Professional Documents
Culture Documents
AL-JAHIZ:
IN PRAISE OF
BOOKS
James E. Montgomery
S E R I E S E D I T O R S : W E N - C H I N O U YA N G A N D J U L I A B R AY
Edinburgh Studies in Classical Arabic Literature
Series Editors: Wen-chin Ouyang and Julia Bray
www.euppublishing.com/series/escal
Al-Ja-h.iz.: In Praise of Books
James E. Montgomery
For my children, Natasha, Sam and Josh, with love and admiration
A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library
Preface 3
Postface 427
H ow many books are published each year? Include ephemera and the dig-
ital word, the internet, the blogosphere, social networking, ‘tweeting’
and ‘texting’. Our world is filled with words. Some say this produces infor-
mation overload and anxiety. Some say people are changing how they think.
By just after the middle of the third century of the Hegira (i.e. around
850 AD), something similar was taking place in Baghdad. Rag-paper books
were all the rage. A book market, with its professionals: stationers, copyists,
booksellers and authors, soon emerged. A cosmopolitan society responded
enthusiastically. Al-JāªiÕ had, for most of his long life, earned his living as
an influential counsellor to the elite. When he died in 255/868–9 (at the
age of ninety?), he had become what we would recognise as a professional
author.
Al-JāªiÕ: In Praise of Books and Al-JāªiÕ: In Censure of Books is a study
in two volumes which seeks to introduce the reader to the writings and
textual world of Abū ʿUthmān ʿAmr b. Baªr al-JāªiÕ, the ‘father of Arabic
prose’. They tell one version of the story of how al-JāªiÕ viewed, represented,
encouraged and discouraged his society’s responses to the paper book. These
responses touched all aspects of intellectual life – from interpreting the
Qurʾān to reading Aristotle in Arabic. The books are written as independ-
ent but interconnected studies of al-JāªiÕ, his society and its writings, and
are aimed primarily at scholars and students and those with a prior reading
of Arabic. I have also tried to make my books presume only a minimum
of familiarity with the author and his society, though they (sadly) pose a
daunting read for the newcomer to the study of the classical Arabic textual
heritage.
3
4 | al-jĀh. i z. : i n pra i s e o f b o o k s
A. Life
The first volume is devoted to al-JāªiÕ’s most important work: The Book of
Living, Kitāb al-Óayawān. This work contains the most sustained praise of
books in his corpus of writings. I set out to answer the following question:
why did al-JāªiÕ praise books as he does in The Book of Living?
The Book of Living was written over more than a decade marked for al-JāªiÕ
by personal catastrophe (a debilitating stroke) and political danger (the death
of two patrons). Work on it was begun before 232/847. The latest events
it refers to are in 244/858. This was a decade which expected that the End
Time was imminent. It witnessed a turning away from Kalām theology when
the Caliph al-Mutawakkil banned debate and so endangered the dialectical
method for ascertaining the truth which al-JāªiÕ considered central to the
ordering, stability and preservation of his society. He wrote The Book of
Living in response to these expectations and concerns.
6 | al-jĀh. i z. : i n pra i s e o f b o o k s
Not all of his contemporaries agreed or approved of the enterprise. The Book
of Living was subjected to a withering criticism that extended beyond its con-
tents to engulf most of his public writings and become a categorical rejection
of the benefits which the book as an artefact brought to society.
Al-JāªiÕ reverts throughout The Book of Living to this criticism. The
initial 200 pages of the first volume (in its modern edited version) constitute
an ‘Introduction’ (I write it in scare quotes like this because it is not identi-
fied in the book as an introduction) and engage specifically with the attack.
Parts 3 and 6 follow the details of the critique by offering a translation, with
commentary, of the passages which engage explicitly with the criticism.
Why were al-JāªiÕ’s books rejected in this manner? What was the point of
the critique? What exactly was attacked? Was it the author’s style of thinking
(Kalām) or writing? Did the work unsettle the attacker, resolutely determined
not to be fashioned as al-JāªiÕ’s ideal reader? Who was the attacker? Why
pref a ce | 7
How could someone think that a book could save society? Al-JāªiÕ’s answer
lay in an appreciation of God’s design in the universe. The third century
abounded in books on the subject. Part 5 puts The Book of Living into con-
versation with them. It excavates the theological premise of the work: that
God has put in man a primary appreciation of His design. Al-JāªiÕ’s book
explores this primary appreciation of design and so directs its appeal at the
monotheists in his audience. By participating in the process of becoming his
ideal readers, this audience will be led to recognise that creation can only
fully and properly, however imperfectly, be appreciated through al-JāªiÕ’s
(Islamic) account of design.
Appreciation of design took two forms: the proper use of the ʿArabīya,
Arabic in its loftiest register; and a conception of composition which permit-
ted an author to aspire to mimic God without thereby becoming God. And
so here I explore the second tension in the composition of a totalising work
that emerged in Part 2: the aspiration to completeness if not to omniscience.
And yet, if The Book of Living has this didactic and salvific purpose, why
does al-JāªiÕ make it so difficult for his audience to become ideal readers
by his regular use of obliquity and misdirection? Part 5 concludes with a
consideration of this question.
This book demonstrates a certain way of reading al-JāªiÕ through some basic
techniques, including the identification of who is speaking and when and the
arrangement of akhbār (micro-structures), and the determination of the extent
and sweep of an argument (such as the 200-page-long ‘Introduction’; macro-
structures). The Appendix is a look at mezzo-structures by schematising the
components of a key argument, his praise of books.
C. My Readers
Another way of approaching this book and how its argument is (perhaps idio
syncratically) developed is to think of it in terms of the kinds of scholars and
their interests I have had in mind as I wrote each part.
At an early stage of thinking about this book I had the enormous good
fortune to make the acquaintance of Professor Rebecca Stott of the University
of East Anglia. Rebecca was writing a book on Charles Darwin’s predecessors
in evolutionary thought. She was keen to include al-JāªiÕ in her study. I urge
readers of my book to consult her marvellous appreciation of al-JāªiÕ: ‘The
worshipful curiosity of Jahiz – Basra and Baghdad, 850’, in Darwin’s Ghosts.
I wrote Parts 1 and 2 with Rebecca in mind. I have learned more than I can
express from my conversations with her.
Parts 2, 3, 6 and 7, I wrote for the graduate students in whose company
over the years I have explored the writings of al-JāªiÕ. The emphasis is on
translation and on developing a sensitivity to how his arguments unfold,
often through extensive textual structures.
In Part 4, I had in mind those scholars who read al-JāªiÕ predominantly
in terms of belles-lettres and rhetoric and shy away from his engagement with
the major developments of his age (be they political, scientific, theological or
philosophical). In Part 5, I had in mind those who work on the intellectual
pref a ce | 9
history of the third and fourth centuries but seem not to know what to do
with or make of the JāªiÕian corpus. At some point in their thinking, both
sets of scholars seem to me to agree – they straitjacket his writings within the
confines of Adab, a type of writing and a style of thought which, at the point
in the third century when al-JāªiÕ composed The Book of Living, I do not
think existed in exactly the form which modern scholarship has reconstructed
and which these scholars think his books represent.
I also set out to write a simple book but The Book of Living just would
not let me. Despite such a multiplicity of audiences and (a cacophony?) of
writerly practices, I have tried to provide this book with a strong storyline.
Inevitably, of course, many rough edges remain and the story may often seem
to vanish from the page. I would like to apologise to my readers for this. I am
sure that one day a simpler book can and will be written about The Book of
Living. Whether it will, or can, be written by me is another matter.
One thing I have learned about writing from my reading of al-JāªiÕ
is that the writer is in no sense extrinsic to the process but is the principal
mediator between the subject of the book and the reader. I have been
emboldened by this to include myself in the story I am telling of this third-
century masterpiece and its remarkable composer. This is why I have noticed
that a symmetry often emerges: my reading of al-JāªiÕ’s Book of Living mir-
rors al-JāªiÕ’s reading of God’s creation. My attempt to write a book about
The Book of Living comes to mirror al-JāªiÕ’s attempt to write The Book of
Living. That this was not what I originally set out to do I take to be another
indication of the extraordinary power and gravitational pull of The Book of
Living.
D. The Title
The Arabic title of the work is Kitāb al-Óayawān. This is usually rendered
as The Book of Animals. As we begin to appreciate the centrality of man to
al-JāªiÕ’s vision for the book, more and more scholars are beginning to refer
to it as The Book of Living Beings or Living Things. This was the translation I
first used when I started the project. I soon found myself becoming more and
more dissatisfied with it though. I developed a deep sense of the relevance of
the word ªayawān in Qurʾān ʿAnkabūt 29: 64, a verse in which the word
carries the meaning of ‘living’:
10 | a l-jĀ h. i z. : i n pra is e o f b o o k s
This life down here is nothing but frivolity and dalliance. The next dwelling
– it is living (ªayawān), if only they knew.
If someone says, ‘So and so has produced a book on the classes of living
things (ªayawān) but does not include the angels and the jinn, yet that is
how people use language’ – there is another occurrence (maw∂iʿ) of the
word ‘living’ (ªayawān) – the words of God (Great and Glorious!) in His
Book: ‘The next dwelling – it is living’ [Óayawān 5.286.4–7].
I am now convinced that al-JāªiÕ meant his title to evoke this unique
Qurʾanic use of the word. In this I follow Saʿīd Ó. Man‚ūr in his excellent,
sensitive and intelligent study The World-View of al-JāªiÕ, pp. 301–4.
E. Translation
The emphasis in Al-JāªiÕ and His Books is on what al-JāªiÕ has to say and
so the book features numerous translations, many of which are rendered
into English for the first time, in order that the reader may gain access to
al-JāªiÕ’s words. In this respect, Parts 3 and 6 can function as a sort of
primer for anyone who wants to learn how to read al-JāªiÕ. The translations,
designed to be readable on their own, are at the same time effected in such a
way as to guide readers with the Arabic text in front of them. They oscillate
uncomfortably between two target audiences.
The first audience is those who have al-JāªiÕ’s Arabic to hand. Thus
my rendering is close to the original and I have sought to phrase it in such
a way that it is clear to see how I extracted my English version from the
original. It is for this reason that I have added, in square brackets at the end
of each paragraph, very precise page and line references; I have followed the
conventions of my discipline in transliterating in parentheses those words
whose rendering may be contentious, uncertain or unusual; but I do not
denote with any kind of brackets words supplied to complement in English
the sense of the original, though I do occasionally use curved brackets to
furnish a few basic explanations when required by the sense. I have also
imposed my own paragraph divisions upon the original and have not always
followed the divisions proposed by the editor of the best available edition,
pref ace | 11
F. Prosopography
Al-JāªiÕ often goes to great lengths to point out that he is quoting and/or rep-
resenting the words of others. He explicitly states that these pronouncements
are not his. Therefore, they are often unaccompanied by any comments,
because the identity of the individual or group making the pronouncement
was supposed to orient the audience to a proper appreciation of the value of
the statement. Commentary was thus superfluous.
The ‘Introduction’ to The Book of Living, for example, throngs with many
personages and sects who speak or are spoken to or about. They would have
been familiar to al-JāªiÕ’s audience. Needless to say, they are not familiar
to us today. The inclusion in my commentaries of the many identifications
required would have made it impossible for me to sustain the precarious bal-
ancing act between al-JāªiÕ’s words and my words. My readers then may find
themselves constrained to consult the Second Edition of the Encyclopaedia of
Islam, if they want to find out more.
G. Strategies of Argumentation
Access to al-JāªiÕ’s words is not enough, however, for it is not an easy task
to work out how al-JāªiÕ puts his words together so as to form arguments,
explore contradictory positions, and promote his own theories. Therefore
in the commentaries which accompany the translations I have included
analyses which seek to reveal to the reader how I think al-JāªiÕ constructs
a position or presents a case. In fact the whole of this volume, In Praise of
Books, is an exploration of an argument sustained over the course of the
‘Introduction’.
pref ace | 13
then too, I say nothing of how al-JāªiÕ’s book continues the long tradition of
philosophical and theological thinking about animals as studied by Richard
Sorabji, Animal Minds and Human Morals. I am also aware that much of
al-JāªiÕ’s thinking on animals seems to have been taken up some fifty years
after his death by Muªammad b. Zakarīyā al-Rāzī (d. 313/925 or 323/935).
I know that Professor Peter Adamson’s current project on al-Rāzī will help us
to bring much of this into sharper focus.
And inevitably my studies will have focused too much on books and ideas
and not enough on the realities of the third century: slavery (in the discussion
of eunuchs in the ‘Introduction’ to The Book of Living al-JāªiÕ shows himself
to be all too expert in the valuation of slaves); social and civil coercion; tor-
ture and political turmoil; conspicuous consumption and displays of wealth;
questions of ethnicity (though in the third century I think of them more as
questions of ‘linguicity’, as it were) and race. One anonymous reviewer of
my original proposal for this book rightly pointed out that if I was going to
speak about ‘the salvific book’, then I ought to be clear that the choice of
which path to follow to salvation was often a matter of life and death. It was
a real-life dilemma and not a decision taken in the scholarly study.
The Book of Living and many of al-JāªiÕ’s other works are informed by,
and provide ample insight into, these and other topics. They have frequently
been (very clumsily in my view) mined for the sorts of information they
might contain on such subjects. It is my contention, however, that we must
first pay attention to and understand how and why al-JāªiÕ says what he
does, before we can cherry-pick his writings. To be in a position to do that
we must first enter into his world of ideas.
My study places one of the third century’s most representative figures at
the heart of its story, in a plea that more readers pick up al-JāªiÕ’s books and
engage with this most beguiling of writers who expressed himself in a most
intriguing Arabic. My books will be successful if they encourage their readers
to abandon them and put them to one side and pick up with some confidence
a work written by al-JāªiÕ in his original Arabic.
I. Conventions
al-JāªiÕ’s argument. I list secondary materials in the notes when they have
contributed something to the structure of the argument I have erected or
will provide further information for the reader. The bibliography does not
itemise all the works I have read and consulted in the course of writing this
book. I have tried to restrict these references to materials in English readily
available in an average university library. This has not always been possible,
however.
I usually give both Hijrī and Christian dates for an event such as the
death-date of an author, though when I refer to centuries I give only the Hijrī
reckoning. The third century AH largely overlaps with the ninth century AD
but the match is not complete.
This book is packed with cross-references. Somehow The Book of Living
demands such an approach. It is also packed with precise references to works
in the JāªiÕian corpus and other Arabic texts. Any such reference may begin
with the name of the editor if more than one edition exists, or with the name
of the work, for the sake of clarity, then proceed to the volume number, page,
and line reference: Óayawān 1.3.5, for example. It may take my readers some
getting used to, but I would argue that in order for our study of the third-
century textual tradition to advance, it is not enough simply to refer vaguely
to Óayawān volume 1, page 3. This is a corpus which generally overlaps,
shares, appropriates, steals and hides ideas from its other members. It is high
time we began to chart its networks with some accuracy.
I also refer to the Qurʾān in a modified version of the ‘Toorawa system’: I
give both the name of the Sūra (in lower case and without the definite article)
and its number, as well as the precise verse reference.
J. Bibliography
I have not been able to consult any of the manuscripts of The Book of Living.
Details are to be found in: Brockelmann, Geschichte, I, p. 153 = Supplement,
I, pp. 241–2: it is work number 2 in the list; Hārūn, ‘Muqaddima’, Óayawān
(1388/1969 edition), I, pp. 34–6; Şeşen, ‘CāªiÕ’in eserlerinin’, pp. 120–4
(for manuscripts of The Book of Living in Istanbul); Bahmān, ‘Al-Mawrūth
al-jāªiÕī’, pp. 284–5; Pellat, ‘Inventaire’, pp. 139–40, §85d.
I occasionally refer to the manuscripts (MSS) Hārūn used by his sigla. I
list the relevant ones here:
16 | a l-jĀ h. i z. : i n pra is e o f b o o k s
are to be had in Pellat’s Life and Works, pp. 130–85. Those readers who know
French may want to consult Souami, Le cadi et la mouche.
There are very few able studies of The Book of Living. The majority are
written in Arabic. In addition to the studies by Ibrahim Geries listed in
the Bibliography and Man‚ūr’s World-view, I refer the interested reader to:
Abū al-Óabb, Nuqūl al-JāªiÕ (for engagement with Aristotle); Bumulªim,
Al-Manāªī al-Falsafīya (on the presence of philosophical method in
al-JāªiÕ’s corpus generally); al-Nuʿmān, Mafāhīm al-Majāz (with an analysis
of al-JāªiÕ’s famous discussion of creation as a semiotic system); Bilmalīª,
al-Ruʾya al-Bayānīya (which bases a reading of the corpus on this famous
semiotics passage).
For those new to a book on this sort of subject, or those who are just
setting out to learn more about third-century ʿAbbasid society, it may be
helpful to take a look at a few other books which may help them as they have
helped me:
K. Acknowledgments
I have received many, many kindnesses during the writing of this book.
Firstly, Professors Julia Bray and Wen-chin Ouyang were kind enough to
18 | a l-jĀ h. i z. : i n pra is e o f b o o k s
accept it for their series with Edinburgh University Press, where Nicola
Ramsey and the staff I have encountered have been superbly supportive.
For permission to recycle two earlier works, I would like to thank the
Trustees of the Gibb Memorial Trust for some materials which appeared
in ‘Convention as cognition: on the cultivation of emotion’, in Martha
Hammond and Geert Jan van Gelder (eds), Takhyīl: The Imaginary in Classical
Arabic Poetics (Oxford: Gibb, 2008), pp. 147–78; and Taylor and Francis
and Wen-chin Ouyang, the current editor of Middle Eastern Literatures,
for some materials which appeared in ‘Speech and nature: al-JāªiÕ, Kitāb
al-Bayān wa-l-tabyīn, 2.175–207, Part 1’, in Devin J. Stewart and Shawkat
M. Toorawa (eds), Arabic Literature before al-Muwayliªī: Studies in Honour of
Roger Allen, Middle Eastern Literatures, 11/2 2008, pp. 169–91.
Work on this book began during sabbatical leave for the year 2009–
10 generously provided by my institutional homes at the University of
Cambridge, the Department of Middle Eastern Studies of the Faculty of
Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, and Trinity Hall. The many conversations
and exchanges with colleagues in both those places have shaped my thoughts
in ways I can no longer trace. I am also grateful to the Faculty of Asian and
Middle Eastern Studies for financial support towards the cost of compiling
the Index. The modern British university in the twenty-first century is often
not a place where it is easy to find the time and space required to think about,
begin and finish a book, let alone a book as bombastic as this. I am deeply
appreciative of how Cambridge University continues to make old-fashioned
scholarship like this possible.
I first started thinking vaguely about the subject for both these volumes
some twenty years ago. I decided to edit and ask Uwe Vagelpohl to translate
the studies by Gregor Schoeler on the wider issues involved: The Oral and
the Written in Early Islam. This book equipped me with many of the basic
analytical insights I required in order to think about a work as bewildering as
al-JāªiÕ’s Book of Living.
The immediate catalyst, however, was a wonderful invitation from the
Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations at Yale University
to deliver The Third K. W. & E. K. Rosenthal Memorial Lecture in Ancient &
Medieval Near Eastern Civilization, in April 2008. Beatrice Gruendler and
Dimitri and Ioanna Gutas were paragons of philoxenia. Maureen Draicchio
pref ace | 19
arranged it all with aplomb. Dimitri and Ioanna again two years later shel-
tered me when Eyjafjallajökull decided to remind us of the power of nature.
Beatrice Gruendler was a gracious host at the Wissenschaftskolleg in Berlin
in April 2011 and I was able to learn much from our conversations about her
current project on Arabic books and media in the second and third centuries.
Whilst working on this book, the inspired and inspiring vision for the
Arabic literary heritage of Professor Philip Kennedy at New York University
materialised as The Library of Arabic Literature. To my friends who work with
me on the Editorial Board of this project I can only say a simple ‘thank you’.
Sometimes the smallest words say the biggest things. LAL has been the single,
most exciting thing I have done in my career to date. It will be completely
transformative for the classical Arabic textual heritage. But inevitably writing
this book has postponed my edition and translation of a selection of al-JāªiÕ’s
Epistles for LAL. Philip Kennedy and the incomparable Shawkat Toorawa,
my LAL minders, supported my decision to prioritise this book over the book
I owe them. Their book is the next on my ‘to do’ list.
The work has benefited enormously from much feedback. From Wen-
chin Ouyang and Julia Bray; from Rebecca Stott; from Dr Ignacio Sánchez
and Dr Jeannie Miller; from Shawkat Toorawa and Atoor Lawandow, who
kindly read Parts 3 and 6 in conjunction with al-JāªiÕ’s Arabic; from Geert
Jan van Gelder. I have been humbled by their many kindnesses. Many of the
errors which remain are the fault of al-JāªiÕ though I accept responsibility
for all of them.
Many things have sustained my flagging spirits as I wrote the book: red
Burgundy, Manzanilla sherry and Armagnac; Moro Restaurant and the cook-
books of Sam and Sam Clark; the music of John Adams; rock and jazz, from
Whitesnake and Hawkwind to Sonny Rollins and Miles Davis; and Dad’s
Army. Two books gave me the courage to write: Alex Ross, The Rest is Noise:
Listening to the Twentieth Century; Italo Calvino, Why Read the Classics?
And so to my family. It is funny how, when you are writing a book,
those who give you the most are those who will benefit the least from it.
Natasha read very early drafts and was patiently supportive with her father’s
eccentricities. She also stepped in when the Bibliography was proving tire-
some. Sam and Josh have kept me going with their good humour, love of fun
and adventure, and boisterous sense of life. They even liked some of the loud
20 | a l-jĀ h. i z. : i n pra is e o f b o o k s
music I was listening to. Our dogs Jullius and Findus did not seem to mind
too much when al-JāªiÕ kept us company as we walked around Cambridge.
But I am reduced to silence when I come to express my gratitude for every-
thing that Yvonne has done to make it possible for me to be an academic and
to write this book in particular. I owe everything to her. I am very lucky in
my family – very, very lucky indeed.
PART 1
PHYSIOGNOMY OF AN
A P O C A LY P T I C A G E
1.1
Cataclysm1
23
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the judiciary and the imperial and religious establishment with a view to
determining their stance on the question of divine unity (tawªīd ). It sought
to do this by testing them on the question of whether the Qurʾān was cre-
ated or not (and thus was somehow co-eternal with God). Ensuring that an
uncontaminated form of monotheism prevailed not only established caliphal
legitimacy and authority, but also guaranteed that if the End Time were to
come (and the Caliphs and their entourages were convinced it would come),
the Caliph would not be judged by God to have been deficient in his pro-
motion of the one, true faith. The Caliph, after all, was responsible for the
salvation of his subjects and without a mechanism such as the Miªna for the
enforcement of belief, a rightly ordered society could not be produced.3
In a notorious incident in Muªarram 231 (September–October 845),
during an exchange of prisoners with Byzantium, al-Wāthiq extended the
reach of the Miªna beyond the literate elite to include ordinary members
of the population, decreeing that they would only be welcomed back into
the community if they testified to the uncreatedness of the Qurʾān. He also
had the inhabitants of the frontier towns along the marches with Byzantium
interrogated. But he did not stop there, for he extended the content of the
Miªna to include a denial of the divine vision in the afterlife – the moment
in Paradise when God will make Himself visible to His faithful believers.
In many ways this caliphally sponsored rejection of anthropomorphism
(tashbīh) was simply a move to make explicit an already implicit component
of the testimony to the createdness of the Qurʾān. The issue of createdness
had addressed anthropomorphism but tangentially.
A key moment in al-Wāthiq’s brief but perplexing reign was the trial
and execution of Aªmad b. Na‚r al-Khuzāʿī in 231/846. As a trial to correct
deviant belief, it may have been less eventful for the history of religious ideas
in Islam than the more celebrated trial of Ibn Óanbal by the Chief Judge
Aªmad b. Abī Duʾād in front of al-Muʿta‚im in around 220/835 (an event
of enormous repercussions which led to the emergence of a Sunnī school of
law and the virtual canonisation of its eponym). In terms of imperial politics
and social stability, however, the trial of Aªmad b. Na‚r was potentially more
explosive and divisive. The sources disagree on whether Aªmad was the mas-
termind of a plot among the ʿAbbasid elite to overthrow al-Wāthiq or was
the pious leader of a popular renunciant movement. Whatever his offence,
cataclysm | 25
Praise God who sent down His Book to His slave! He made it correct and
straight, not crooked – to give warning of a mighty violence on His part
and to bring joy to the believers who do good deeds, telling them of their
blessed reward [18: 1–2].
The Sūra takes its name from the Companions in the Cave, the Qurʾanic
account of a narrative also found in Christian legend and known as the Seven
Sleepers of Ephesus. In the Qurʾān, this event becomes a challenge to man’s
intellectual skills, a challenge which invites man to acknowledge the collapse
and enfolding of time when viewed from infinity:
In this way we allowed people to stumble upon them so that they would
know that God’s promise is truth and that there is no doubting the Hour.
For they disputed with each other about what had happened and said:
26 | a l-jĀ h. i z. : i n pra is e o f b o o k s
‘Build a building over them’. Their Lord knows best about them. Those
who were victorious about what had happened said: ‘Let us dedicate a
mosque to them’ [21].
The uncertainty surrounding how long the Companions were asleep and how
many Companions there were in the Cave contrasts with the certainty of the
Hour. God controls everything. Man has no agency without God:
They will say: ‘Three. Their dog was the fourth’. Others say: ‘Seven. Their
dog was the eighth’. Say: ‘My Lord knows their number. Only a few know
them so do not wrangle over them except openly5 and do not ask anyone for
a ruling about them’. And you must not say about anything: ‘I shall do this
tomorrow’, without saying, ‘If God wills’. Mention your Lord if you forget
and say: ‘Perhaps my Lord will guide me to something more righteous than
this’. They remained in their cave for three centuries and then nine more
years. Say: ‘God knows how long they remained. He possesses the secrets
of the heaven and the earth. How keen is His vision! How acute His hear-
ing! Men have no protector against Him. He allows no one to share in His
judgement [22–6].
The practice of debate and man’s querulousness will be further explored in the
Sūra, and the Qurʾanic caution will in turn exercise a hold over al-Wāthiq’s
successor, al-Mutawakkil. A key point in the preceding verses is that God
allows His knowledge to ‘a few’ (qalīl ). Al-Wāthiq, God’s representative on
Earth, would surely have considered himself one of the few.
The Qurʾān thus invites and dispels any hope of eschatological calcula-
tion. Only God knows when it will happen. Man can only know that it will
happen. The episode of the Companions of the Cave exhorts the listener to
visualise the invisible, to experience the unknowable, whilst discouraging
man and limiting his epistemic powers:
You will suppose that they are awake though recumbent. We make them
turn to the right and the left, while their dog stretches his paws on the
doorstep. If you were to discover them, you would turn away in flight and
would be consumed with terror [18].
Throughout the Sūra, vivid detail fills the listener with the terror which
would have been produced by seeing the scene. A similar effect is produced
cataclysm | 27
by the ensuing descriptions of Heaven and Hell (vv. 29–31) and the Hour
and Judgment Day (vv. 45–53). It is little wonder that al-Wāthiq sent a
second expedition, under the leadership of the mathematician and cartogra-
pher Muªammad b. Mūsā al-Khwārizmī, to discover the cave.6
Dreams were widely thought to be sources of prophecy (often depending
on the status of the dreamer, of course). Al-Wāthiq would have responded
to his dream as prophetic. It is evocative of al-Māʾmūn’s dream of Aristotle,
figured as the inspiration for the wholesale translation of the Greek philo-
sophical and scientific heritage into Arabic.7 The immediate inspiration for
the Caliph’s dream is the following passage:
They ask you about the Horned Man. Say: ‘I will recite a tale about him
to you’. We made him powerful on earth and provided him with a way in
everything and everywhere [83–4].
So he followed one way and came to where the sun sets. He discovered
that it sets in a spring of mephitic mud. He also discovered a people there.
We said: ‘Horned Man, you can either punish them or you can treat them
with kindness’. He said: ‘We will punish those who have wronged. Then
they will be returned to their Lord and He will punish them with a fear-
some punishment. Those who believe and do good will receive the greatest
kindness as reward’. In Our commandment We will declare that they will
have prosperous ease [85–8].
Then he followed another way and came to where the sun rises. He
discovered that it rises over a people whom We have not protected from it.
So it was. We already had knowledge of what was there [89–91].
Then he followed another path and came to where the Two Peaks
meet. In front of them he found a people who could hardly understand a
single word. They said: ‘Horned Man, Yaʾjūj and Maʾjūj wreak destruction
throughout the earth. Shall we render you tribute for you to put a rampart
between us and them?’ He said: ‘The power my Lord has vested in me is
better. Help me with your strength. I will build a barrier between you and
them. Bring me lumps of iron’. When he had reached the level of the Two
Peaks he said: ‘Blow!’ When he had set it ablaze, he said: ‘Bring me molten
metal to pour over it’. So they were unable to surmount it and they were
unable to perforate it. He said: ‘This is a mercy from my Lord but when my
28 | a l-jĀ h. i z. : i n pra is e o f b o o k s
So the Horned Man is set three tests. In the first test, he decides to use his
God-given power wisely and appropriately (vv. 85–8). In the second test,
he does not arrogate the accomplishment of his discovery to his own doing
but acknowledges God’s prior knowledge of the unknown (vv. 89–91). In
the third test, he combines his God-given wisdom with technological and
engineering know-how (also from God, of course), not for worldly gain (he
turns down the payment of tribute) but for the betterment of mankind and
the realisation of God’s plan (vv. 92–8).
In this Sūra the prospect of ‘meeting’ (liqāʾ) with God is twice mentioned
(vv. 105 and 110). The anthropomorphists and corporealists in al-Wāthiq’s
society presumed that the meeting was to be the occasion for the divine
vision. The Caliph thought otherwise.
Sallām returned from his expedition and informed the Caliph that the
wall stood firm though a crack had begun to appear. So al-Wāthiq’s mes-
sianic expectations were correct: the End Time was beginning. They were
only cut short by his death, which, as well as being bizarre, was in the telling
reminiscent of the Qurʾanic account of the death of the prophet Solomon.
Al-Wāthiq, like Solomon, filled his retainers with such awe that they did not
dare approach him interred and immobile in his oven. They only discovered
his death by chance.8
The Cave is thus a blueprint for al-Wāthiq’s caliphate. Al-JāªiÕ was not
connected personally with al-Wāthiq according to the sources, though some
of his writings do address the question of anthropomorphism, very much
the focus of the theological anxieties of the age, and probably date from his
reign. Al-JāªiÕ did however move in the circles of the major powerbrokers
of al-Wāthiq’s reign, notably his primary patron at this period the Vizier
Muªammad b. ʿAbd al-Malik al-Zayyāt (the Oil Merchant), the Óanafī
Chief Judge, Aªmad b. Abī Duʾād, and his son Abū al-Walid Muªammad.
He wrote treatises for all these patrons to peruse on topics of contemporary
cataclysm | 29
figuration of the End Time, God rebukes man for his obstinate unwillingness
to respond appropriately to the parables and scenes He depicts for them:
We have set out every figure for people but man is the most argumentative
thing [54].
Jadal, argument and debate, is the reason for man’s rejection of God’s gener-
ous signs and messages:
We despatch the envoys as bringers of good news and warnings. The ingrates
argue with falsehood to refute the truth thereby. They scoff at My signs and
the warnings they are given [56].