not to wear women’s garments, śimlâ (Deut 22:5).
8th century B.C.E. attire of wealthy women in Judah could include ankle jewelry, headbands, pendants, bracelets,
scarves, headdresses, jewelry for the arms, sashes, signet rings, nose rings, festival robes, mantles, garments of
gauze, linen garments, turbans, and veils. In addition they used perfume, had belts around their clothing, and
maintained well-groomed hair (Isa 3:18–24; cf. Ezek 16:10–13).
a. Outer garments. Women who lived at the time of Abraham may have worn brightly colored garments with
designs as indicated in the Beni-Hasan tomb. There, each of three women appears to wear a square piece of colored
material wrapped around her with the end tossed over her left shoulder, leaving her right shoulder bare; a fourth
wears a garment rounded at the neck (Horn 1968: 2). The Sennacherib stele depicts women and girls dressed in a
cloaklike garb that extends to just above the ankles and could be pulled over the head like a hood (Mazar et al.
1959, 2: 283). Women wore special outerwear when they were widowed (Gen 38:14). Some wealthy women
perfumed their clothing with myrrh, aloes, and cassia (Ps 45:8; cf. Cant 4:11) and had garments with ornaments of
gold (2 Sam 1:24). From the 10th century B.C.E. on, bronze toggle pins (safety pins) and buttons found in many
excavations may have been used to pin or button the garment (WHJP 4: 249).
b. Undergarments. The kĕtonet was a long undergarment, similar to the males; according to tradition, virgin
daughters of kings such as Tamar wore a long robe with sleeves (2 Sam 13:18; Cant 5:3). The same term describes
Joseph’s garment (Gen 39:) incorrectly translated by the LXX as the chitōn of many colors (Brown 1980: 8). In
addition, women probably wore some sort of girdle or belt (Isa 3:24).
c. Headgear and hair. The veil appears to be used on special occasions to identify the status or character of
women. Women used veils, ṣāʿı̂ p, or part of their outer garment to cover their faces on wedding days (Gen 24:65)
or if they were prostitutes (Gen 38:14, 15, 19); cf. rĕʿālôt (Isa 3:19). Certain veils allowed the face to be seen (Cant
4:1, 3). In Sennacherib’s stele, the women leaving the city of Lachish are wearing a type of mantle that is pulled
over the head, probably signifying their act of mourning (Mazar et al. 1959, 2: 283).
In the priestly tradition, when a woman was accused of adultery by her husband, the priest unbound or
uncovered her hair as part of a lengthy ritual proving her guilt or innocence (Num 5:11–28; cf. Susanna 32). If an
Israelite wished to marry a beautiful woman who is captured in war, her head must be shaved, her nails cut, and
her captive’s garb removed (Deut 21:12–13).
d. Footwear. Footwear for women seems little different than men’s. The women and children in the Beni-
Hasan tomb painting wear shoes that cover the entire foot (ANEP, 2–3). Women’s footwear is rarely mentioned in
the biblical accounts, but the Song of Songs 7:1 depicts women’s feet as graceful in sandals. The women and girls
on the Sennacherib stele are barefoot (Mazar et al. 1959, 2: 283).
 e. Ornamentation. Women wore pierced rings in their ears and nose (Gen 24:47; Ezek 16:12). Other
JEWELRY included bracelets, arm and leg bands, nose rings, earrings, and beads (probably for necklaces) made
of gold and silver (Exod 32:2; Prov 25:12). Some women wore rings and jewelry associated with worship of foreign
cults (Hos 2:13).
3. Manufacture and Trade. Except for luxury goods, most clothing and ornaments were made and circulated
locally. Bracelets, earrings, rings, and beads made of iron, bronze, copper, silver, and gold have been found in
excavations throughout Israel (WHJP 4: 253). Perfumes, widely used in Israel, had great popularity as indicated
by numerous stone bands, juglets, and bottles that probably held cosmetics (1 Sam 8:13). Indeed, perfumery as a
craft was practiced in large measure by women (WHJP 4: 262). Local farmers and herdsmen provided the raw flax
for linen and wool for woolen goods. Women probably cleaned the wool and spun it into thread (Prov 31:13, 19);
garments were probably made on horizontal looms (ANEP, 142–43; Horn 1968: 24–28). Evidence exists for silk,
cotton, hemp, and jute as well (Horn 1968: 5–14). Local guilds or particular cities or villages may have
manufactured some clothing (Mendelsohn 1940: 17–18; cf. Prov 21:10–29; 31:24). Numerous loom weights found
throughout Palestine and weavers’ workshops at Lachish and Tel Amal substantiate this (WHJP 4: 244–45).
Color was often a sign of status, as was the quality of the garment; thus dyeing was an important industry, as
evidenced by the large numbers of dyeing establishments found throughout ancient Israel (Horn 1968: 18–21;
Albright 1943: 55–62; WHJP 4: 245–47). Especially significant was the purple dye industry, as indicated by the
large quantity of purple dye producing murex shells that have been found along the coast of present-day Israel and
Lebanon (see PURPLE: Milgrom 1983: 61–65; Spanier 1987; Reinhold 1970; Ziderman 1987: 25–33). The
weaving industry was probably associated with this industry (Horn 1968: 23–24).
In summary, archaeological and ancient Near Eastern iconography provide important clues as to the garb of
men and women in Palestine in the pre- and postexilic periods. Dress and ornamentation tell much about ancient
Israelites’ social status, trade and commerce, and interaction with surrounding cultures, information not readily
available in written records. In turn, the biblical tradition illustrates the symbolic power that dress played in social,
political, and religious arenas of the day.
B. Intertestamental and New Testament Period
Like the Hebrew scriptures, Greek terms used to describe dress are often general in character. The garb of Jews
both in and outside Palestine reflected the regional and international dress worn from the Persian through the
Roman periods. Roman citizens were especially status conscious, and this was reflected in the quality, color, and
design of their clothing. In certain cases, color and designs in the Near East identified male from female, rich from
poor. Special occasions often necessitated special dress as, for example, at weddings (although the exact nature is
not clear [Matt 22:11]). White garments could signify purity (Rev 3:4–5).
1. Men. a. Outer garments. Roman citizens in Palestine V 2, p 236 were allowed to wear the toga, a large,
semicircular garment draped around the body; often, however, only the wealthy could afford the expensive fabric
(Wilson 1938). Acts, for example, portrays Paul, who as a Roman citizen does not wear the toga (Acts 16:35–39).
The Gk himation, on the other hand, served as the most common outer garment for men and women including
Roman citizens (Bonfante 1973: 586). Rectangular and of various sizes, it was draped around the body. The crowds
that meet Jesus in Jerusalem throw their himatia on the ground (Mark 11:7–8); Bartimaeus, the blind beggar, takes
off his himation and comes to Jesus (Mark 10:50); workers in the field generally took off their himatia to work
(Mark 13:16 = Matt 24:18). As in the Hebrew Scriptures, power can be associated with the mantle, as the healing
of the woman who touches Jesus’ himation indicates (Mark 5:28–30). The Gk stole, a general term for the outer
garment or long robe in the NT, is associated with wealth (Luke 15:22; 20:46) or salvation (Rev 6:11; 7:9).
In Palestine, color and designs in the fabric distinguished male and female outer garments. Male himatia found
at the Cave of Letters near the Dead Sea (ca. 90–135 C.E.) were made of white or yellow wool with reddish-brown
or blackish-blue notched bands woven into the fabric (Yadin 1963: 169–203). Similar himatia with notched bands
have been found at Dura Europas, Egypt, Palmyra, and in the At-Tar Caves west of ancient Babylon (Yadin 1963:
227–32; Fujii 1987: 225–26). Some male himatia in the Cave of Letters had stripes the same color as the notched
bands. The stripes, of different widths, ran around the portion of the himation draped around the neck (Yadin 1963:
223). Yadin argues that the stripe framed the face when the himation was pulled over the head for prayer or
sacrifice. The stripe may be the kraspedon (RSV “edge”) of Jesus’ himation, which the woman with the flow of
blood touched (Matt 9:20 = Luke 8:44). This may explain, as well, the passage that states the Pharisees made their
phylactēria broad and their kraspeda long (stripes rather than fringes) (Matt 23:5). Similar designs have been found
on clothing discovered at En-Gedi and on some of the clothing piled and burned by the last defenders of Masada
(Yadin 1965: 81; Yadin 1966: 154).
An outer cloak, Gk chlamys, was fastened at the neck and worn like a cape. A sign of authority, a purple
chlamys was part of the Roman officer’s garb. Only the Gospel of Matthew has taunting soldiers place a purple
chlamys on Jesus (27:28). Some Judea Capta coins show a Jewish soldier with a chlamys around his neck,
suggesting that the cloak was not limited to Roman soldiers and officers (Madden 1903: 208–14; 219–25; cf. Jos.
JW 7§29).
b. Undergarments. The principal garb for men and women was the Gk chitōn or Lat tunica. It came in a
variety of shapes, sizes, and colors, and one could wear more than one tunic (Matt 10:9–10; cf. Mark 6:9; Luke
9:3). Tunics have been found by Yadin at the Cave of Letters, one of them almost completely intact. The intact
tunic consists of two equal sized pieces of cloth sewn at the top and sides, leaving openings for the head and the
arms (Yadin 1963: pl. 66; cf. Jos. Ant 3§161). The seamless tunic in John 19:23 was distinctive. Josephus mentions
that such a seamless garb was worn by the high priest (Ant 3§161–62); however, the actual technique for making
such a tunic remains problematic (Horn 1968: 30–32).
Like the himation, the quality of the fabric of a chitōn could signify social status or wealth; in addition, Roman
citizens and often those of some means had narrow bands running from the top to bottom of the tunic. Initially,
wide purple clavi were reserved for Roman senators, smaller purple bands for equestrians. By the time of the
empire, however, the wearing of tunics with purple bands was widespread (Bonfante and Jaunzens 1988: 1402–
1403). Tunics found in the Cave of Letters have purple bands although not of true purple (Yadin 1963: 207–209;
pl. 66). Frescoes at Pompeii show children with thin purple bands on their tunica (Mazar et al. 1959, 5:120).
A child’s tunic found in the Cave of Letters had the four corners tied into bundles that held various items (Yadin
1963: pls. 65, 89), perhaps to ward off evil. NT tradition suggests that some tunics were long, belted, and made
with gold (presumably gold thread; Rev 1:13). In the Johannine tradition Peter wears a tunic (ependytēs) common
to the peasants of the day (John 21:7). For possible parallels see the depiction of a 1st century B.C.E. peasant (Hadas
1965: 148) who wears the tunic over one shoulder with the other bare, the garb of a swineherd as depicted in a 1st-
century funeral stele from Italy, and a Hellenistic portrayal of a fisherman from Alexandria (Mazar et al. 1959,
5:37, 155; cf. Laubscher 1982).
At Masada hundreds of silver-plated scales of armor have been found near the remains of one of the defenders;
the scales were probably laced onto a leather undergarment (Yadin 1966: 54–55) such as Roman soldiers,
especially the legionaries and centurions, wore (Sander 1963: 144–66; Mazar et al. 1959, 5:154, 191, 241). Another
undergarment was a type of linen cloth, Gk sindōn, wrapped around the loins (Mark 14:51–52). The same term
can refer to a linen shroud (Matt 27:59). Imprints of woven material on bones and a skull found in a tomb indicate
that wrapping the deceased in a shroud was probably common (Hachlili 1988: 95).
c. Headgear and hair. During the reign of Antiochus IV, the high priest Jason forced the nobles in Jerusalem
to wear the broad-brimmed hat of the Greeks (2 Macc 3:12). The hat may have had its origin in Persia and was
imported to Greece by Alexander the Great (Bonfante and Jaunzems 1988: 1398–99). In addition, the high priest
and other priests wore special headgear (Jos. Ant 3 §172). The head itself plays an important symbolic role in the
NT tradition. A woman anoints Jesus’ head with expensive oil, probably perfumed (see esp. John 12:3; cf. Matt
26:7–8 = Mark 14:3 = Luke 7:38) an allusion to burial and kingship. Perfumed ointment was used across the
Roman empire at this time (cf. picture of woman pouring ointment in picture from Pompeii [Views, 5:99]).
On the Judea Capta coins, some Jewish soldiers wear beards and longish hair. No doubt, other 1st-century Jews
shaved their faces and had short hair in the Roman style (cf. 1 Cor 11:14; Ps-Phoc 212). The Acts tradition has
Paul cut his hair to fulfill a vow he had made, perhaps an allusion to the Nazirite tradition (18:18; cf. 21:24; Num
6:1–21). Paul states in his correspondence to the Corinthians that the head of a man is to remain uncovered (1 Cor
11:3) probably to discourage any connection with the V 2, p 237 Roman practice of pulling the toga over one’s
head while offering sacrifices to the gods (Thompson 1988: 104). Paul also admonishes the Corinthian men to
wear their hair short, perhaps in accordance with Roman custom or simply to highlight the differences men and
women should maintain in the community (Thompson 1988: 104). As in the Hebrew scriptures, dust could be
thrown on the head and hair as a sign of mourning (Rev 18:19).
d. Footwear. Roman society developed varied footwear for different occasions. Outdoor shoes (Lat calceii;
hypodēma) were strapped or laced, like the sandal (hypodēma) that John the Baptist did not feel worthy to untie
(Mark 1:7). For Romans, sandalia were generally an indoor shoe, in function the ancient equivalent of slippers
(Bonfante 1973: 593–94). Sandals and sandal fragments have been found at Masada (Yadin 1966: 54, 57). Some
tombs in Palestine contained leather sandals that were placed in a coffin near the dead person’s head (Hachlili
1988: 95).
e. Ornamentation. Signet rings found at Masada indicate that the defenders had a degree of wealth; some rings
functioned to make an imprint on wax that sealed legal documents or letters (Yadin 1966: 150). Such signet rings
may be the same type as the sphragis mentioned in the NT (Rom 4:11; 1 Cor 9:2; 2 Tim 2:19; Rev 5:1; 6:1; 7:2;
8:1; 9:4). They served as a sign of identity and authority. In addition, men wore phylacteries (Matt 23:5; Matthews
1988: 234), examples of which have been found at Qumran (WHJP 8: figs. 12–15).
2. Women. a. Outer garments. Women’s outerwear, though similar in style to men’s, often had darker and
more varied colors, greater length, and unique ornamentation. In particular, a gamma-shaped design on the mantle
appears to distinguish a woman’s garb from a man’s. At Masada and the Cave of Letters, Yadin found fragments
of mantles with a gamma-like shape sewn into the fabric which identifies them as women’s garb (1965: 81; 1966:
223–29). As with men, outer garments of wealthy women could be made of linen with gold woven into the fabric
(T. Job 25:7; Jos. Asen. 5:5). The outer garment and tunics could be girded with a cord or sash; one text gives the
cord cosmic significance (Test. Job 48:1; 50:3). In certain periods and regions virgins could have two girdles or
sashes that indicated virginity, one around the waist, the other probably just under the breast (Jos. Asen. 15:5–7).
b. Undergarments. As a sign of mourning a woman might wear a black tunic and a sackcloth, the latter
presumably of burlap (Jos. Asen. 14:14). Torn clothing could symbolize the loss of status (T. Job 39:1–5; Judith
10:3–4). The NT does not specifically mention or discuss the undergarments of women during this period; no doubt
women, like men, wore a type of tunic or chitōn.
c. Headgear and hair. The Judea Capta corpus (which includes coins, sculpture, and a breastplate) generally
depict a despondent and veiled woman. The woman’s veil is part of the himation, which was pulled over her head
especially during periods of worship. This is standard practice for both men and women elsewhere in the Roman
empire (cf. 1 Cor 11:2–16). No clear evidence, however, exists for 1st century Jewish or Christian women wearing
a separate veil. It was acceptable for women to go unveiled in public (Thompson 1988: 112; MacMullen 1980:
208–18). Evidence does exist for women in Palmyra, Tarsus, and Syria wearing veils that covered at least part of
the face (Thompson 1988: 133; de Vaux 1935: 397–412). The head could be covered by a hairnet such as those
found at Masada and the Cave of Letters which were similar to those in Roman society, as indicated by the famous
portrait from Pompeii of a woman wearing a golden hairnet.
Hair found at Masada confirms that some 1st-century women in Palestine wore their hair long. In this case, the
hair was in a single braid down the back (Yadin 1966: 54, 56; cf. 1 Tim 2:9). The popular fashions of aristocratic
Roman society likely influenced certain Jewish fashions. Cutting a woman’s hair, especially in public was a sign
of disgrace (T. Job 23:6–11; cf. 1 Cor 11:6; Thompson 1988: 133).
d. Footwear. As yet no clear distinctions between the footwear of men and women are apparent. Sandals found
at Masada are much like those of the present day.
e. Ornamentation. Cosmetic equipment found in the casement walls of dwellings at Masada included palettes
for mixing eyeshadow, bronze eyeshadow sticks, clay perfume vials, a bronze mirror case, and a wooden comb,
fibula, and ring keys (Yadin 1966: 146, 148, 150; cf. 1 En. 8:1–2; Jdt 10:2–4). Ring keys such as those found at
Masada were often worn by women on their fingers or around their necks; one was found still attached to its chain
(Yadin 1965: 81). The rings locked chests that held important items (Jos. Asen. 2:3–4).
Wealthy women who could afford gold, pearls, and the latest hair and clothing fashions were among the early
Christians (1 Tim 2:9; 1 Pet 3:3; cf. Jdt 10:4). Some women wore phylacteries, which in certain cases were believed
to have a therapeutic role or the capacity to ward off evil (T. Job 47:11).
3. Manufacture and Trade. In the 1st century, the Roman empire traded extensively with the east (China,
India, Parthia); indeed, Jewish traders settled in the Indus River as early as the 1st century (Warmington 1928:
131–32). An important trade item was cloth and clothing (including fine linen, silk, and various qualities of wool;
(see Casson 1989: 39–40; Sidebotham 1986: 196; cf. Rev. 18:11–12). 2d- and 3d-century evidence suggests that
Galilee was noted for its linen and Judea for its wool industries (Jones 1974: 350–64; Horn 1968: 5; Paus. 5.5.2)
and thus may have participated in this trade.
Clothing was part of local and regional economies. Wool and clothing markets existed in Jerusalem prior to its
destruction (Jos. War 5§331). Fullers cleaned dirty clothing acting as the ancient equivalent of dry cleaners. The
type of fullers, gnapheus, depicted in Mark who could never bleach clothes as intensely white as those Jesus wore
(Mark 9:3; cf. Matt 17:2, Luke 9:29) may have dressed in the same type of simple tunics as the fullers depicted in
a mural found at Pompeii (Tanzer 1939: 10, 12).
Clothing was a significant industry in the Greco-Roman world. According to Acts, certain members of the
early Christian communities were involved in some manner with the clothing industry (Jones 1974: 350–64).
Simon, who lived at Joppa, (Acts 10:32) was involved in the tanning industry, which was unpopular because of
the smell. Lydia dealt in the lucrative purple dye industry (Acts 16:14). Dyes such as indigo were imported from
as far away as India (Casson 1989: 16, 43, 194). Representative samples V 2, p 238 of most colors in antiquity have
been found in the Cave of Letters and at Masada (Yadin 1966; Horn 1968: 18–20).
Clothing and ornamentation played a significant role in the economic, social, political, and religious fabric of
ancient society. It depicted one’s social standing, ethnic origin, sex, and political position. Clothing functioned as
more than covering against the elements. What you wore conveyed who you were and the nature of your
relationship to those around you. The biblical writers adeptly tapped the symbolic power of ancient dress to convey
social, theological, or political messages.
DOUGLAS R. EDWARDS