PERFORMANCE IS NOT ENOUGH:

POLITICAL SKILL IN THE LONGITUDINAL PERFORMANCE-POWER

RELATIONSHIP

DARREN C. TREADWAY
School of Management
State University of New York At Buffalo
Buffalo, NY14260

JACOB W. BRELAND
University of Idaho

JEEWON CHO
Montclair State University

JUN YANG
State University of New York At Buffalo

ALLISON B. DUKE
Lipscomb University

INTRODUCTION
The present study adopts the viewpoint that prior work performance is a source of
personal reputation and, as such, has the potential to increase individuals’ power within their
workplace. However, this relationship is unreliable, and many high-performing employees are
unable to leverage prior work performance into increased influence over others in the workplace
(Casciaro & Lobo, 2005). The present paper suggests that these inconsistencies can be explained
by considering the political skill of the employees involved. We investigate the extent to which
political skill moderates the relationship between job performance ratings and interpersonal
power over time, employing a longitudinal research design.
BACKGROUND LITERATURE
From Machiavelli’s (1952) treatise on the acquisition and maintenance of power, to
French and Raven’s (1959) delineation of power sources, to Mintzberg’s (1983) discussion of
political will and skill, few aspects of the organizational experience are more intriguing than the
wielding of personal power. Weber suggested that power was “the possibility of imposing one’s
own will upon the behavior of other persons” (Weber, 1954, p. 323). Congruently, power has
been distinguished as potential influence or force (Pfeffer, 1992), such that “the power of Actor
A over actor B is the amount of resistance on the part of B which can be potentially overcome by
A” (Emerson, p. 32). Similarly, “the influence of O [a person, a group, or a norm] on system in
the life space of P [a person] is defined as the resultant force on system that has its source in an
act of O” (French & Raven, p. 151). Evident in these definitions is that the ability to influence
others is based on the perception the target has of the actor’s power. As such, we recognize
interpersonal power as a perception, and thus subject to manipulation and interpretation.
Whereas many scholars have focused on the outcomes of power, research examining how
individuals acquire power is less prevalent in the literature. Scholars investigating these
phenomena have demonstrated that power can be acquired through network centrality (Brass,
1984) and individual characteristics (Ibarra, 1993). Additionally, Pfeffer (1992) suggested that
job performance could be a mechanism by which individuals acquire power in organizations.
Performance as a precursor to power. Despite widespread investigation, there is reason
to believe the causal nature of performance and power relations is not as simple as some may
believe. and Johnson (1997) acknowledged this causal confusion in their investigation of Chief
Executive Officer (CEO) power and firm performance. Positioning power as an antecedent to
performance, they outlined prior research that argued firm performance was enhanced by CEO
power because this power affects CEO decision latitude and external constituents’ attributions of
performance. They also identified literature that suggested past performance was an indicator of
CEO power. This effect was highlighted in research that demonstrated a diversion of power from
CEO to the board when financial performance was poor (Ocasio, 1994). Although impressive,
Daily and Johnson’s research did little to resolve the chicken and egg discussion, finding that
performance was both a predictor and an outcome of CEO power.
The question of performance and power causality is no clearer at the micro-level of
analysis. What little work has been done on this relationship has viewed performance as a
consequence of acquiring power in organizations. Brass (1985) found that other-rated
performance did not significantly predict the power of the individual for the whole sample. His
sub-group analysis revealed that supervisors were more likely to rate women as powerful when
they had higher levels of previous performance. Further adding to the causal confusion is a study
in which Brass (1984) indicated that individuals’ power and their career progression were
distinct outcomes of the characteristics of individuals’ networks. Collectively, these research
results imply there is not a causal link between performance and power.
The present study recognizes the potential theoretical confusion introduced by the various
causal perspectives taken on the relationship between performance and power. In the present
investigation, we adopt the view that past performance is an indicator of future performance and,
as such, is one aspect of personal reputation (Ferris et al., 2003). We further position the quality
of one’s performance-related reputation as a precursor to the possession of interpersonal power.
Performance as a source of personal reputation. Personal reputation is defined as a
“perceptual identity reflective of the complex combination of salient personal characteristics and
accomplishments, demonstrated behavior, and intended images presented over some period of
time as observed directly and/or as reported from secondary sources” (Ferris et al., 2003, p. 215).
The recognition of accomplishments and behaviors in this definition explicitly acknowledges the
importance of past performance as a component of personal reputation. This definition of
personal reputation further recognizes that the establishment of reputation is not a product of past
performance alone, but of projecting an image consistent with that past behavior. This suggestion
positions the establishment of reputation as fundamentally a social influence process. In fact,
simply belonging to a high-performing network can increase one’s reputation (Kilduff &
Krackhardt, 1994). It is from this social influence perspective that the present investigation
argues that past performance is one mechanism through which employees can socially construct
perceptions of power in their organization. Indeed, “[r]eputation is the result of others’
perceptual interpretations or determinations of an individual’s job performance, suggesting that
reputation is a substitute for firsthand knowledge of an individual” (Ferris et al., p. 214).
We agree with scholars who have argued that one important aspect of employees’
reputations is their past performance. The present investigation suggests that personal reputation
provides one with a certain level of information and resources. In turn, these resources can be
used to further enhance one’s perceived influence and power in the workplace (Brass, 1984;
Brass & Burkhardt, 1993).
Personal reputation as a predictor of power. Zinko et al. (2007) suggested that personal
reputation was a predictor of interpersonal power, and their arguments are grounded in the notion
that personal reputation provides individuals with greater referent power. That is, high levels of
personal reputation make it more likely that others will want to be associated with such
reputation holders. Zinko et al.’s propositions are bolstered by the research of Gioia and Sims
(1983), who found that subordinate perceptions of supervisor reputation led to higher perceptions
of referent power.
Certainly, the work of these scholars is noteworthy in its attempt to develop a greater
understanding of how reputation leads to increased power. The present study augments the work
of these scholars by suggesting that this relationship is not as simple as indicated by these
findings. Their arguments assume that the perceiver has perfect and accurate information
regarding the performance or behavior of the other employee. However, because reputation “is
the result of others’ perceptual interpretations or determinations of an individual’s job
performance” (Ferris et al., 2003, p. 214), it is critical that employees possess the capacity to
understand their own reputations, and to project the confirming aspects of such reputations
toward others. We argue that this capacity is most reflective of the political skill of the employee.
Political Skill
Pfeffer (1981) was one of the earliest to articulate the concept of political skill. Mintzberg
(1983) also used the term political skill, and suggested that it manifests itself through persuasion,
negotiation, and manipulation. Recently, Ferris and his colleagues characterized political skill as
“a comprehensive pattern of social competencies, with cognitive, affective, and behavioral
manifestations, which have both direct effects on outcomes, as well as moderating effects on
predictor – outcome relationships” (Ferris et al., 2007, p. 291). We suggest that there are two
overarching characteristics of politically skilled employees: heightened social awareness and
skillful and flexible behavioral implementation.
Politically skilled individuals are more capable of understanding the social context of the
workplace; such individuals are able to “easily comprehend social cues and accurately attribute
the behavioral motivations of others” (Treadway et al. 2007, p. 850). Treadway et al. (2005)
argued that politically skilled individuals behave in ways that are appropriate for a given context
because of this understanding of their workplace. Thus, politically skilled individuals tend to
flourish in social situations and excel in interpersonal interactions.
The astuteness to recognize co-workers’ motivations and accurately comprehend the
social context of the workplace is only one characteristic of politically skilled individuals. Such
individuals also engage in behaviors in a socially appropriate and sincere manner, and they
reflect the ability to control, adapt, and calibrate discrete behaviors in ways that are situationally
appropriate, thus increasing the quality of the interpersonal dynamics (Ferris, Davidson, &
Perrewé, 2005). The politically skilled are able to behave in ways that mask any ulterior motives,
and project a sense of genuineness or sincerity to others (Treadway et al., 2007). This behavior
not only creates positive perceptions in others (Treadway et al.), but also assists in the creation of
broad social networks (Ferris, Treadway et al., 2005; Ferris, Treadway et al., 2007).
THEORETICAL DEVELOPMENT AND HYPOTHESIS FORMULATION
“Performance is an important source of power in organizations. But we need to
understand performance for what it is—the ability to exercise influence and get something done”
(Pfeffer, 1992, p. 144). Implied in this statement is that past performance is a personal resource
that provides individuals with the power to achieve their organizational objectives. Also implied
is that performance, in and of itself, does not always translate into power. The present study
suggests that individuals’ political skill affects the relationship between past performance and
interpersonal power. We have positioned past performance as an element of reputation in explicit
recognition of the perceptual nature of performance and power in work relations. Indeed,
perception often is more important than reality in relation to reputation and power (Matthews,
1988), and assuring that others recognize that competence is critical to the acquisition of power
(Kantner, 1977).
“[W]hereas Mintzberg tended to associate political skill explicitly with formal power, the
political skill construct, as it is characterized today, fits better with the ideas of some scholars
concerning the exercise of influence devoid of formal authority” (Perrewé et al., 2004, p. 142).
Baron and Markman (2000) addressed this perspective in their discussion of entrepreneurial
effectiveness. They argued that the reputation developed from previous performance provides
individuals access to elite employment circles, yet it is individuals’ social effectiveness that
ultimately determines their entry into those positions They also postied that the ability of an
entrepreneur to demonstrate previous performance is a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for
success. They specifically outlined the abilities to accurately perceive social context, select
appropriate impression management behavior, and engage in these impression management
behaviors in a convincing manner as being crucial to the success of an entrepreneur.
The abilities outlined by Baron and Markman (2000) specifically point to the importance
of political skill in leveraging performance-related reputation into personal power. Recall that
politically skilled individuals are more socially aware, and thus more likely to choose
situationally appropriate impression management behavior. Furthermore, these politically skilled
individuals are capable of enacting these behaviors in a manner that enhances their image and
status within the organization (Ferris et al., 2005). Accordingly, the present investigation argues
that political skill serves as a facilitator for leveraging performance into power in two distinct
ways: the recognition of one’s performance reputation and the authentic projection of the
reinforcing elements of that reputation.
Viewing the reputation and power linkage through a signaling theory lens provides a
mechanism to understand the hypothesized role of political skill. Within social exchanges,
signaling theory argues that individuals send signals to other parties in order to provide
information and influence their attitudes and behavior (Spence, 1974). From this theoretical
perspective, Ferris et al. (2003, p. 226) positioned reputation as an “actual signal in that it
represents observable and alterable characteristics that influence others.”
Furthermore, Ferris et al. (2003) blended in the perspective of Ferris and Judge (1991),
and suggested that individuals attempt to manipulate the meaning derived from the signals
inherent in their reputations. As such, the ability to accurately assess one’s own reputation, and,
if favorable, to act in a manner consistent with that reputation, is critical to individual success
(Ferris et al., 2003). Indeed, some support for this suggestion is gained from research
demonstrating that the ability to assess the political climate of an organization was related
directly and positively to the acquisition of personal power (Krackhardt, 1990).
Viewing the development and maintenance of reputation as a signaling process
demonstrates the importance of recognizing the potential that one’s reputation holds in the
workplace. Ferris et al. (2007) argued that employees possessing political skill will more
accurately perceive the social fabric of their environments in general. As such, it is expected that
politically skilled employees will be highly aware of the potential leverage that resides in their
favorable performance reputation. In addition, this awareness makes it more likely that
politically skilled individuals will engage in image management behaviors that are consistent
with their reputation (Ferris, Davidson, & Perrewé, 2005), and are transmitted to others forming
perceptual reputation assessments of such individuals.
As suggested by Baron and Markman (2000), effectively leveraging a performance
reputation involves enacting image-enhancing behaviors in a convincing and non-threatening
manner. Research has demonstrated that the presentation of one’s own accomplishments as the
result of intelligence or ability is more likely to be perceived as arrogance and evoke negative
reactions from others (Hareli & Weiner, 2000). Indeed, whereas perceived modesty in presenting
one’s past achievements leads to increased interpersonal affect, perceived arrogance leads to
decreased affect toward the actor (Schlenker & Leary, 1982).
Blau (1964) suggested that high-status (i.e., often equated with favorable reputation)
members, who skillfully engage in self-deprecating modesty, are more likely to reduce perceived
status threat in other group members, and increase their successful integration into the group.
Because politically skilled employees are more capable of disguising their self-serving biases
and conveying sincerity and genuineness (Treadway et al., 2007), they are more likely to present
their past achievements without exaggerated claims, conceit, or arrogance (Ferris et al., 2007).
Therefore, it is more likely that others will accept such individuals’ reputations as legitimate, and
afford them the influence that their accomplishments signal.
Hypothesis: Political skill will moderate the relationship between past performance and other-
rated power. For individuals high in political skill, increased levels of past
performance accomplishments will be associated with higher levels of power. For
individuals low in political skill, past performance will be unrelated to power.
METHOD
Data for this study were collected over two time periods using multiple methods. These
data were obtained from the organization’s Human Resources department. Approximately three
months after the internal performance evaluations were completed, surveys were distributed to
all 803 employees of the organization via their corporate e-mail addresses. A total of 384 surveys
were completed, for a response rate of 47.8%.
Measures
Job performance. Performance appraisal scores were obtained from the organization’s
Human Resource records, and reflected each employee’s most recent evaluation.
Political skill. The Political Skill Inventory, developed and validated by Ferris, Treadway
et al. (2005), was used to measure political skill at Time 2. Reliability of this scale was .91.
Interpersonal power. Also collected at Time 2 was interpersonal power. To assess
power, we used a methodology similar to Brass and his colleagues (Brass, 1985; Brass &
Burkhardt, 1993; Burkhardt & Brass, 1990) in which others reported an individual’s level of
power. Specifically, interpersonal power was assessed using a roster-style format in which
respondents were given an alphabetical listing of all the employees in their work unit. On
average, 25.2 respondents contributed to each index.
Individual characteristics. In addition to the foregoing variables of interest, a number of
control variables were coded from organizational records.
RESULTS
We tested our hypothesis using moderated multiple regression analysis (Baron & Kenny,
1986). In the main effects model, previous performance ratings and employee political skill were
significantly related to employee interpersonal power (β = .22, p < .001; β = .17, p < .01,
respectively). In addition, the independent variable and moderator increased the R2 from .07
to .15 (ΔR2 = .08; p < .001), indicating that they explained unique variance in the interpersonal
power dependent variable. When the interaction term of performance ratings and political skill
was entered, it was significant (β = .19, p < .01), and the addition of the interaction term
increased R2 from .15 to .19 (ΔR2 = .04; p < .01). Based on these results, the hypothesis was
supported. As hypothesized, prior performance increases were associated with increased power
only for individuals high in political skill. There was essentially no relationship at all between
performance and power for those individuals lower in political skill.
DISCUSSION
The dynamics of power acquisition in organizations have long intrigued academics and
practitioners alike. Our research found that performance is a necessary, but not sufficient,
condition for achieving influence in the workplace; indeed, there appear to be situations where
performance on the job is just not enough. Top performers were found to have more power when
they also possessed higher levels of political skill. Interestingly, higher performance does not
lead to greater levels of power for individuals with lower levels of political skill. The results of
this study have important theoretical implications for future research on power, political skill,
and personal reputation, which are presented below, along with limitations, directions for future
research, and practical implications
If one adopts the viewpoint that political skill is a critical aspect of obtaining power, then
the results of the present study also extend our understanding of political skill in organizations.
Although empirical work on political skill is still developing, initial findings have demonstrated
that political skill, more so than other social effectiveness constructs, is a dominant predictor of
job performance in organizations (Semadar et al., 2006). Taken together with the results of the
present investigation, and the results of a recent meta-analysis on predictors of career success
(i.e., Ng, Eby, Sorensen, & Feldman, 2005), it appears obvious that political skill has far-
reaching effects on employee career success. The combined results demonstrate that politically
skilled individuals are more likely to be high performers, and then more likely to effectively
convert that performance into power in their workplace.
The complex effect that political skill has on performance relations is supported by
previous research. Kolodinsky and his colleagues (2007) found that political skill not only affects
the choice of influence tactic selected by employees in performance evaluation contexts, but also
favorably impacts the quality of the delivery or execution of that tactic. When coupled with our
findings, we suggest that the collective research indicates that political skill operates in subtle
and interactive ways to impact an employee’s organizational experience. As such, future research
may benefit from considering models that more closely consider the role of political skill in the
perception and enactment of social influence processes in organizations. Accordingly, given the
perceptual nature of performance and power, further study of political skill’s impact on the
reputation building process is warranted.
The present investigation provides empirical support for the argument advanced by Ferris
and his colleagues, that political skill is an important consideration in the development of
personal reputation in organizations, and lends support to the political skill – personal reputation
relationship reported by Liu and her colleagues (2007). Most interestingly, we provide an
explanation of why employees’ reputation for high job performance might not result in power
acquisition in the workplace. Our results indicate that high performers, without commensurately
high levels of political skill, will be unable to obtain power in their work environments.
REFERENCES AVAILABLE FROM THE AUTHORS
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