2/6/2018 The case against simultaneous polls - Lead - The Hindu

LEAD

The case against simultaneous polls

Jagdeep S. Chhokar
Sanjay Kumar
SEPTEMBER 27, 2016 00:24 IST
UPDATED: NOVEMBER 01, 2016 21:08 IST

If concurrent Lok Sabha and Assembly elections were to be a reality, it would go

against the political diversity essential for addressing the social diversity of India.

Though spoken about for quite a few years, simultaneous elections for the Lok Sabha and
State Assemblies seem to be fast on their way to becoming a matter of national concern. This
proposal is not only being discussed in the television studio, but even the Central

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government is seeking inputs from ordinary citizens through a website about its desirability
and related questions.

The online public consultation will last till mid-October, and it is likely that there will be
overwhelming support for this proposal because of the argument put forward in favour of it:
simultaneous elections will save a lot of money and will help the government carry forward
the developmental project without many hindrances. The real question, however, is not of
desirability; it is one of feasibility. Can simultaneous elections for both the Central and State
legislatures be implemented given the federal nature of Indian democracy guaranteed by the
Constitution?
The question of cost

No one can deny that a huge amount of money is spent in conducting elections in India, both
by the candidates themselves and political parties as well as the government (the Election
Commission of India). Though there is a legal limit on how much money a candidate can
spend on his campaign from his own sources, most spend as much as they can in the belief
that this would help them reach out to a larger number of voters, thereby increasing their
chances of winning.
However, the argument in favour of simultaneous elections does not seem to be based on
saving the money spent by political parties and candidates, but by the Election Commission.
There is hardly any doubt that the fewer the number of elections, the lesser would be the
expenses. But then, elections are the lifeblood of democracy. If Lok Sabha and Assembly
elections happen to coincide, it is a natural process. But if it is imposed only to reduce the
number of elections and cut costs, it is highly undesirable, because it privileges monetary
concerns over democratic principles.

Simultaneous elections resulting in better governance is another argument that has been
put forward. The contention is that with multiple elections, the Model Code of Conduct is in
force for much of the time, which prevents the government from initiating new projects and
ultimately slows down development work. While this is true, in order to overcome this
problem, it may be more useful to make changes in the Model Code of Conduct to allow the
government to initiate projects and programmes till a reasonable period (maybe till the
notification of elections) instead of the existing scenario where the code comes into force the
day the elections are announced. One should not also forget that there is a provision in the
Model Code of Conduct that the government can consult the Election Commission about
policy decisions and if the decisions are not likely to have any implications for the electoral
outcome, the Commission can permit the government to take those decisions.

Also, in the normal course, the code should apply only to the State where Assembly elections
are to be held. There is no logical reason why governance in the rest of the country, and at the
Centre, should come to a standstill, unless the so-called policy decisions are intended to be
taken to influence the electoral outcome in the State where elections are to be held. In this

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case, it is not the holding of the election that stops governance, but the suspect intentions of
those who are supposed to govern.
Undermining the federal structure

The argument, or slogan, of “one country, one election” is misleading. What this label
overlooks is that while India is undoubtedly one country, the Constitution also recognises
the existence of 29 States which have a constitutional status of their own in matters of
elections and government formation. “One country” does have “one election”, and that is for
the Lok Sabha. The seeming intention to force all States, and sometimes it has even been
mentioned all panchayats, not only seems impractical but also a step in the direction of
moving the country towards becoming a unitary state rather than a federal one that the
Constitution envisages. India has a federal structure and a multi-party democracy where
elections are held for State Assemblies and the Lok Sabha separately; the voters are better
placed to express their voting choices keeping in mind the two different governments which
they would be electing by exercising their franchise. This distinction gets blurred somewhat
when voters are made to vote for electing two types of government at the same time, at the
same polling booth, and on the same day. There is a tendency among the voters to vote for
the same party both for electing the State government as well as the Central government.
This is a rule rather than an exception, not based on assumption but on evidence.
The empirical evidence

If we consider elections from the 1989 general election onwards, there have been 31
instances of holding simultaneous elections for State Assemblies and the Lok Sabha in
different States: Andhra Pradesh (1989, 1999, 2004, 2009 and 2014), Odisha (2004, 2009 and
2014), Karnataka (1989, 1999 and 2004), Sikkim (2009 and 2014), Tamil Nadu (1989, 1991 and
1996), Maharashtra (1999), Assam (1991 and 1996), Haryana (1991 and 1996), Kerala (1989,
1991 and 1996), Uttar Pradesh (1989 and 1991), West Bengal (1991 and 1996), Arunachal
Pradesh (2009 and 2014) and Telangana (2014).

When simultaneous elections for the Assembly and the Lok Sabha were held in these States,
in 24 elections the major political parties polled almost a similar proportion of votes both for
the Assembly and the Lok Sabha, while only in seven instances was the choice of voters
somewhat different. It was noticed thrice in Tamil Nadu (1989, 1991 and 1996) when the
votes polled by the Congress and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam were
different for the Assembly and Lok Sabha. The other similar examples are from Arunachal
Pradesh during the 2004 and 2014 elections (when the Bharatiya Janata Party polled more
votes for its Lok Sabha candidates compared to those for its Assembly candidates), in
Haryana during the 1996 elections and in Andhra Pradesh in 2014.
During the same period, when in many States the Assembly and Lok Sabha elections were
held at different times, the electoral outcome (votes polled by different parties) of the two
elections has been different.

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While there are various ifs and buts before this may be finally implemented — including the
feasibility of constitutional amendments of the kind which this may require, State
governments agreeing to the untimely dissolution of the Assemblies, the question of what
happens if a government falls without completing its term, and several such issues — if
simultaneous elections were to become a reality, it would go against the political diversity
which is essential for addressing the social diversity of India.

Jagdeep S. Chhokar is a former Professor, Dean, and Director In-charge of the Indian Institute of
Management, Ahmedabad. Sanjay Kumar is a Professor and currently Director of the Centre for the
Study of Developing Societies, Delhi. The views expressed are personal.

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