You are on page 1of 8

Ethical Human Psychology and Psychiatry, Volume 16, Number 2, 2014

Ethical Behavior of the


Classical Music Audience
Mary Katherine Wilson, BMus, MBA, EdD
University of Tennessee at Chattanooga

Sarah Marczynski, BMus, MPA


Chattanooga Symphony & Opera, Tennessee

Elizabeth O’Brien, BA, ESCE, PhD


University of Tennessee at Chattanooga

The purpose of this research is to gain a better understanding of expected ethics of audi-
ence behavior during a classical music performance. Through a better understanding of
cultural identities and practices of the classical music audience, symphony organizations
may be able to more closely align audience expectations and the socialization frameworks
that are present throughout the classical music experience. The researchers engaged in
an ethnographic qualitative research approach in this study. Specific to this study, the
researchers were engaging in gaining a greater understanding of classical music audience
culture and how this may be impacting participants that are of a “marginalized” or non-
traditional classical music audience group. There were 6 new-to-file ticket-buying patrons
from the Chattanooga Symphony & Opera who participated in the study. The predomi-
nant theme that emerged from the focus group participants was that they like the tradi-
tional classical music experience, including venue, audience behavior expectation, and
orchestration components, as it is. Further research is needed to better understand if these
preferences root in long-standing structural and institutional frameworks that perpetuate
cultural identities and practices and minimize audience “performance anxiety” because of
reassurance of learned socialization processes (Jacobs, 2000; Mandeles, 1993). Or, if the
American classical music audience of today authentically desires the concert etiquette
and rituals that began in the 19th century European concert halls because the etiquette
and rituals provide an ideal psychological setting for enjoyment of the classical music
experience.

Keywords: ethical behavior; classical music; symphony audience

T
he American classical music experience of today is rooted in conventions, eti-
quette, and rituals of the 19th century European concert halls and reinforced
through socialization processes that adhere to the sociocultural behaviors estab-
lished by the old aristocratic classes (Mandeles, 1993). If these conventions, rituals, and
socialization processes make new audiences feel uncomfortable and out of place, what
implications might this have for classical music organizations in recruitment and retention
of new audience members?

120 © 2014 Springer Publishing Company


http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1559-4343.16.2.120
Ethical Behavior of the Classical Music Audience121

HISTORY OF ETHICAL PRACTICE IN THE AMERICAN


SYMPHONY ORCHESTRA

With the establishment of American symphony orchestras and other cultural institutions
in the late 18th and 19th century, the arts were moved into a free market system, quite
different from that of the European patronage system funded by the aristocratic class and
the church. The institutions, primarily presenters of high art (Kirchberg, 1994), were typi-
cally founded and associated with wealthy individuals and classes, the elite of society, who
became the core audiences. Kirchberg (1994) and the Survey of Public Participation in
the Arts (SPAA) defines “high art” as attendance at dance, operas, classical music, art
museums, jazz, and classical theatres. Popular art or “low art” includes dinner theatres,
nonclassical, popular concerts, live music clubs, and movie theatres.
These core audiences were also responsible for institutionalizing conventions, concert
etiquette, and rituals found in the 19th century European concert halls (Mandeles, 1993).
These norms are mutually agreed on between artist, institutions, and audiences but are
unspoken, unwritten, and passed down through experience—when to clap, when to leave,
how to dress, etc. Wheeler (2004) wrote, “it depends upon the processes of socialization
in which audiences learn the conventions of a particular art world” (p. 336). Hasitschka,
Goldsleger, and Zembylas (2005) suggest that formal and informal frameworks of action
contribute to socialization and tacit understanding of situations.
The socialization process for classical music often begins with early experiences through
school field trips, participation in a youth ensemble, or concert attendance with an adult.
As audiences age, they may come to interact with the orchestra through chance, through
engagement with a musician or other performer, or through their peer group. Through
these experiences, the unknown concert rituals and behaviors, established by the old aris-
tocratic classes and institutionalized by the organization, are experienced, and adherence
to these sociocultural behaviors is expected.
The League of American Orchestras published a 1993 report that concert rituals,
learned in the socialization process, while reassuring for seasoned audiences, can be mys-
terious, uncomfortable, or unknown to new audiences creating a type of audience “per-
formance anxiety” (Jacobs, 2000; Mandeles, 1993). Most frequently, “what to wear” and
“when to applaud” are the largest contributors to performance anxiety, although “when to
leave,” “where to sit,” and in more recent years, “when are electronic devices appropriate”
are also major aspects of concert etiquette anxiety; audiences and organizations are “exclu-
sionary as well as inclusionary so that . . . how you dress and how you behave are matters
of constant concern” (Jacobs, 2000, p. 135).
High art was sponsored and attended by society’s elite, whereas the low or popular
arts were developed, created, attended, and funded by the general public. The influx
of immigrants in the late 19th century brought common artistic traditions from other
countries that merged with those already in practice to form distinctly American arts,
which eschewed aristocratic behaviors and high art concert norms (Jackson, Herranz, &
Kabwasa-Green, 2003; Zimmer & Toepler, 1999). High art institutions were not quick
to accept these art forms, although the widespread acceptance and cultivation of jazz,
modern dance, and symphonic pop concerts shows that the low arts are finding places in
the modern high art institutions. The blurring of the boundaries between the traditionally
high arts and the popular arts contributes to performance anxiety as audiences cross over
and may not have been properly socialized (Foreman-Wernet & Dervin, 2005).
122 Wilson et al.

Although audiences have largely shaped and standardized accepted behavior, they have
not been the only contributors to the creation of standard concert behaviors. Hasitschka
et al. (2005) indicate that several social institutions have influenced the evolution and
adoption of behaviors including the following:

• The legal system and cultural policy


• Culture markets
• The conditions of professionalism and [artistic] productions (education, technology, mentalities)
• Media, art criticism, modes, public discourse on cultural affairs.
• Institutions (such as museums, theaters, concert halls) that display, mediate, and convey
understanding of cultural goods and services, acting as cultural gatekeepers.

Are there rules and expectations for the classical music audience during a live perfor-
mance? How might these rules and expectations impact the audience member’s classical
music experience?

ETHICAL BEHAVIOR OF THE CLASSICAL MUSIC AUDIENCE

The purpose of this research is to gain a better understanding of expected ethics of audi-
ence behavior during a classical music performance. Hasitschka et al. (2005) suggest
that “humans act according to their socialization and they adopt cultural identities and
practices—structural and institutional framework of actions as well as informal aspects of
action—according to their tacit understanding of a particular situation” (p. 152). Through
a better understanding of cultural identities and practices of the classical music audience,
symphony organizations may be able to more closely align audience expectations and the
socialization frameworks that are present throughout the classical music experience.

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

Rossman and Rallis (2013) suggest that building the conceptual framework for a study
helps the design to evolve and progress. The researchers have more than 15 years of com-
bined professional experience in the symphony organization. In addition to this experi-
ence, industry and academic research has been conducted to develop the foundational
framework for this study.
Understanding expectations of ethical audience member behavior, may serve as a
factor in understanding audience member satisfaction and commitment to the classical
music experience. Participant 2 of the Chattanooga Symphony & Opera (CSO) focus
group session stated that hearing a large classical music ensemble has “a power to it that is
unmatched by anything else in the world. It’s just an amazing experience.” This quotation
highlights the impact that classical music can have on audience members, and assists in
understanding the researchers’ desire to enhance knowledge on this topic to strengthen
and build future audiences. While the symphony audience in Chattanooga, Tennessee,
will undoubtedly have a unique opinion regarding expected ethics of audience behavior
Ethical Behavior of the Classical Music Audience123

during a classical music performance, this study may serve as a building block for future
academic study on this topic.

METHODOLOGY

The researchers engaged in an ethnographic qualitative research approach in this study.


Specific to this study, the researchers were engaging in gaining a greater understanding of
classical music audience culture and how this may be impacting participants that are of a
“marginalized” or nontraditional classical music audience group.
To investigate this phenomenon, researchers recruited participants using new-to-file
ticket-buying household email addresses collected by the CSO from 2009 to 2013. This list
included 1,472 email addresses. An email message was sent to these 1,472 email addresses
requesting participation in this study, and the first 6 patrons who responded to the email
invitation were chosen to be in the study. Four of the 6 participants were 30 years of age
or younger. Five of the 6 participants played a musical instrument during their childhood,
and 4 of the 6 participants had their first classical music experience through a school
­educational performance.
A set of 15 questions was created and used during the 45-minute focus group session
conducted at the CSO office. Each focus group member signed an informed consent
form prior to the session beginning. To ensure credibility and rigor within the study, the
focus group session was recorded and transcribed. Transcriptions were sent to participants
to ensure accuracy and to maintain rigor. Finally, data were analyzed to find emergent
­concepts and themes throughout the transcription.

RESULTS

• “When you have attended a Chattanooga Symphony & Opera ­performance, or previous expe-
riences, do you feel there are rules or expectations for how you should behave as an audience
member?”

Participant 4 suggested that the style of music guided rules and expectations of audience
behavior, citing that the recent CSO concert with the Indigo Girls was different from a
standard CSO performance. Participant 3 continued that CSO performance such as Video
Games Live, Bela Fleck with the CSO, and the Indigo Girls had an audience expectation
that was more expressive, outgoing, and casual.
Participant 1 stated that the audience behavior had a significant impact on his own clas-
sical music experience. Texting, taking pictures, and talking to friends were all stated as
audience behavior that infringed on the musical experience of fellow audience members.

I don’t know, like I said before, not texting, not taking pictures, not even really talking to each
other, just you know absorbing it yourself and enjoying it yourself, it’s like a very, you’re in your
mind, when you are watching it, you can share what you saw later, so, like we went to Verdi’s
Requiem, it was awesome, and afterwards it was like electric, and we went out, we walked out
completely loving it.
124 Wilson et al.

Participant 1 also stated that the music creates the expectation of being quiet because
the volume and the many nuances of the music itself can drastically and quickly increase
and decrease.
Participant 6 added that his early musical experience in band, as well as the attire of
the musicians, created an expectation of formality in audience behavior. Participant 5
later added, “I don’t need people to wear ties, but I would like, you know, a certain level or
decorum, professionalism, whatever you want to call it.”
Participant 3 suggested that the culture and age of the audience had an impact on audi-
ence expectations of behavior. She continued by comparing the traditional CSO classical
music audience, described as a senior crowd desiring a more serene atmosphere, to that of
a younger audience at a concert such as Video Games Live.

• “And for the musicians and the conductor, do you feel like there is an expectation of how they
are supposed to behave and interact with each other and the audience?”

Participant 4 stated,

Well, they do sort of follow, it’s not that elaborate but there is a script that they follow, our orches-
tra comes out, and the lead violinist, or whatever it’s called, you know there is a certain template
they follow when they are introducing the musicians and getting everything ready to go. It’s you
know part of the whole process is there from every performance I’ve ever seen, and it’s expected.

• “If you could create new guideline for how audiences behave with the classical music experi-
ence, would you keep it the same or change it?”

We had to teach concert etiquette, I used to teach music and we had to teach concert etiquette,
so I don’t know if people learn it in schools but it is a part of a lot of curriculum now, so I think
people have a tendency to look around and see how other people are acting and in a situation,
and if you see that people aren’t going nuts, then chances are that you will figure that will say, I
better fit in here, so I don’t know, I think that it’s just a tradition or habit, I guess to answer the
question, I think it is fine the way it is.—Participant 2

Participant 6 added that social acceptance would also lead him to figure out ethical
behavior for concerts. “You go in the first day with a Hawaiian shirt and Birkenstocks; you
are very likely to say, maybe the next time I go maybe I will dress up a little more.”
Participant 1 suggested that it was difficult to initially visualize new concert behavior
because the experience is so “steeped in tradition.”

EMERGENT THEMES AND THEMES TO PURSUE

Several themes emerged as the focus group session developed. The focus group partic-
ipants predominantly like the CSO concert experience as it is currently. The current
expectation of ethical behavior within the classical concert setting was suggested to have
a level of formality and decorum as well as quiet so the nuances of the music can be heard.
Participants also suggested a desire to hear the standard classical repertoire with some
newer works thrown in to spice things up. They like the mixture of offerings, including
Ethical Behavior of the Classical Music Audience125

Video Games Live, Indigo Girls, and Bela Fleck, and they like the traditional classical
music experience.
This research lends itself to further study such as a similar research model that would
include more audience participation. How do first-time buyers respond to the concert
rituals? Does the classical music audience, regardless of age, desire a similar concert experi-
ence? How much does early exposure to classical music impact future concert attendance
and expectation of ethical concert behavior?
The predominant theme that emerged from the focus group participants was that they
like the traditional classical music experience, including venue, audience behavior expecta-
tion, and orchestration components, as it is. The participants made interesting suggestions
for concert ideas, but this did not negate the overall commonality of the desired concert
experience. Further research is needed to better understand if these preferences root in
long-standing structural and institutional frameworks that perpetuate cultural identities and
practices and minimize audience “performance anxiety” because of reassurance of learned
socialization processes (Jacobs, 2000; Mandeles, 1993). Or, if the American classical music
audience of today authentically desires the concert etiquette and rituals that began in the
19th century European concert halls because the etiquette and rituals provide an ideal psy-
chological setting for enjoyment of the classical music experience.
Participant 1 stated, “It is kind of a grand stage back here, and I think it demands a
certain level of professionalism. I like the concert experience kind of unchanged, is that
a problem?”

REFERENCES

Foreman-Wernet, L., & Dervin, B. (2005). Comparing arts and popular culture experiences:
Applying a common methodological framework. The Journal of Arts Management, Law, and
Society, 35(3), 169–187. Retrieved from http://www.gale.cengage.com/PeriodicalSolutions/­
academicOnefile.htm
Hasitschka, W., Goldsleger, P., & Zembylas, T. (2005). Cultural institutions studies: Investigating
the transformation of cultural goods. The Journal of Arts Management, Law, and Society, 35(2),
147–158. Retrieved from http://www.gale.cengage.com/PeriodicalSolutions/academicOnefile.htm
Jackson, M. R., Herranz, J., & Kabwasa-Green, F. (2003). Art and culture in communities: A frame-
work for measurement. The Urban Institute. Retrieved from http://www.urban.org/publications/
311008.html
Jacobs, M. (2000). Not on a Friday or Saturday night: Performance anxieties of a college arts audi-
ence. The Journal of Arts Management, Law, and Society, 30(2), 134–145. Retrieved from http://
www.gale.cengage.com/PeriodicalSolutions/academicOnefile.htm
Kirchberg, V. (1994). Preferences and policy: Consuming art and culture in Baltimore and Hamburg.
The Journal of Arts Management, Law, and Society, 24(2), 146–159. Retrieved from http://www
.ebscohost.com/
Mandeles, L. L. (1993). Varying the concertgoing experience. In Americanizing the American orches-
tra: Report of the National Task Force for the American Orchestra: An initiative for change, June
1993 (pp. 83–105). Washington, DC: American Symphony Orchestra League.
Rossman, G. B., & Rallis, S. F. (2013). Learning in the field: An introduction to qualitative research
(2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Wheeler, B. B. (2004). The social construction of an art field: How audience informed the institution-
alization of performance art. The Journal of Arts Management, Law, and Society, 33(4), ­336–350.
Retrieved from http://www.gale.cengage.com/PeriodicalSolutions/academicOnefile.htm
126 Wilson et al.

Zimmer, A., & Toepler, S. (1999). The subsidized muse: Government and the arts in western Europe
and the United States. Journal of Cultural Economics, 23(102), 33–49. Retrieved from http://
search.proquest.com/

Mary Katherine Wilson is a doctoral candidate in the Learning and Leadership program at the
University of Tennessee at Chattanooga, where she is an adjunct instructor. She is focusing her
dissertation research on leadership, musician group mood, and artistic quality within the symphony
organization.

Correspondence regarding this article should be directed to Mary Katherine Wilson, University of
Tennessee at Chattanooga, 1700 Lula Lake Road, Lookout Mountain, GA 30750. E-mail: mhy113@
mocs.utc.edu
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without
permission.

You might also like