Professional Documents
Culture Documents
I
The Uighurs constitute one of the earliest identifiable of the many
Turkic tribes that have emerged from the broad expanse of Central
Asia during the course of history. Faithful adherents to Islam for
nearly a thousand years, they are today submerged in that backwater
of civilization known as Sinkiang (or Chinese or Eastern Turkestan),
little known to, and knowing little of, the outside world.
I t was not always thus. That area was once a relatively thriving
one, and during the tenth and twelfth centuries, under rulers of the
Qargkhinid dynasty, the Uighurs were the dominant people in that
part of Central Asia. The comparatively advanced state of their
culture and civilization is suggested by the fact that of all the Turkic
peoples they alone developed a lasting alphabet. Historical research
has still to uncover detailed information about the QarikhHnid era,
but we already know enough to judge that by the XIth century the
Central Asian city of KPshghar had become a major cultural center
as well as an important commercial city serving the trade caravans
that then regularly traversed the vast reaches of Central Asia.
I n that century the Uighurs produced two remarkable men. One
was Mahmiid al-KHshghari, the author of Diwdn lughdt al-Turk (Dic-
tionary of Turkish Languages), which is still today the ultimate source
for any study in the field of Turkish philology. The second was Yiisuf
K h k s Hsjib, who, in 462 (A.D. 106911070) completed a work entitled
Kutadgu Bilig, 1 which stands as the most significant book ever written
in the Uighur language and which can appropriately be termed the
national epic of the Uighurs.
There is no evidence available either within their works or elsewhere
that the two men, even though contemporaries, were acquainted or
knew of each other or even of the other’s work. The explanation is
not hard to find. Mahmiid, although born in KHshghar, was living in
BaghdPd when he wrote the Diwdn; moreover, he wrote it in Arabic.
Yiisuf, on the other hand, was born in BallsHghiin 2 and was a grown
man when he moved to KPshghar, where he completed Kutadgu Bilig,
using the language of his people. 3
-~
1 This form, used throughout this article, is the one approved by modern
Turkish scholarship. Strict adherence to the rules of transliteration would re-
quire Qiiddtghzi Bilik. The Encyclopedia of Islam uses Kutadhghzi Bilig, while
European orientalists, e.g., Radlof f and VambCry, have preferred Kudatku Bifik.
2 Although only a name out of history today, BaliGghGn was listed as an
important city by al-Gshghari in the Diwan. It is believed to have been located
somewhere northeast of Tariiz (now Evliya-Ata) and south of the Chu River.
See Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. I, pp. 614-15; New Edition, Vol. I, p. 987.
3 There is some dispute as to whether the language of Kutadgu Bilig is
Uighur proper or only a dialect of it then in use in Kiishghar. For a defense
299
THE MUSLIM W O R L D
of the latter view see, for example, H. F. Gonensay and N.S. Banarli, Bag-
langtftan tanzimata kadar Tiirk edebiyatz tar& (History of Turkish Literature
from the Beginning to the Tanzimat), Istanbul, 1942, pp. 55-58.
4 The word tzlranliqlar is used here. One Turkish scholar cites this as proof
that “Uighur” is not a term used by the Uighurs themselves but merely a name
coined by the Chinese and later adopted by European orientalists. See Sadri
Kaksudi Arsal, Tiirk tariki ve hzlkuk (Turkish History and Law), Istanbul,
1947, p. 97. Opposing Arsal’s argument is the fact that al-Ksshghari uses the
word “Uighur” frequently in his Diwan, which was written only 5 years after
Kutadgu Silig and therefore long before the prefaces were added.
YUSUF KHASS HAJIB 301
I1
After long centuries of obscurity, Kutadgu Bilig was brought to
light and made known to the Western world for the first time by the
Austrian orientalist von Hammer-Purgstall, who, coming into posses-
sion of a manuscript copy during a visit to Istanbul in 1823,sent it to
Europe and later presented it to the Vienna State Library. Some
seventy years later a second copy was discovered in the Khedivial
Library in Cairo. The third extant copy was found in Russian Turke-
stan on the eve of World War I.
The Vienna copy, which is written in the Uighur script, originated
in the city of Herat during the reign of ShHhrukh, the son of Timiir:
a note indicating that the copying was completed on 4 Muharram 843
appears within the book. There is no indication of the identity of
the copier or any reference to the source used. It can be presumed,
however, that the copier was not working from Yiisuf’s original copy
since the prose preface is included. The contents of this preface make
it clear that Yiisuf himself did not write it; and, had the copier done
so, it seems reasonable to assume that he would have given some
indication of that fact.
The copy contains a total of 190 pages, with the text of Kutadgu
Bilig proper comprising 5,971couplets; the number of couplets per
I11
With the exception of one of its two prefaces and its index, Kutadgu
BiZig is entirely in verse. The couplets are always rhymed, with an
equal number of syllables in each line. Because of the ambiguous
language used at times, it is often difficult to understand Yiisuf’s
intent and at times even impossible to guess it. Recent studies have
shed much new light on this aspect of Kutadgu Bilig but more re-
mains to be done before it can be said that all the nuances of Yiisuf’s
language are understood.
Yfisuf’s aim in writing Kutdgu Bilig was apparently not only t o
set down the existing moral, political, legal, social and philosophic
concepts of his day but also to combat the spread of asceticism and
mysticism which threatened to weaken the spirit and sap the energy
of the Turkic peoples. The Buddhistic concept of Nirvana had long
been in conflict in Central Asia with the force of social activity and
statecraft represented by the Turks. As a Muslim he seems also t o
have feared the spread among the Turks of Siifism, which may well
have appeared to him as an essentially artificial and superficial Isla-
mized version of the mystic philosophies of India, especially Buddhism.
I n the twelfth century, it should be noted, Buddhism was still a force
in Central Asia, for Islam had made its appearance there in strength
scarcely a hundred years before. Legend tells us that Satiiq BiighrB
KhHn, the first of the QarLkhHnid dynasty to accept Islam, was con-
verted at the age of twelve by one Nasr, a SHssPnid prince who had
been forced to seek refuge with the QarlkhLnids. The precise dates
of Satiiq’s reign are indeterminate, but it is known that he ascended
his throne at the age of twenty-five and died at an unknown age in
A.D. 955.
This conflict of ideas can be observed in the attributes represented
by the chief protagonists of the work, that is, by Kiintoghii, Aytoldii
and Oktiilmish on the one hand and by Odghiirmish on the other. T h e
discussions between Oktiilmish and Odghiirmish, especially, depict the
304 THE MUSLIM WORLD
struggle between the two ways of life: Bktulmish champions the cause
of an active life and creative social activity, while Odghiirmish, the
pessimist, defends the idea of withdrawal from society and the value
of seeking good in this life through religion and communion with God.
W e do not know what YBsuf’s life had been or to what influences
he had been exposed before he wrote Kutadgu Bilig or even if he
had a position at court before the Khan gave him the title of Kh&
H5jib. However, the contents of the book are such that it could have
been written only by a well-educated and cultured man who was fully
conversant with all aspects of Uighur life and society. On that point
there seems to be no disagreement. The question of Yiisuf’<sphilosophic
orientation is another matter. One writer has detected in Kutudgu
BiZig evidence of the influence of Ibn Sing; 6 a modern Turkish
scholar, however, rejects this thesis entirely, finding in the work evi-
dence only of the ideas of Confucius and al-FiirHbi. 7
Whatever the true facts of his background Yiisuf unquestionably
wrote as a Central Asiatic Turk, presenting the contemporary views
of his people on the subjects which he treated. The ideas he presents
are Turkish ideas and the proverbs he uses are Turkish proverbs.
Ytisuf is an epigrammatist par excellence, and virtually every phrase
h e puts into the mouths of his characters is a philosophical epigram
illustrating a moral precept.
Kutadgu Bilig, in the form in which we know it today, begins with
two prefaces, the first in prose and the second in verse, similar in
content, which cite the names by which the work was known in other
countries and touch briefly on the principal characters. Next comes
the index, which lists the names of the individual chapters. The first
eleven of these, which cover a variety of subjects, constitute a form
of introduction and have no bearing whatever on the main theme of
the book:
Chapter I - In Praise of Allah
Chapter 2 - In
Praise of Muhammad
Chapter 3 - In
Praise of the Four Companions of the Prophet
Chapter 4 - Dedication to BiighrZ KhPn
Chapter 5 - The Seven Planets and the Twelve Constellations
Chapter 6 - A Definition of Learning and Wisdom
Chapter 7 - On the Advantages of Moderation and Silence
Chapter 8 - Apology for the Imperfections of the Work
Chapter g - In Praise of Education
Chapter 10- On the Value of Discernment and Knowledge
6 0. Alberts, ,,Der Dichter des Kudutku Bilik ein Schiiler des Avicenna,”
Archiv fair Geschichte der Philosophie VII ( I ~ o I ) , p. 330ff. Fuat Kopriilii is
of the same opinion. See his Tiirk edebiyatz turihi (History of Turkish Litera-
ture), Istanbul,( 1928, pp. 194-204.
7 Arsal, op. cit., pp. 118-20.
YOSUF KHXSS HAJIB 305
I n Chapter 1 1 Yiisuf discusses the title of his book and his motives
in writing it, though he is so enigmatic and uses such ambiguous
language that his meaning in respect to both matters remains obscure.
Here too he presents his drumatis personae and tells the reader that
the work is divided into four parts, of which the first concerns the
Administration of Justice, the second the Executive Power, the third
Intelligence, and the fourth Moderation. These concepts, he indicates,
are represented by the story’s four principal characters: Kiintoghii,
the KhBn; Ayfoldii, the vizier; .dktiilmish, his son and successor;
and Odghfirmish, a friend 8 of dktiilmish.
The first part comprises Chapters 12 through 26 and is essentially
the story of Kiintoghii and Ayfoldii. It describes the rule of Kiintoghfi
and then relates the arrival of Aytoldfi at the Khiin’s court and his
eventual elevation to the vizierate, his illness and, finally, his death.
Part two-Chapters 27 through ~p-tells the story of the Kh5n and
his new vizier (dktulmish), wherein the two men discuss the state,
its chief officers, and the qualifications required by each of these
officials. Part three-Chapters 41 through 58-relates how Kiintoghfi
and dktiilmish attempt to persuade Odghiirmish to accept a post at
court. In their conversations dktiilmish and Odghiirmish discuss society,
the characteristics and rights of each social class, and various problems
of family and manners. Part four, which includes Chapters 59 through
6g, tells of the relationship of Oktiilmish and Odghfirmish and ends
with the illness and death of the latter. 9
The last four chapters constitute an epilogue wherein Yfisuf
addresses himself directly to the KhBn. He complains of the purpose-
lessness of life and, referring to his own advanced age, voices regrets
at how he had spent his youth. H e concludes with renewed apologies
for the imperfections of his work.
Kzttadgu Bilig’s plot-story-line would perhaps be a more appropriate
term-is a simple and uncomplicated one:
Ayfoldii, an intelligent, high-spirited youth, lives in a town far
from the capital. Feeling that his abilities are in excess of the
opportunities offered by his native environment, he resolves to
go to the capital and there enter the service of the Khin. After
a difficult trip he reaches his destination with high hopes, only
to succumb to despair when weeks pass and he is still unable to
present himself to any government officials. Then one day he
chances to meet Kosemish, a kind and generous man, to whom
8 In the text the exact relationship of the two men is not clear. Sometimes they
are described as friends, sometimes as brothers. But since AytoldLi at one point
refers to Gktiilmish as his only son, the word “brother” is apparently intended to
be taken in a figurative sense.
9 This paragraph describes the chapter arrangement which is found in the
Vienna copy.
306 THE MUSLIM W O R L D
V
The first publication about Kutadgu Bilig to appear in a Western
language was in 1825 by the French orientalist Pierre Am6dCe Jaubert,
who published a paper he had read at a meeting of the Sociktk Asiatique
on 3 January of that year. 16 Several years later a young Englishman
published a Turkish language grammar in which he included a long
Preliminary Discourse on Turkish history and literature. In this Dis-
course he gave a description of Kutudgu Bilig, which was simply a
condensation of the Jaubert article, as he himself acknowledged. 1 7
The first major work on Kutadgw Bilig appeared in 1870 when
VambCry published a facsimile, transcription and translation of 915
couplets taken from the Vienna copy, together with a qa-page intro-
duction on the Uighurs and their language. 18 The next scholar to
turn his attention to the work was Wilhelm Radloff, who, at the
urging of the Russian Academy of Sciences, undertook a study that
lasted for ten years and resulted in the publication of three volumes. 19
These four volumes are still the only major studies which have been
published in the West; other writings on Kutadgu Bilig have been
limited to periodical articles or sections of books devoted to Turkish
and Central Asiatic history and literature.
While Western scholars continue to show a relative lack of interest
in Kutadgu Bilig, the work has drawn increasing attention from Turks
during the past several decades. Under the influence of nationalism
Turkish scholars have been turning their attention to studies of the
historic origins of the Turkish peoples and to their accomplishments,
including their literature. The Turkish Language Society (Turk Dil
Kurumu) has been especially active in this regard and has published
facsimile copies of the Vienna, Cairo and FerghLna copies. 20 Even
more significant was the publication in 1947, under the Society’s
auspices, of a complete transcription into the modern Turkish alphabet
by Professor Arat. 21 In addition to transcribing the entire work, Arat
collated the three copies, showing all the differences among them with
respect to wording and the order of the couplets. In his introductory
remarks, Arat indicated that he planned eventually to publish a Turkish
translation of the complete work.
Washington, D.C. ROBERTDEVEREUX
Text und Ubersetzzlng nach den Handschriften von Wien und Kairo, St. Peters-
burg, 1891 and 1900.
20 Turk Dil Kurumu, Kutadgu Bilig : tzpkzbmam (Facsimile of Kutudgu Bilig),
Vol. I : Viyana niishasa (Vienna Copy), Vol. 11: Fergana niishasa (Ferghha
Copy), Vol. 111: Mzsar niishmz (Cairo Copy), Istanbul, r g q and 1943.
21 See Note 15.
310 THE MUSLIM WORLD