South Africa 2008 PDF

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T H E C hoic e s P R O G R A M
Explore the Past...Shape the Future
History and Current Issues for the Classroom
From the Choices Program
www.choices.edu
Freedom in Our Lifetime:
South Africa’s Struggle

CHOICES
for the 21st Century
Education Program
September 2006
Director
Susan Graseck Acknowledgments
Curriculum Developer Freedom in Our Lifetime: South Africa’s Struggle was developed
Andy Blackadar by the Choices for the 21st Century Education Program with
the assistance of the research staff of the Watson Institute for
Curriculum Writer
International Studies, scholars at Brown University, and other
Sarah Kreckel experts in the field. We wish to thank the following researchers for
their invaluable input into this and previous editions:.
International Education Intern
Sarah Massey Barbara Brown
Director of Outreach
Office Assistant Center for African Studies, Boston University
Ben Sweeney
James Campbell
Associate Professor of Africana Studies and of American Civilization
Office Manager Brown University
Anne Campau Prout
Neta Crawford
Outreach Coordinator Professor, Departments of Political Science and African-American Studies,
Bill Bordac Boston University
Adjunct Professor, Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University
Professional Development Director Nancy Jacobs

Mollie Hackett Associate Professor of Africana Studies and of History
Brown University
Program Coordinator for Capitol Forum
Barbara Shema Newell Stultz
Adjunct Professor, Watson Institute for International Studies
Professor Emeritus of Political Science
Brown University
The Choices for the 21st Century
Education Program develops cur-
ricula on current and historical
Special thanks to Paul Cunningham of Woodstock Academy in
international issues and offers Woodstock, Connecticut, for his assistance in developing and
workshops, institutes, and in- writing this unit. Thanks also to Jack Zedlitz of Charlotte Latin
service programs for high school School in Charlotte, North Carolina, for his input and advice. We
teachers. Course materials place also thank Dave Farrar and the teachers in Pietermaritzburg, South
special emphasis on the impor-
tance of educating students in
Africa, who tested a draft of the unit.
their participatory role as citizens.
Freedom in Our Lifetime: South Africa’s Struggle was made
The Choices for the 21st Century possible with a grant from the National Endowment for the
Education Program is a program of Humanities.
the Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute
for International Studies Freedom in Our Lifetime: South Africa’s Struggle is part of a
at Brown University.
continuing series on public policy issues. New units are published
Barbara Stallings each academic year, and all units are updated regularly.
Director, Watson Institute for
International Studies Visit us on the World Wide Web — www.choices.edu
Contents
Introduction: A Negotiated Revolution 1
Part I: Precolonial and Colonial South Africa 2
The Arrival of Outsiders 2
The Mineral Revolution 6
Part II: Apartheid and Its Opposition 9
The Rise of Apartheid 10
Resistance 12
Radicalism Grows 16
June 1961: The Moment of Decision 19
Options in Brief 20
Option 1: Continue Non-Violent Struggle With Multi-Racial Support 21
Option 2: Use Limited, Structured Violence with Communist Party Support 24
Option 3: Advocate Guerrilla War Tactics for Africans Alone 27
Epilogue: Becoming South Africa 30
Entrenchment 31
Liberation 33
Post-Apartheid South Africa 35
Chronology of South African History 37
Supplementary Documents 39
Supplementary Resources 51
The Choices for the 21st Century Education Program is a program of the Watson Institute for Inter-
national Studies at Brown University. Choices was established to help citizens think constructively
about foreign policy issues, to improve participatory citizenship skills, and to encourage public
judgement on policy issues.
The Watson Institute for International Studies was established at Brown
University in 1986 to serve as a forum for students, faculty, visiting
scholars, and policy practitioners who are committed to analyzing
contemporary global problems and developing initiatives to address them.
© Copyright September 2006. Second edition. Choices for the 21st
Century Education Program. All rights reserved. ISBN 1-60123-007-9.
www.choices.edu ■ Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University ■ Choices for the 21st Century Education Program ■
ii Freedom in Our Lifetime:
20˚ 20˚ 25˚ 30˚ 20˚
ZIMBABWE
BOTSWANA Messina
NAMIBIA MOZAMBIQUE
po
po
Lim
Lim
po
po
Pietersburg
25˚ 25˚
Au
o
Pretoria
b
Mmabatho
Johannesburg
Vereeniging
Klerksdorp SWAZILAND
Vaal
Upington Ulundi
Ladysmith
Orange Kimberley
Tugela
Sa
e Bloemfontein
k
g
an
Or
Springbok LESOTHO Pietermaritzburg
30˚ Durban 30˚

on
led
Ca
De Aar Kokstad
e
ng
SOUTH Ora
Port Shepstone
AFRICA
Victoria West
Middelburg
Umtata
Queenstown
SOUTH
AT L A N T I C Beaufort
OCEAN West
INDIAN
East London OCEAN
Worcester
Cape Town
Port Elizabeth
Mosselbaai
Cape of
Good Hope
Cape Agulhas
35˚
South Africa
35˚
INDIAN OCEAN 0 100 200 300 Kilometers
0 100 200 300 Miles
20˚ 25˚ 30˚
Note to Students
In these readings references to skin color and ethnic groups roughly follow current South Af-
rican usage. We will use the terms “black” and “African” to describe people of African descent,
“white” to describe people of European descent, “Asian” to describe people of Asian descent,
and “coloured” (the British spelling of colored) to describe people of mixed heritage, as is com-
mon in South Africa. While in South Africa “black” can refer to blacks, Asians, and coloureds
collectively, we will refer to each group specifically so as not to confuse American readers. We
will use the modern term “Afrikaner” to describe the ethnic group made up primarily of Dutch
descendants, unless the older term “Boer” is historically more appropriate.
■ Choices for the 21st Century Education Program ■ Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University ■ www.choices.edu
Introduction: A Negotiated Revolution
I n 1994, Nelson Mandela became the first

black president of South Africa, follow-
ing the first truly democratic elections in that
very powerful weapon.”
—Nelson Mandela
country. It was the first time Mandela had been This spirit of dialogue ultimately made it
allowed to vote in his seventy-six years. One possible for South Africa in the 1990s to make
of the most famous political prisoners of the the remarkable transition from the repressive
twentieth century, Mandela spent twenty-sev- rule of a white minority government to an in-
en years in South African prisons for violating clusive democracy. Many had predicted that a
the laws of apartheid. His original sentence violent civil war would precede the change in
was life. government. That did not happen. A member
of the new South African Constitutional Court,
What was apartheid? Albie Sachs, whose right arm was blown off by
Apartheid, an Afrikaans word which a car bomb the government planted in 1988,
means “separate” or “apartness” in English, called the transition a “negotiated revolution.”
was the law of the land in South Africa from
“
1948 to 1990. This system of racial discrimi- It wasn’t a miracle. It didn’t just come
nation was designed to keep whites, blacks, to pass. Our transition had been the
coloureds, and Asians separate from each oth- most willed, thought-about, planned-
er in every way. All schools, housing, jobs, and for event of the late twentieth
transportation were segregated. People were century…. For the doubters, it had
often forbidden to speak against the govern- been a miracle, while for those with
ment, blacks were not allowed to vote, and the intense belief, it had been entirely
government could detain people for months rational.”
and even years without charging them. Some —Justice Albie Sachs
have described apartheid as the most complex
system of racial discrimination ever devised. These readings will take you back to a
The United Nations, members of the inter- point in time when whites, blacks, coloureds,
national community, and many South African and Asians in South Africa were debating how
residents condemned the apartheid govern- to solve the “South Africa Problem.” The first
ment. But it took nearly fifty years of internal reading traces the early history of South Af-
and international pressure to remove the apart- rica, providing background on the peoples of
heid laws from the books. the region and on the development of a segre-
During his decades in prison Mandela had gated society. Part II explores the responses to
plenty of time to think about how he and oth- apartheid from whites, blacks, coloureds, and
ers could change the racist system. Asians in South Africa as well as the interna-
tional community.
In 1961 leaders of the anti-apartheid
“ We [the prisoners] established a
very strong relationship [with the
warders] because we adopted a
movement met to discuss their options. Their
comrades were being jailed and killed, the
apartheid laws were becoming ever more
policy of talking to the warders
stringent, and whites were becoming more
and persuading them to treat us as
conservative. What was the solution to the
human beings…. Sit down with a
apartheid problem? Using primary sources,
man, [and] if you have prepared your
you will delve into questions that changed the
case very well, that man, after he has
course of South African history. An epilogue
sat down to talk to you, will never be
will explain the outcome of the 1961 debate.
the same again. [Talking] has been a
Part I: Precolonial and Colonial South Africa
D uring the apartheid era all residents of

South Africa found themselves placed
into one of four racial categories: African,
developed into several fluid tribal group-
ings, such as the Zulu and the Xhosa. These
groupings would play an important role later
Asian, coloured, or white. These broad group- in South Africa’s history. Political organiza-
ings had more culturally-specific subdivisions: tion within all of these Bantu groups was
the whites were grouped as Afrikaner or relatively similar. Farming provided most of
English; the Africans were governed in tribal their food, and the ownership of cattle formed
groups such as Sotho, Swazi, Tswana, Xhosa the foundation of political power. Chiefdoms
or Zulu; coloureds consisted of people with developed out of alliances built through
mixed-race heritage; and Asians included Indi- marriages and cattle trading. The precolonial
ans and Chinese. Asians and coloureds had South African region was ethnically diverse
fewer rights than whites but more than blacks. and socially complex.
Prior to apartheid, South Africans did not Throughout all of South Africa’s early
necessarily see themselves as belonging to one history people of these different groups in-
of these groups, but there were always some termarried, and a clan could change alliance
distinctions among groups. To understand the from one chieftaincy to another. Sometimes
origins of this system of racial classification the groups split apart as well, into two or more
that formed the foundation of apartheid, and sub-groups. Despite this history of loose tribal
to understand the nature of apartheid itself, affiliations, the twentieth century architects
it is necessary to explore how the various of apartheid would label every African as a
peoples of South Africa ended up living on the member of a particular tribe, whether or not
same land. that individual thought of himself or herself as
a member of that group.
Who were the first South Africans?
Contrary to myths that would develop
later in South African history, most of South
The Arrival of Outsiders
In the late fifteenth century, just before
Africa was inhabited long before white farm-
Columbus set off for the Americas, Portuguese
ers settled there. The San and Khoi Khoi, often
explorers pushed their way south along the
referred to as Khoisan by historians because
Atlantic coast of Africa, reaching the Cape
the two groups spoke related languages, were
of Good Hope in 1487. As commerce flow-
the earliest inhabitants of South Africa. They
ing between Europe and Asia increased, the
arrived several thousand years before Europe-
southern tip of Africa increasingly became of
ans. The Khoisan were hunter-gatherers and
interest to Europeans.
pastoralists who relied on cattle, sheep, and
goats and vast grazing lands for survival. They On April 6, 1652, Jan van Riebeeck arrived
lived in the deserts of the south-west tip of on behalf of the Dutch East India Company to
Africa. establish the first permanent European settle-
ment at the Cape of Good Hope. This site
Around the third century C.E. different
became a crucial provisioning stop for trad-
groups of people speaking related languages
ing ships traveling from Europe to India and
which fit under the umbrella term “Bantu”
the Spice Islands beyond. These early Dutch
entered the region. These Africans expanded
settlers, reinforced by Protestants arriving
from the east coast of Africa into the southern
from France, Germany, and other European
areas and introduced cultivation to much of
countries, are the ancestors of modern Afrikan-
the continent. By the sixteenth century these
ers. Afrikaner means “African” in Afrikaans,
farmers had occupied nearly all of the land
a Dutch-based language that developed in
in the eastern half of South Africa, and had
the isolated setting of South Africa.The term
“Afrikaner” came into widespread use in
the twentieth century; until then “Dutch” or
“Boer” were more commonly used. 0 miles 25
N
KHOISAN
How did the Dutch establish a KH
OI
settlement in Khoisan territory? S
Unlike English settlements at Plymouth
AN
Robben Island
and Jamestown in North America, the original
Paarl
Cape settlement was not intended to become Table Bay
a full-fledged colony. Instead, the company Cape Town Stellenbosch
ordered Jan van Riebeeck only to barter with
the local Khoisan natives for cattle and to KHOISAN K
grow fruits and vegetables. Fearing the costs of
HO
ISA
settling disputes or administering a colony, the
False Bay
N
trading company declared that all non-essen-
tial contact with the natives was to be avoided.
The order to avoid conquest, colonization, and Cape of
employment, however, would soon be forgot- Good Hope
ten.
Four years after the establishment of the
The arrows represent movement of Boers inland in
supply station at the Cape of Good Hope, the
the seventeenth century.
company ordered Jan van Riebeeck to cut costs
by laying off many of the men he had brought
with him. Since these men needed to make a profits encouraged some white settlers to turn
living, he granted each one a twenty-eight-acre to slave labor. Some slaves were Khoisan
farm on grazing land used by the Khoisan. children who had been captured after their
The Khoisan resisted these settlements but parents were killed in raids and battles. Most
were defeated in sporadic battles. The Dutch slaves—about sixty thousand of them over one
stole much of their cattle. As a result, some hundred and fifty years—came from Mada-
Khoisan entered into agreements as free labor- gascar, eastern Africa, western Africa, India,
ers working for the Dutch. Others enjoyed and southeast Asia. The slaves, white settlers,
good trade relations with the Dutch, while still and Khoisan interbred and their descendants
others retreated away from European settle- became the mixed-race coloured population.
ments to continue living their traditional lives. Over the years as the Cape Colony’s economy
The arrival of the Europeans, who brought grew, whites, like many around the world at
new diseases and who disrupted the Khoisan the time, began to see slavery as not only eco-
economy, eventually caused the Khoisan nomically necessary but natural.
population to decline significantly.
How did whites colonize inland areas?
“ You [should] always endeavor to live,

and trade, in peace with these tribes
at the same time and for the same
For the next hundred and fifty years, Boer
farmers called trekboers slowly spread out
from Cape Town, acquiring land along the
purpose, to penetrate—by parties of way. Beyond the frontiers of the Dutch East
volunteers—further and further into India Company’s land, they lacked the institu-
the interior.” tions and rules of an organized government.
—Jan van Riebeeck’s rule #1 for the next As they moved further away from the original
governor of the Cape
settlement at Cape Town, they became increas-
ingly removed from communication with the
Cost-cutting measures and concern for
in the 1760s, they en-

countered more and more
Bantu-speaking peoples.
In some cases these inter-
actions were friendly. In
most, violence ensued. On
the eastern frontier of Boer
settlement, increasing
competition with Xhosa
people for farmland and
grazing pastures resulted
in frequent clashes. Unlike
Reprinted with permission from istockphoto.com.
the Khoisan, the Xhosa

were more unified and
were able to defend their
territory more effectively
against the advancing
Europeans. They outnum-
bered the settlers, and
while they did not have
horses or guns, their resis-
The rugged Swartberg Pass is located in southwestern South Africa. tance to the trekboers was
largely successful. For ap-
proximately one hundred
European world. At the same time they had years, they fended off the
more and more interactions with Africans. It Boers. It was not until after 1811 that the Boer
was this lifestyle—an isolated, rugged farming settlers reached eastern South Africa, with the
culture—that formed the basis of the new Boer, assistance of British troops. From that time
and later Afrikaner, identity. “Boer,” in fact, on the British burned Xhosa homesteads and
means “farmer.” grazing lands. The combination of warfare and
a deadly cattle disease in the 1850s eventually
reduced many Xhosa to poverty.
“ …We learned to ride, shoot, and swim

almost as soon as we could walk, and
there was a string of hardy Basuto When did the British take over South Africa?
ponies in the stables, on which we In 1806, the British took over the Dutch
were often away for weeks at a time, East India Company, which had become bank-
riding over the game-covered plains rupt, and assumed control of the Cape Colony
by day, and sleeping under the stars in South Africa. In 1820 the first large group
at night.… We had no railways, of English, Scottish, Welsh, and Irish set-
and the noise of the outside world tlers arrived. Unlike the earlier white settlers,
reached us but faintly, so that in these new arrivals did not adopt the Afrikaans
our quiet way we were a contented language or the Afrikaner culture. Their ar-
community, isolated hundreds of rival added more complexity to the ethnic mix
miles from the seaboard.” of the region. The descendants of these set-
—Deneys Reitz, Orange Free State Boer, tlers, along with later arrivals who identified
written in 1902 with them, came to be labeled as “English”
regardless of their national origins. Like the
As the small but growing Afrikaner popu- Afrikaners, many of them eventually moved
lation spread steadily northward and eastward inland to establish farms. The boundaries of
the Cape Colony expanded to accommodate that had been seized from the Xhosa. The trek-
this movement. boers—now sometimes called Afrikaners—had
hoped to make use of this land for themselves.
What was the Mfecane? From about 1836 to 1850 thousands of Af-
The trekboers were not moving to empty rikaners migrated north out of what was now
land. In fact, many African groups living on the British Cape Colony. The migration be-
that land were undergoing a series of complex came known as the Great Trek, later described
changes from the 1810s to 1830s. The Zulu as one of the defining moments of Afrikaner
and surrounding groups often competed vio- identity. The Afrikaners left in small bands
lently for resources, which had become scarcer and later formed independent republics, the
as a result of larger populations and drought. Transvaal and Orange Free State. Here they
Various chiefdoms came under the control of could preserve a society with clear color-based
larger groups. Sometimes this was voluntary, distinctions between master and servant and
for protection from slave raiders from the make sure the interests of white farmers would
Cape who began raiding Bantu societies in the come before those of the African population.
early nineteenth century. Weaker groups were
sometimes driven off or killed entirely. Groups How did Afrikaners use the Battle of
expanded and consolidated rapidly, and sev- Blood River to define their identity?
eral powerful African military leaders emerged For some Afrikaners this was more than
during the time period. The result was the cre- just an economic and political movement.
ation of several large African kingdoms with While most just wanted land, some of the trek-
complex political systems. boers saw themselves as fulfilling the will of
This upheaval, known as the Mfecane, or God in a manner they compared to the flight of
“time of troubles,” has been difficult for his- the Old Testament Israelites from Egypt. The
torians to interpret. It is still unclear to what trip was a long, difficult, and often dangerous
extent, exactly, Europeans may have contrib- attempt to seize land from the Africans who
uted to the disruptions. It is known, however, lived there.
that during the turmoil some trekboers took
advantage of the temporarily available land,
and some contributed to the violence.
“ On the 10th of August we were again
attacked…. It was a terrible sight
to witness. I cannot describe their
What was the effect of British number, for one would have thought
rule on the Boers? that entire heathendom had gathered
The arrival of the English changed the eco- together to destroy us. But thanks
nomic system of the Cape. New markets were and praise are due to the Lord…who
good for farmers, but when the British abol- granted us the victory.”
ished slavery in all of its colonies in 1834, the —Anna Elizabeth Steenkamp, trekboer
Boers lost their cheap labor supply. Addition-
ally, the land was becoming more regulated One battle between the Zulu and Afri-
and expensive, making it difficult for young kaners, on December 16, 1838, later came to
farmers to seek their fortunes. The British symbolize the Afrikaner movement. The Battle
began to develop a political system based on of Blood River was of minor importance to
class, rather than race. This change prevented South African history, but generations later,
Boers who did not own property from partici- Afrikaners mythologized it. They claimed that
pating in the government. Many of the Boers the group of trekboers had gathered together
came to resent rule by the British Empire, and in prayer asking God to grant them victory
they increasingly felt discriminated against. over their enemies. In exchange, said later
They also resented the fact that, in 1836, the interpreters, these fighters vowed they would
British authorities returned much of the land
build a church to worship God as soon as its. These findings marked the beginning of
possible, and commemorate the day as a great economic changes that would transform the
anniversary from that day forward. Afrikaners economy, the politics, and the race relations of
celebrated the supposed covenant and victory South Africa on a scale similar to the Indus-
until late in the twentieth century, and often trial Revolution in the United States. Until that
used the myth that God favored them to sup- time the British did not want to manage the
port their claims of superiority over others. interior of the country, as such an endeavor
required frequent—and expensive—military
intervention.
How did Asians come to South Africa?
The last major group of outsiders to arrive The successful excavation of diamonds in
in South Africa was the Asians, most of whom Kimberley in 1871, and of gold in the 1880s,
were Indians. British landowners experienced changed that attitude. Shortly thereafter the
a labor shortage as they began developing British expanded the empire through vio-
sugarcane plantations in the Natal colony in lent conquest of African societies in order to
eastern South Africa in the mid-nineteenth develop this new industry. Many thousands
century. The importation of workers from the of African men came to work in the mines,
British colony in India provided the ideal so- initially as migrant, often skilled workers.
lution. From 1860 through 1866, six thousand Additional thousands developed and staffed
Indians arrived in Natal as indentured ser- new trading routes which grew as a result of
vants, marking the beginning of what became a the large numbers of people now living in
permanent and highly influential Indian com- the area. For the first several years, African
munity in South Africa. workers had some control over their decisions
about working in the mines.
The Mineral Revolution Over time, however, it became more

In 1867 Afrikaner prospectors discovered economical to manage the mines so that labor
the first of several huge diamond depos- could be controlled by the owners. “Deep min-
Control of the Mines

After the beginning of deep-level mining, which required thousands of workers for extended
periods, mine owners instituted a contract system for mine workers which required the African
men to work for a certain period of time, usually several months, but often a full year. Deserters—
those who returned home before the contract was up or who sought other jobs—could be jailed.
Many workers did break their contracts.
In response, mine owners brought the pass system, which had been in place elsewhere in the
country, to the mining area. All African men had to carry booklets which indicated their name,
address, and for whom they worked. Any man found without a pass, or with a pass that did not
indicate current employment, could be detained or forced to work. If a man traveled to a new
area and did not find work within three days, he could be deported from that district. In this way
mine owners hoped to force Africans to work on the mines, which always needed new laborers.
The compound system on the mines further increased control over black workers. Mine-own-
ers built large barracks to house twenty to thirty men. About three thousand men were confined
to each compound for the duration of their contracts. Men slept on concrete bunks over mud
floors. Often there were no windows, but usually there was a small wash area in each barrack. A
small, unventilated coal fire provided heat. The food provided was often not enough to sustain
a worker for the ten-hour shift, and many workers ended up in the hospital as a result of poor
conditions. Thousands died each year. The closed compound system succeeded in its purpose:
desertion rates declined and costs stayed low.
ing,” the type required to recover Weekly Wages of Diamond
gold, needed thousands of work- Mineworkers at Two Mines
ers and a great deal of money for
machinery. The work was difficult average daily
Kimberly De Beers number of
and dangerous. In South Africa the
workers
ore was of poor quality. Approxi-
mately two tons of mined ore was 1881 white £5.0-£7.5 no data 1100
required to produce three-quarters black £1 15s no data 5000
of an ounce of gold. Mine owners
needed low costs to make their 1882 white £5.0-£7.5 £4.6-8.0 1000
mines profitable, and that depend- black £1 10s £1 5s 6000

ed on the cheap labor of Africans.
The British began to impose taxes 1883 white £5.0-£8.0 £4.5-£8.0 600
on Africans in order to force them black £1 10s £1 10s 3260

to work on the mines so that they
1884 white £4.5-£7.0 £4.5-£6.0 550
could earn money to pay those
taxes. More and more African black £1 5s £1 5s 3200
land was seized—and people were
1885 white £4.25-£6.5 £3.75-£6.0 770
taxed—as more gold and diamond
deposits were found. black £1 £1 3230
A wave of unskilled men, faced 1886 white £5.8-£6.25 £5.6-£6.5 630

with fewer choices as a result of black £1 5s £1 4400
land losses and taxation, arrived
1887 white £4.0-£6.25 £4.75-£6.5 1240
to work in the mines. Mine own-
ers housed their workers in closed black £1 10s £1 5s 5500
compounds in order to better con- 1888 white £5.0-£6.5 £5.0-£7.0 1040
trol them and prevent theft. Wages
data from Cape Statistical Registers.

black £1 10s £1 4500
for these unskilled workers were
insufficient to support a family. 1889 white £4.5-£6.25 £5-£6.25 887
A system of migrant labor began, black £1 10s £1 10s 4460
which involved husbands and
1890 white £4.0-£7.0 £3.5-£7.0 1070
fathers leaving for eleven months a
year while their families stayed in black £1 12s £1 9s 3876
the countryside as farmers. s=shilling. There were 20 shillings in 1 pound.
How did the Mineral Revolution

Mining caused a shift in the way the Brit-
change South Africa?
ish governed the area. In the Cape Colony, they
As a result of the mineral revolution,
had emphasized class differences. Now the
South Africa quickly evolved from a rural,
structure of British rule was based on racial
agricultural state to an urban, industrial nation
segregation. As a result, Africans became
with the richest gold and diamond mining
poor in ways they had not been before mining
areas in the world. The city of Johannesburg,
began. Additionally, in 1896-1897 an epidemic
surrounded by gold deposits, became the larg-
spread through the cattle population, killing
est city in sub-Saharan Africa.
90 percent of the cattle and further destroying
the black African societies. Many Africans be-
“ We do not like our men to go to

Johannesburg because they go there
to die.”
came dependent on whites for their survival.
The Mineral Revolution and the structure of
the mining economy laid the foundation for
—Sotho Chief
a completely racially segregated society. The How did the war affect Africans?
Mineral Revolution also worsened the rela- Historians used to call this conflict the
tionship between the Afrikaner Republics and Anglo-Boer War. The name implied that black
the British Empire. Africans were not involved. On the contrary,
blacks fought with both sides, and many
suffered from the scorched-earth and concen-
What caused the South African
tration camp policies. Thousands of blacks
War of 1899-1902?
who had worked on Afrikaner farms were
While Afrikaners in the countryside grew
rounded up. Additional thousands of African
wealthy from the gold mining industry in
refugees died during the war. Many Africans
the late 1800s, the mines themselves were
believed that their support of the British dur-
primarily owned by the British. The Brit-
ing the war would lead to further political
ish government was concerned that it would
rights after the British defeated the Afrikaners
lose the chance to control the largest known
in 1902, but these hopes did not materialize.
gold fields in the world. In 1895, it demanded
political reform in the Afrikaner republic of The peace treaty at the end of the war
Transvaal to weaken the economic control of guaranteed that the British could continue to
Afrikaners in favor of the English people living employ cheap labor at the mines and that the
there. An attempted coup against the Afrikaner Afrikaners could maintain internal political
leadership further increased tensions. Within control. Africans felt betrayed by this treaty, as
four years the Afrikaners launched attacks many had assisted the British forces in their
against the British, and a war began. march toward victory. They had expected
more rights as a result.
During the war the British brought five
hundred thousand troops to South Africa In 1910 the British colonies and Afrikaner
(Afrikaner troops numbered around forty Republics joined together as the Union of
thousand) and implemented a scorched-earth South Africa. While South Africa now enjoyed
campaign in order to prevent guerrilla at- self-governance, it was still part of the British
tacks from Afrikaners. Afrikaner women and Empire. All white males could vote, but only
children were rounded up and placed in con- some Africans had voting rights, and those
centration camps where twenty-eight thousand were limited. Unification allowed whites to
died from disease. As a result of their experi- continue increasing their wealth while pre-
ences during the war, Afrikaner nationalism venting blacks from doing the same.
began to grow significantly.
Part II: Apartheid and Its Opposition
F ollowing unification in 1910, the British

government passed laws which further
subjugated blacks, coloureds, and Asians.
the continued restrictions. Many participated
in tax boycotts, refusing to pay taxes that they
felt were unjustly imposed by authorities
Most laws applied to all three groups, but whom they had no role in choosing. These
were more extreme for blacks than for Asians actions did not succeed in repealing the racist
and coloureds. One law relegated Africans to laws, and, in fact, thousands of Africans and
the lowest jobs in the mining industry. It also coloureds died fighting for more rights.
became a criminal offense for blacks to strike. New methods of resistance had to be es-
The 1913 Natives’ Land Act became the first tablished to resist these new acts of legislation.
piece of major legislation creating separate In 1912 several hundred mission-educated,
areas for Europeans and Africans. African land conservative African men formed the African
ownership was limited to specially-designated National Congress (ANC) to organize Africans
Natives’ Reserves on 8 percent of the country- and oppose discrimination through petitions
side. and appeals to Great Britain. Recognizing that
These laws built upon each other to form ethnic rivalries had hampered past attempts
a system of racial segregation in which whites at resistance, the ANC declared that “We (the
and Africans had little contact with each other. African population) are one people” regardless
Later, the designers of the apartheid system of ethnic group affiliations.
would draw from these laws in their attempt Having seen the failure of armed resis-
to further limit rights for Africans, coloureds, tance in the colonial era, the ANC embraced a
and Asians. policy of passive resistance. While in general
the ANC avoided large-scale protests, in 1919
How did Africans, coloureds, and it organized a major non-violent demonstra-
Asians respond to these laws? tion against the passbooks that blacks had to
The black, coloured, and Asian popula- carry with them at all times. Mounted police
tions of South Africa did not readily submit to responded by riding over the demonstrators.
Other officers encouraged
nearby white civilians to
attack the demonstrators.
Several of the protes-
tors died in the violence,
but the determination to
change the laws lived on.
The ANC initially
hoped to gain rights for the
black elite. It was not as
concerned with the general
population and for the
most part was ineffective
through the 1930s. Trade
unions, on the other hand,
which became promi-
nent in the 1920s, were
more successful in their
protests. The Industrial
A passbook from 1954. and Commercial Workers
10 Freedom in Our Lifetime:
Union (ICU) was particularly active, organiz- white population, the politics of South Africa
ing strikes throughout the country. had previously been dominated by an alliance
Despite the efforts of these groups, the of British and moderate Afrikaner politicians.
position of blacks in South Africa continued to Now with a narrow majority in the South
worsen. In 1936 the government repealed the African parliament, the conservative Afrikan-
limited voting rights some Africans had, and ers would have the opportunity, as they saw
installed three white representatives to speak it, to set history right. They wanted to return
for all blacks. to what they believed were the values of their
early ancestors, the first Dutch settlers in
Resistance to white domination was not South Africa and the trekboers of the preced-
limited to the African population. Mohandas ing century. These values included a belief
Gandhi, later called the liberator of India, that they were the chosen people of God,
came to South Africa in 1893 to accept a responsible for directing humanity and com-
position in an Indian law firm. Gandhi’s expe- mitted to segregation as God’s plan.
riences as an Indian in South Africa informed
his idea of what he should try to accomplish Many Afrikaners were poor and living in
while in South Africa. cities. They wanted to be distinguished politi-
cally and socially from blacks and wanted
job protection. The conservative Afrikaners
“ The hardship to which I was subjected

was superficial[,] only a symptom of
the deep disease of colour prejudice.
wasted no time in putting their plans into ac-
tion.
I should try, if possible, to root out the

disease and suffer hardships in the
process. Redress for wrongs I should “ …The more consistently the policy
of apartheid [can] be applied, the
greater [will] be the security for the
seek only to the extent that it would
be necessary for the removal of the purity of our blood and the surer
colour prejudice.” our unadulterated European racial
— Mohandas Gandhi
survival.”
—Geoff Cronje, Afrikaner professor, 1945
Gandhi formed the Natal Indian Congress

(later the South African Indian Congress, or What new laws did the National
SAIC) to organize Indians to demand basic Party implement?
human, political, and economic rights for the Once in power, the National Party built
South Asian community. The SAIC was based upon the segregationist past by creating laws
on Gandhi’s idea satyagraha (“the struggle which responded to a new, urban society.
for truth”) as the root of a non-violent form The cornerstones were two laws, one which
of resistance against white discrimination. divided people into different racial catego-
His position as a Hindu led him to believe ries, and a second that assigned them separate
in mutual tolerance for all peoples and in living spaces. The Prohibition of Mixed Mar-
non-violent resistance. By 1943 the SAIC was riages Act (1949) said whites and members of
actively working to coordinate its efforts with other racial groups could not marry, and the
the African and coloured groups who were Population Registration Act (1950) created
agitating for more rights. three official races in South Africa to which all
residents would be assigned: white, coloured
and African. Asians were placed in the co-
The Rise of Apartheid loured category. Both Africans and coloureds
The victory of the National Party in the were further categorized in an attempt to
South African election of 1948 brought conser- “divide and conquer.” Preventing communica-
vative Afrikaners to political power. Although tion among different African groups became a
Afrikaners accounted for the majority of the major element of apartheid.
South Africa’s Struggle 11
The Group Areas Act (1950) began the pro-
cess of designating every inch of land in South
Africa for one of the three official race groups.
Whites held all of the best land and 86 per-
cent of the total land area, despite comprising
only about 20 percent of the total population.
Blacks were ruled as tribal subjects under
chiefs.
Further laws segregated transportation,
government buildings, and places of public
entertainment. Under the Immorality Acts,
whites and other groups could not have sexual
relations with each other. In the midst of the
Cold War, the Suppression of Communism
Act (1950) defined communism so broadly
that any resistance to apartheid policies could
be equated with communism. People could
be banned from speaking publicly or meeting
together.
“ ’Communism’...includes...any doctrine
or scheme...which aims at bringing
about any political, industrial, social,
or economic change within the Union
from Africa South, 1961.

by the promotion of disturbance or
disorder.”
—The Suppression of Communism Act
Additionally, most schools for blacks

came under the control of the government.
New rules required that Afrikaans be used in What effect did these new laws have
half the classes (English was the language of on blacks, coloureds, and Asians?
instruction in the other half) and textbooks fo- The Group Areas Act forced people who
cused solely on the white experience in South lived in cities and towns to live in areas called
Africa. Schools for blacks taught only the ba- townships. Colored and Asian townships
sics required to work in low-paying, unskilled were closer to the cities than black townships.
jobs. Apartheid was, at root, an economic Workers commuted to jobs in white areas
system designed to keep coloureds, Asians, as gardeners, domestic servants, and factory
and blacks in particular, in servile roles while workers. In the townships most families lived
whites benefited from the low-cost labor. in homes of two or three rooms, often without
electricity, running water, or sewerage service.
Land on the reserves was often not suitable for
“ Equality with Europeans is not for
them.... What is the use of teaching
a Bantu child mathematics when it
farming and many Africans living in the coun-
tryside had to migrate to the cities or mines to
find work. At the same time, the government
cannot use it in practice?”
forced urban blacks who were not employed
—Hendrick Verwoerd, Prime Minister
by whites to move to the reserves.
abandonment of white domination.”

—ANC Youth League Basic Policy
Statement
The Youth League convinced leaders that

mass protests were essential to their goals.
The ANC took the official position that all
races had a stake in the future of South Af-
rica. Beginning in the late 1940s, the ANC
used non-violent tactics such as boycotts and
strikes. After pressure from the Youth League,
the ANC collaborated with other anti-apart-
heid groups like the South African Indian
Reproduced with permission from Images of Defiance.
Congress. Before this time, the ANC had been

asking for gradual change without specifying
a clear goal. The SAIC had more experience
with mass action.
What happened once the various

anti-apartheid groups of South
Africa began cooperating?
The ANC and SAIC’s shift to civil dis-
obedience opened up new forms of protest.
1950s protest poster. Each group wrote letters to the government
demanding the repeal of unjust laws. When
those letters received no response, the groups
Resistance planned further action. The ANC and SAIC
Different apartheid opponents advocated saw this as a last chance for the government to
for different methods of resistance to these change its policies before they, along with the
laws. Some Africans hoped to rid the coun- Franchise Action Council (a coloured group),
try of all whites. Other radicals wanted more launched the Defiance Campaign in 1952.
forceful actions but did not propose expelling Nelson Mandela, the future president of the
all whites. These radicals, often young people, ANC, made a name for himself as the national
were frustrated by their lack of free mobil- volunteer-in-chief of this campaign.
ity, the difficulty of finding jobs, and the poor The specific target of the Defiance Cam-
schooling available to blacks. In 1944 young paign was the deceptively-named Natives
radicals within the African National Congress Abolition of Passes and Coordination of
founded the Congress Youth League to encour- Documents Act (1952). This law increased
age the ANC to adopt a more confrontational the amount of information—fingerprints,
stance and to use mass action to achieve their employment statistics, and the like—required
goals. on passbooks. Inspired to a large extent by
Gandhi’s philosophy of satyagraha, the Defi-
“ We of the Youth League take account ance Campaign intended to fill the courts and
of the concrete situation in South prisons with people arrested for not carrying
Africa, and realize that the different proper passes, thereby overloading the system.
racial groups have come to stay. But Over the five months of the campaign, eight
we insist that a condition of inter- thousand offenders were arrested and impris-
racial peace and progress is the oned for one to three weeks. The remarkable
self-discipline of the peaceful participants of
the Defiance Campaign made it difficult for the government. It also outlined the process by
government to justify a strong show of force which the police could assume emergency
against the protesters. This also drew increas- powers. Just as the Defiance Campaign taught
ing support toward the cause. The campaign the opponents of apartheid many lessons
ended after a series of government-provoked about how to organize themselves, the govern-
riots killed twenty-six Africans and six whites. ment analyzed its own response and attempted
While opponents had failed to force a to fix any holes in the system. The government
repeal of the pass laws, the campaign did had learned that many apartheid practices did
succeed in some ways. Supporters and oppo- not stand up to legal challenges because there
nents alike saw the ANC as a mass movement were no laws to support certain practices.
commanding widespread popular support. Rather than ending the practices, the govern-
Perhaps most importantly, the opponents of ment passed new laws. The cyclical nature of
apartheid had proven that they could be more resistance followed by new laws followed by
effective together than they could be working additional resistance consumed both sides.
independently. Additional opposition groups,
such as those for coloureds, whites, and com- What was the Freedom Charter?
munists of all races, began to join forces with The Defiance Campaign had raised the
the ANC. These groups produced newspapers awareness of people of all races about the
and magazines to communicate effectively and problems created by apartheid. Using this mo-
to further their cause. mentum of support, in 1954 the ANC took the
lead in forming the Congress Alliance to take
How did the government try to the campaign against apartheid a step further.
counter this rising resistance? The South African Indian Congress, the South
The government of South Africa faced a African Coloured Peoples Organization, the
rising tide of resistance intent on ending apart- South African Congress of Trade Unions, and
heid. Some commentators noted that ideas of a white, largely communist group, the Con-
racial tolerance seemed to be growing in the gress of Democrats, all worked alongside ANC
white community. The leaders of the National leaders to present a united front against the
Party saw that development as a threat, not apartheid government.
an opportunity. To shore up the power of the The first significant action of the Congress
apartheid system, two major pieces of legis- Alliance called for the convening of a Con-
lation were passed in the year following the gress of the People. The member organizations
Defiance Campaign. of the Congress Alliance sent out volunteers
The Criminal Law Amendment Act insti- to collect ideas from the general population.
tuted high fines and up to three years in prison They planned to create the Freedom Charter, a
or flogging for violation of any law in protest document that would express how the Con-
against the government. In other words, even if gress of the People believed South Africa must
the normal punishment for a particular viola- move to a non-racial future.
tion was fewer than three years, if the intent of The Congress of the People, attended by
the law-breaker was to protest the existence of 3,000 delegates, including 320 Indians, 230
the law, then the fines were higher and time in coloureds and 112 whites, was a two-day long,
prison could be longer. The government hoped open-air meeting in Kliptown, a coloured
to make the mass non-compliance strategy of township near Johannesburg. The centerpiece
the Defiance Campaign so costly for any future of the Congress was the approval of the Free-
violators that they would not want to attempt dom Charter. This document had been drafted
such actions. by committee after synthesizing the feedback
The Public Safety Act provided the frame- gathered from the people of South Africa. On
work for declaring states of emergency by the the second day of the Congress, the police ar-
rived. They took photos of the scene, searched
The defendants in what

came to be known as the
Treason Trial included
people of all races, includ-
ing twenty-three whites.
Most of the whites were
Jewish communists. The
entire leadership of the
Congress Alliance found
itself enmeshed in end-
less legal proceedings. The
government also banned
them from speaking pub-
UWC-Robben Island Museum Mayibuye Archives.
licly to their supporters.

The government
claimed that the 156 peo-
ple arrested were involved
in a countrywide con-
spiracy. It claimed there
was a plot to use violence
to overthrow the present
government and replace it
Protestors gather at the Congress of the People in 1955. with a communist govern-
ment. If found guilty, the
defendants could face the
delegates, and confiscated documents. None- death penalty.
theless, the work of the Congress of the People
continued defiantly until the Freedom Charter
How did the Treason Trial change
had been approved article by article.
the anti-apartheid movement?
The trial would stretch on for over four
“ It is a revolutionary document
precisely because the changes it
envisages cannot be won without
years. This gave leaders of the various anti-
apartheid organizations enormous amounts of
time to plan strategies and to develop a strong
breaking up the economic and sense of camaraderie. Many of these leaders
political set-up of present South had been isolated from each other for years
Africa.” by government banning orders. Now they all
—Nelson Mandela benefited from extensive daily contacts as they
prepared their defense and met during court
How did the government react
to this latest challenge?
Soon after the Congress of the People
finished its work, police began conducting
raids and trying to break up the activities
of the members of the Congress Alliance. In
from Africa South, 1961.
December 1956, police arrested 156 people on

charges of high treason. Among the arrested
were Nelson Mandela, Chief Albert Luthuli
(then president of the ANC), and Yusuf
Cachalia and Ahmed Kathrada of the SAIC.
recesses. The Congress Al-
liance leadership emerged
at the conclusion of the
trial with greater political
solidarity and sophistica-
tion.
While the trial testimo-
ny unfolded, events outside
the courtroom showed that
opponents of apartheid
would not be intimidated
by the Treason Trial. The
Alexandra bus boycott of
1957 demonstrated the
power of the people united
together against the system.
When the bus company
proposed a modest increase
in bus fares, residents of
this Johannesburg township
refused to ride the bus-

ses. Instead many walked
or rode bicycles up to
twenty miles to their jobs
in white-owned businesses.
As worker productivity fell
and a general strike seemed
imminent, the government
finally forced businesses to
subsidize bus transport and
avoid the fare increase. It
was not sympathy for the in which firearms were used.
black workers that led to this result, but rather
In an attempt to slow the building mo-
the fact that the profits of white businesses
mentum against apartheid, in June 1959 the
were at stake. Nevertheless, the Africans
government enacted the Promotion of Bantu
learned an important political lesson: they
Self-Government Act. Another deceptively
could win concessions if they united to act in
named law, this established eight black home-
a way that threatened the profitability of the
lands, or Bantustans, one for each of these
white economy.
tribal groups: North Sotho, South Sotho, Swa-
zi, Tsanga, Tswana, Venda, Xhosa, and Zulu.
Why did the government All blacks became citizens of one of these
establish black homelands? homelands. None of the homelands allowed
Unrelated to the peaceful protests that the for full democratic participation. This prac-
ANC and other Congress Alliance members tice of “separate development,” in which the
organized, spontaneous and sometimes violent government kept groups physically divided,
protests against apartheid developed in vari- persisted until the end of apartheid.
ous rural areas of South Africa throughout the
Now that the government defined all
late 1950s. The government sometimes used
Africans as belonging to one of these eight
armored units and airplanes to crush protests
tribal groups, blacks were, in the official view, the ANC was an elitist organization. It argued
no longer a majority in South Africa. The that the ANC did not tap into black dissatisfac-
government eliminated the three white repre- tion, which the PAC thought would lead to the
sentatives who had been appointed to speak revolution they wanted.
for Africans’ interests in Parliament. In theory, The PAC saw itself as part of the anti-
Africans were now represented through their colonial movement then sweeping Africa. It
homelands. The national government be- defined its goal as “government of the Afri-
gan creating puppet regimes for each of the cans, for the Africans, by the Africans.”
homelands as a way of showing the outside
world that white South Africa was actually
promoting democracy for the Africans. They
also wanted to encourage blacks to view their “ The African people of South Africa
recognize themselves as part of one
African nation, stretching from Cape
political destiny as residing in the homeland
structure, not in South Africa as a whole. Most to Cairo, Madagascar to Morocco,
Africans rejected these homeland governments and pledge themselves to strive and
as agents of collaboration with the National work ceaselessly to find organized
Party. expression for this nation in a merger
of free independent African states
In the end, the government failed to prove
into a United States of Africa.”
at the Treason Trial that the Freedom Charter
—PAC founding manifesto
was a communist document, or that the Con-
gress Alliance was a communist organization.
The PAC stated that the Freedom Charter
Although the Defiance Campaign and the Free-
represented the betrayal of the African people
dom Charter had failed to eliminate apartheid,
by their leaders. It specifically rejected the
all the accused were acquitted. They could
Charter’s statement that “South Africa belongs
continue their protests.
to all who live in it black and white.”
The PAC also suggested that the pacifist
Radicalism Grows activities of the Congress Alliance up to this
Some Africans felt the protests up to this point had not placed enough pressure on the
point had failed. They believed the ANC was white government. It called for more aggres-
pandering to whites and losing its focus. Addi- sive and confrontational actions. For the time
tionally, as many of the ANC leaders had been being, Sobukwe suggested that the fledgling
in jail during the Treason Trial, they felt the PAC organization contain itself to non-violent
ANC had accomplished little for four years. actions. While the ANC and the Congress Al-
The young radicals split from the ANC to form liance endorsed non-violence as a basic moral
the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC). principle, the PAC saw non-violent action
simply as a tool to be used during this particu-
What did the PAC believe? lar stage of the struggle. The PAC intended to
Led by the charismatic Robert Sobukwe, bring about a “mental revolution” among Afri-
the PAC distinguished itself through the pro- cans to help them lose their “slave mentality.”
motion of an idea of African Nationalism, or They planned to launch a status campaign in
“Africanism.” This philosophy emphasized which Africans demanded respect from white
the importance of the unity of the various employers and white shop owners.
African peoples of South Africa. It rejected the
“
multi-racial approach of the ANC. Sobukwe We are not anti-white…. We do not
and others argued that whites (particularly hate the European because he is
communists) and Indians involved in the ac- white! We hate him because he is an
tivities of the Congress Alliance had called too oppressor. And it is plain dishonesty
many of the shots. The PAC also believed that to say I hate the sjambok [whip]
and not the one who
wields it.”
—Robert Sobukwe
While President
Sobukwe was careful to
distinguish between ha-
tred of whites and hatred
of white oppression, many

PAC supporters made no
such distinctions. A major-
ity of PAC members hoped
to expel whites from South
Africa entirely.
How did the ANC and

the PAC approach
protests differently?
The ANC responded to Sharpeville protestors flee the area as police look on.
this new organization by
labeling the PAC’s policies
as a form of black racism.
ANC leaders suggested that the PAC was more “
All that we [the leaders] are required
to do is to show the light and the
masses will find the way.”
interested in how employers spoke to African
workers than in how well they paid them. —Robert Sobukwe
The ANC equated the Africanism of the PAC
with the racist doctrines of the Afrikaners. PAC volunteers fanned out across South
Nevertheless, the PAC enjoyed great success in Africa to recruit volunteers. Those who agreed
recruiting supporters, especially among disil- to participate would present themselves at po-
lusioned youth who wanted to see immediate lice stations without their passes and demand
changes. to be arrested. It proved easy to find volun-
teers. Many Africans were frustrated with
While PAC President Sobukwe’s past
rising rents, continuing forced relocations, fall-
words had called for dramatic confrontations
ing standards of living, decreased educational
with the apartheid state, the realist in him
opportunities, rising unemployment, and the
recognized that the bulk of the African popula-
humiliations of repeated police raids.
tion was not yet ready for such action. Instead,
the PAC settled on a plan for a protest against Sobukwe sent a letter to the police com-
the passes involving more people than had the missioner informing him that PAC supporters
Congress Alliance’s Defiance Campaign. PAC in large numbers would surrender themselves
leaders hoped this would be the first of many for arrest on March 21, 1960. He went on to
actions in the “mental revolution” freeing explain that the protestors were under strict
South Africans from their “slave mentality.” orders to avoid the use of violence and, if
The PAC was unlike the ANC, which focused given adequate time, would respond to any
on meticulously planned and carefully orches- police orders to disperse.
trated protests involving highly disciplined
trained volunteers. The PAC placed greater What happened at Sharpeville?
value on individual spontaneity and the in- At Sharpeville, a township south of Johan-
volvement of average citizens. nesburg, there was a series of small clashes
between police and protestors on the morning
of March 21. The protestors were armed, at over near the entrance to the police com-
most, with stones. In one incident, police fired pound. As the curious crowd surged forward
shots over the heads of protestors outside the against the fence to see what had happened,
municipal buildings, injuring at least half a the police opened fire. No orders were given to
dozen and killing two. The protestors, how- disperse and no warning shots were fired. As
ever, did not respond violently. the crowd turned to flee, police continued fir-
Tensions in Sharpeville mounted as the ing into the backs of fleeing protesters. By the
day went on. A crowd estimated at about five time the firing ended, 69 Africans lay dead and
thousand (including large numbers of chil- 186 were wounded. Forty women and eight
dren) gathered outside the police station. The children were among the wounded.
trouble began when a policeman was pushed
June 1961: The Moment of Decision
I mmediately after Sharpeville, the PAC called

for workers to stay home. Government forces
repeatedly barged into workers’ homes to
This gave police and other government forces
additional powers to deal with any signs of
unrest. Both the ANC and the PAC, as well as
force them to report to their jobs. Not surpris- many of their leaders, were banned and mem-
ingly, more protests followed such tactics. bers could not communicate with each other
For instance, thirty thousand PAC protestors legally. Within five weeks, the government
descended on Cape Town’s parliament build- detained over eighteen thousand people. The
ing in a challenge much more threatening than South African government also withdrew from
the ANC had been up to that point. the British Commonwealth, an organization of
On March 28th, Chief Albert Luthuli, Great Britain and her former colonies. Many
the president of the ANC, called for a day blacks, coloureds, and Asians saw the with-
of mourning and the start of a stay-at-home drawal from the moderating influence of the
campaign. Thousands of ANC supporters also Commonwealth as a major blow to their efforts
publicly burned their passbooks. The stay-at- at peaceful resolution. Whites were becoming
home campaign continued for three weeks in more conservative, not less.
the Cape Town area, bringing business and Over the next year the ANC, the PAC,
industry virtually to a standstill. and other anti-apartheid groups organized
Many of the recently independent African more protests from underground. Members
governments condemned the South African met in secret, often disguising themselves in
regime. More surprisingly, the United States order to travel from place to place. Leaders
and Britain, traditionally two of South Africa’s of the groups sent letters to the government
staunchest economic allies, sharply criticized requesting a national convention to resolve the
the government’s tactics. In the General As- problems of the country. Those requests were
sembly of the United Nations, these countries ignored, and police raids continued.
presented strongly worded attacks on the During another stay-at-home campaign in
apartheid system. Calls began to mount for the May 1961, the government mounted a huge
imposition of sanctions against South Africa. military mobilization to try to intimidate
African workers from joining the campaign.
The government feared that violence similar
“ [We call upon] the government of
the Union of South Africa to initiate
measures aimed at bringing about
to anti-colonial protests in Kenya and Algeria
would take place in South Africa. White civil-
ians received rifles and handguns to protect
racial harmony based on equality
themselves in anticipation of violence, despite
in order to ensure that the present
the clearly pacifist nature of the protest.
situation does not continue or
recur, and to abandon its policies of Feeling as though the government had
apartheid and racial discrimination.” rejected all attempts at rational dialogue, the
—UN Security Council Resolution 134 opponents of apartheid began to consider their
options. For the following month leaders of
International investors quickly pulled the anti-apartheid groups met in secret, usu-
money out of the South African economy. ally at night, to discuss how best to approach
Many white South Africans followed suit and the future. How should each of the different
moved some of their own money into accounts organizations respond to the current situation?
in other countries. What steps should they now take to eliminate
apartheid?
After Sharpeville, Prime Minister Hen-
drick Verwoerd called a State of Emergency.
Options in Brief
Option 1: Continue Non- Option 3: Advocate Guerrilla
violent Struggle With War Tactics For Africans Alone
Multi-Racial Support This is a violent regime that only under-
Non-violence has been the core principle stands violence. We must speak its language.
of our beliefs in the struggle against apartheid. In our non-violent struggle we have posed no
To abandon that principle at this crucial point threat. We have simply offered ourselves up to
would be to show the world and our people be shot. But we can instill fear in the whites,
that we have given up, that we no longer and then they will give up their power. We,
have the courage to stand up for our beliefs. Africans alone, must eliminate the forces that
We have seen the positive effects of passive are standing in the way of our own power. The
resistance in India, and we can have the same only way to do that is to take power away from
effect here in South Africa. The eventual rec- the whites. Random, spontaneous attacks on
onciliation with whites and the establishment police and other white people will get atten-
of democracy requires that we use only pas- tion. Only guerrilla warfare will win us our
sive means to resist. We must stay the course counry back. We are ready for a revolution.
and remember that it is the stronger man who
makes his beliefs known through non-violent
means.
Option 2: Use Limited,

Structured Violence With
Communist Party Support
Despite repeated attempts to engage the
government in talks, we have been turned
down. The government will not allow us to
fight peacefully any more, and has blocked all
our legal acts by making them illegal. It is time
to join with the South African Communist
Party, which can provide financial backing
and which adheres to the ideology of a small,
leading group as the vanguard of the struggle.
Structured, organized, limited sabotage of
the workings of the white government will
demonstrate our power, reduce the regime’s
effectiveness, and show the international com-
munity that we are dedicated to preventing
deaths. Our people cannot have died in vain.
Option 1: Continue Non-Violent Struggle

With Multi-Racial Support
N on-violence is a core principle of our beliefs in the struggle against the government.
Only strong people can look threats in the eye and not retaliate violently. Non-
violence takes more courage than violence, and we have been demonstrating to the
world our courage and our resolve. To abandon that principle at this crucial point
would be to show the world and our people that we have given up, that we no longer
have the courage to stand up for our beliefs. Non-violence has not failed us, and we
must continue to use it as a most powerful weapon in our fight for freedom.
We must take up the banner with renewed energy and unity. Only non-violent
resistance can unite the people against the State. We have seen the positive
effects of passive resistance in India, and we can have the same effect here in
South Africa. Gandhi’s influence here and in India shows that his principles of
satyagraha work. When people are united against a common enemy, and when they
support one another, change happens. It is the people who defeat the armies.
We have many forms of protest at our disposal under the umbrella of non-violent resistance.
Economic boycotts of South African goods, both here and abroad, may yet work to
bring down the government. We can boycott shops here. Look what we gained from the
Alexandra bus boycott! Our numbers and our strength enabled us to get what we wanted.
By using only passive resistance we will retain support from other groups, including
whites, and will benefit from their financial support and their numbers. The eventual
reconciliation with whites and the establishment of democracy requires that we use only
passive means to resist. Any other method is sure to invoke bitterness and hatred.
Resorting to violence has many problems. To launch a violent campaign will

surely open us to further reprisals from the government and will only result in
more deaths. Violence breeds violence; we would only be adding to the cycle.
We must stay the course and remember that it is the stronger man who makes his beliefs
known through non-violent means. We are stronger than the government. We will prevail.
Beliefs and Assumptions Underlying Option 1

1. Non-violence has been the guiding 3. Non-violent protest is supported by
principle of our fight against apartheid. It is a outsiders who champion our cause in other
central element of our struggle. nations; violence is not.
2. Non-violence is the only morally
acceptable way to respond to oppression.
Vengeful action only breeds more violence.
Supporting Arguments for Option 1

1. Resorting to violence will lead to future success depends on support from the UN and
racial tensions and bitterness. We want to member states.
create a peaceful, multiracial society.
3. Nonviolence has proven its effectiveness
2. Chief Luthuli’s position of non-violence in other situations, such as the independence
is well respected outside of South Africa. Our of India from Great Britain.
From the Historical Record

Mohandas Gandhi, 1928 for more exacting forms of non-violence....
“My point is that I can definitely assert We are a giant that does not know its strength.
that in planning the Indian movement there When white oppressors impress people with
never was the slightest thought given to the their military might and knowledge we should
possibility or otherwise of offering armed show the people that it is because the white
resistance. Satyagraha is soul force pure and men fear us that they have curbed our advance
simple, and whenever and to whatever extent by apartheid laws.”
there is room for the use of arms or physical
force or brute force, there and to that extent Chief Luthuli, June 1959
is there so much less possibility for soul “We are not without power. Along the
force. These are purely antagonistic forces non-violent path, we can effectively harness
in my view, and I had full realisation of this our buying strength and our labour potential
antagonism even at the time of the advent of to defeat our enemy if we do so in the spirit of
Satyagraha.” unity and determination.”
Chief Luthuli, Presidential Address to annual conference Robert Sobukwe, March 20, 1960
of ANC, December 1959
“I say quite POSITIVELY, without fear of
“It is unfortunate for the government to
contradiction, that the only people who will
incite people to violence. This could be the
benefit from violence are the government and
effect of pronouncements like the one recently
the police....We are not leading corpses to the
made by the Minister of Defence, Mr. Erasmus,
new Africa.”
when he said that preparations are in progress
to place units of the defence force at several
ANC statement, April 1, 1960
strategic areas in order ‘to have the army ready
“…We wish to make it very clear that we
to assist the civil authorities in case of internal
have chosen the path of non-violent struggle
uprisings.’ Notwithstanding all this, I counsel
not out of weakness and cowardice but be-
the oppressed to brace up and prepare them-
cause we are confident of the victory of our
selves to meet this threat to our existence as a
cause, and do not wish to see the country
people by exploring to the full the possibilities
dragged through bloody upheavals which may
of non-violent methods of struggle. This is the
leave a legacy of bitterness for generations to
suggestion in our interest. One is not guided
come.”
by pacifist considerations, but by practical
considerations that led [the African National]
Congress in 1949 to decide to prosecute on M.B. Yengwa, ANC leader, 1960
this basis its militant struggle for liberty. “The point is that we cannot exclude
Protest demonstrations, defiance campaigns, a bloody revolution in South Africa, but it
stay-at-homes of limited duration are very would never be the African National Congress
necessary warming up process to train people that would embark on a bloody revolution.”
Molvi Cachalia, SAIC leader, June 1960 the organisation which is leading the move-
“As far as the policy of the Congresses ment, their volunteers or their followers will
is concerned we believe that the method not indulge in violence, but there is always
which we employ is more important than the a possibility that something might go wrong,
aim itself... We have specifically accepted police might shoot, or some other elements
and abided by the policy of non-violence, so would come and do things. There is always
that whatever we achieve through negotia- the possibility of violence.
tion—altering the laws through Parliament,
Q: What would the duties of passive resist-
through the Government and so on—will be
ers be under these circumstances?
based on the democratic system. Violence
would certainly destroy all that and that is not A: Even if they are attacked or even if vio-
permissible at all as far as our organisation is lence occurred from any other side, their duty
concerned.” will be not to fight back, and not to take part in
the violence.”
Molvi Cachalia, June 1960
“As far as the people who are engaging President of the Indian Natal Congress, March 1961
in the struggle and people who follow the “We believe in peaceful and non-violent
struggle, they will never use violence, and will solutions both to international problems and
never approve any violence whatsoever.” to problems within the border of one’s own
country.…We believe in a democratic South
Africa for all South Africans—white and non-
Molvi Cachalia, Treason Trial testimony, June 1960
white—and we believe it is possible to achieve
“Q: Is it always possible in your view, as
that objective by peaceful and non-violent
happened in this case, as a result of the ac-
means.”
tion of the authorities, that a purely peaceful
demonstration can turn into violence? In your
view, does the possibility always exist that as a Chief Luthuli
result of the action of the police authorities, a “There is still enough goodwill among
peaceful demonstration can turn into violence non-whites to avoid a bloody struggle being a
or can turn into a bloodbath? sine qua non [an essential part of the struggle]
to Freedom. “
A: If the demonstrations are organised by
Option 2: Use Limited, Structured Violence with

Communist Party Support
W e must begin to fight more forcefully for our freedom from this repressive regime.
Despite repeated attempts to engage the government in talks, we have been turned
down. Our organizations have been banned. Our people, protesting peacefully, have
been shot at. The people are restless and are becoming disillusioned. We are in danger of
losing our country entirely. Fifty years of non-violent struggle has brought our country
nothing but more and more repressive legislation. The government will not allow us to
fight peacefully any more, and has blocked all our legal acts by making them illegal.
Rural people are already creating military organizations on their own, without central
leadership. If we want to avert a civil war, in which we would surely be defeated in
bloody struggle, we must organize the people and provide discipline. Structured,
organized, limited sabotage of the workings of the white government will demonstrate
our power, reduce the regime’s effectiveness, and show the international community
that we are dedicated to preventing casualties. We must show our people that we
are strong, resolute, and able to overcome this adversity. We will be giving hope,
instead of sitting on our hands waiting for the next blow from the government.
It is time to join with the South African Communist Party, which can provide financial
backing and which adheres to the ideology of a small, leading group as the vanguard of the
struggle. A cadre of trained fighters will bring about the revolution we seek. Mass action
has not been successful, and it is time to try other means. Sabotage does not involve loss
of life, and it offers the best hope for future race relations. Bitterness will be kept to a
minimum and if the policy bears fruit, democratic government could become a reality. We
are committed to creating a non-racialist country. Attacking only government buildings and
economically important infrastructures such as power stations will limit the government’s
ability to function, but it will not kill people. We must not descend into a race war.
Non-violence is a tactic that must be abandoned when it no longer works. That time has
come. Sharpeville demonstrated the will of the government to crush our peaceful protests.
Our people cannot have died in vain while we continue to wait for an opportunity to
put more of them in harm’s way. Such inaction is immoral. We owe it to them to fight.

1. It is immoral to subject our people to 3. Revolution is only possible through
continued violence from the government while the use of a small group of trained, militant
forbidding them from defending themselves. insurrectionists.
2. African people are becoming frustrated
with the slow pace of reform and many are
resorting to undisciplined violence, acts which
will surely lead to a civil war.

1. Deliberate, limited attacks will weaken 3. The avoidance of casualties will provide
the apartheid system without polarizing the the greatest possibility for reconciliation in the
races. future.
2. Our people will feel renewed and strong
if we engage in sabotage, and they will be
more dedicated to the cause.

Nelson Mandela, address to the ANC, 1953 Robert Resha, ANC leader, December 1958
“But gone forever are the days when harsh “It is...significant that the leaders who are
and wicked laws provided the oppressors with being accused of having sold out [the African
years of peace and quiet. The racial policies of National] Congress to Europeans and Indi-
the Government have pricked the conscience ans, are tried and tested leaders who suffered
of all men of good will and have aroused their imprisonment, bannings, and banishments.
deepest indignation. The feelings of the op- Surely, such men...can only be thought of as
pressed people have never been more bitter. being stooges by people who are either delib-
If the ruling circles seek to maintain their erately malicious or completely naive.”
position by such inhuman methods then a
clash between the forces of freedom and those Robert Resha, Treason Trial testimony, 1960
of reaction is certain. The grave plight of the “My Lords, when I think of the brutal
people compels them to resist to the death the methods used by the government in imposing
stinking policies of the gangsters that rule our inhuman policy on my people, I sometimes
country.… Action has become the language of have grave doubts about the policy of non-
the day.” violence. Sometimes it seems to me that if
the government is prepared to use this force
Oliver Tambo, letter to the ANC leadership, 1955 and violence in stifling every endeavor by my
“...In the final analysis, the situation in people to improve their lot and to attain some
South Africa today is such that alternative political rights, then sometimes I feel we too
modes of struggle have been reduced and we have the right to use this violence at times.”
are daily being reduced to the barest mini-
mum, and we shall not wait long for the day Yusuf Dadoo, SAIC president, March 1961
when only one method will be left to the op- “As time goes on, that struggle will be-
pressed people of this country....” come more bitter and hard…. If timely action
is not taken, we may see in South Africa,
“Black Savage” in The Africanist, January 1956 whether we like it or not, a situation similar to
“...The times call for cold calculation that in Algeria, perhaps on a bigger scale.”
and timing and yield little place for the un-
governed emotions. We cannot afford to be Nelson Mandela, May 1961
irresponsible in word or action....” “Of all the observations made on the
strike, none has brought forth so much heat
ANC National Executive, 1958 and emotion as the stress and emphasis we
“...When a spontaneous movement takes put on non-violence. Our most loyal support-
place the duty of leadership is not just to ers, whose courage and devotion has never
follow spontaneously but to give it proper been doubted, unanimously and strenuously
direction.” disagreed with this approach and with the
assurances we gave that we would not use any
form of intimidation whatsoever to induce the question is posed: have we not closed a
people to stay away from work. It was argued chapter on this question? These are crucial
that the soil of our beloved country has been questions that merit sane and sober reflection.
stained with the priceless blood of African It would be a serious mistake to brush them
patriots murdered by the Nationalist govern- aside and leave them unanswered.”
ment in the course of peaceful and disciplined
demonstrations to assert their claims and Nelson Mandela, June 1961
legitimate aspirations. It was the government “We agreed that violence was an unfortu-
that should have been told to refrain from its nate thing. We felt, however, that appeals for
inhuman policy of violence and massacre, non-violence should be addressed to the gov-
not the African people. It was further argued ernment who were spoiling for a showdown
that it is wrong and indefensible for a politi- and massacre [and] not to the African people
cal organisation to repudiate picketing, which who had repeatedly protested the peaceful and
is used the world over as a legitimate form of non-violent character of their campaign. We
pressure to prevent scabbing. Even up to the also felt it to be our duty to place on record
present day the question that is being asked that, if people in history had listened to ap-
with monotonous regularity up and down peals to drop political campaigns launched to
the country is this: is it politically correct to back up the demands of an oppressed people
continue preaching peace and non-violence simply because violence might occur in the
when dealing with a government whose bar- course of such a campaign, the world today
baric practices have brought so much suffering would still be languishing under the despotic
and misery to Africans? With equal monotony rule of the Middle Ages.”
Option 3: Advocate Guerrilla War Tactics

for Africans Alone
T he African people recognize that to revolutionize South Africa, the present situation
wherein white South Africa holds the monopoly of military power must be changed.
This can be changed only by our acquisition of the means of challenging that military
power. We must separate ourselves from the evil government which refuses to listen
to us. We must no longer attempt to communicate with an illegal regime. Instead, we
must fight it at every turn. Then the whites will be forced to reckon with us. This is a
violent regime which must be purged through violence. We must speak its language.
In Kenya the revolt of the people, called Mau-Mau, resulted in the country’s independence.
We can do the same here. Now, the State does not listen to us. It does not even consider
us people who belong to this land. They do not have to listen to us because they do not
fear us. In our non-violent struggle we have posed no threat. We have simply offered
ourselves up to be shot. But we can instill fear in the whites, and then they will give
up their power. Then and only then will they give up the hold they have on us.
We must do this alone, without the help of whites or Indians. The majority of white citizens
support the regime. The alliance with liberal whites has only slowed us down. This country
is ours and we want it back. We are not fighting for good race relations, we are fighting for
our country. We must eliminate the forces that are standing in the way of our own power.
The only way to do that is to take power away from the whites. We cannot wait for the
State to give us more power. That day will never come. Sharpeville showed the futility
of non-violence. We must engage ourselves to dismantle apartheid. Let the people speak:
give them the weapons to do so. We must show the masses that they can take control.
We don’t have time anymore for lengthy discussions and organization. Every day
we are being detained, jailed, and killed. Our people are suffering. We must act
now. Let the whites be surprised when we attack. Let them crouch in fear. If we are
spontaneous in our attacks, we will be more effective. Random, spontaneous attacks
on police and other white people will get attention. Only guerrilla warfare will
win us our country back. We are ready for a revolution. Independence NOW!

1. Violence is required to purify this 3. Time is not on our side. The longer we
country of the evils of the white government. wait to revolt the more of our people will die.
2. South Africa should be a nation for
Africans. We must fight alone for our freedom.

1. Disciplined organization—the sort 2. The fear and intimidation inflicted as a
required for sabotage actions—puts us at result of guerrilla warfare has gained success
risk as we cannot safely convene meetings. for other Africans.
Guerrilla warfare does not require such 3. Fifty years of non-violent struggle has
structure. proved useless.

Potlako Leballo, in The Africanist, 1954 no compromise or apology, nor collaboration,
“If need be we must die for our freedom in nor servitude. Here, we fight it out, and to the
our lifetime.” finish.”
“Pola-ca-Pele”, in The Africanist, 1955 PAC Founding Manifesto, 1959

“In Africa we must rule.” “[We must] implement effectively the
fundamental principle that the domain of
“Africanus”, in The Africanist, 1956 sovereignty over the domination of ownership
“To whom does Afrika belong? Is this not of the whole territory rest[s] exclusively and
the rightful land of the Africans? Do stolen inalienably in the indigenous people.”
goods belong to a thief and not to its owner
[sic]? Those Africans who renounce their Robert Sobukwe, January 1959
claims over Afrika should not stand in the way “We…stand for the complete overthrow of
of the people, for they will be crushed together white domination.”
with oppression....Those who mean to stay in
this continent will work for the interests of Af- Robert Sobukwe, August, 1959
rica and her people. Should they stand in the “We are gathered here, today, to reiterate
way of the people to independence, their end our resolve to declare total war against the
will be a ‘sorrowful sight.’ The ruling herren- demi-god of white supremacy…. We are here
volk [master race] know full well that the days to make an appeal to African intellectuals and
of oppression are numbered.... Every minute business men, African urban and rural prole-
the burning flame of African nationalism is tariat, to join forces in a determined, ruthless
scourging them.” and total war against white supremacy.”
Potlako Leballo, December 1957 Josias Madzunya, Treason Trial testimony

“…in order that a self-confident African “These whites are just bluffing you by
people must exist it is necessary that they saying that they are friendly to you. They will
should, through action and self-sacrifice attain never be friendly.... Europeans are like lice.
political consciousness and consciousness of They are parasites, busy sucking on blood by
their destiny. This must be achieved by the means of work for unequal pay.”
Africans for the Africans. It is possible that
the battles of Blood River, Keiskamahoek and Robert Sobukwe, 1960
Thaba-Bosiu will be fought again, this time “...We are not afraid of the consequences
under the banner of African Nationalism; of our action and it is not our intention to
here, history must be repeated, if our African plead for mercy.”
revolutionary struggle must be victorious. In
this struggle for African Freedom, there can be
Potlako Leballo, February 1960 “Terra” in Mafube, May 1961
“...We will never share our country with “In pursuing our struggle, cognisance must
the oppressors.” be taken of the fact that our flight is all-em-
bracing and is against the whole system of
Oceanic Ngosa, trial testimony, 1965, speaking of 1961 white domination. It is therefore unwise to
“The time has now come when violence waste valuable time and energy at conference
would be resorted to…. Members must now and conventions whose chief aim is to impose
arm themselves when they go to meetings so upon us a MULTI-RACIAL PROGRAMME
that if a policeman should enter and disturb us as against a PURELY African-inspired pro-
we shall kill him then and there. Even when gramme.... The time for consultation is over,
distributing leaflets if we should come across and all that is left for us is to strike a death-
a policeman who wants to arrest us or disturb blow at the monster of exploitation and white
us, we must kill him.” domination.”
Epilogue: Becoming South Africa
I n December 1961 the president of the ANC,

Chief Albert Luthuli, accepted the Nobel
Peace Prize for his non-violent struggle against
by Nelson Mandela. MK was the armed wing
of the ANC, but that connection was not to be
made public in order to protect ANC members
apartheid. The government let him out of from further jeopardy. Additionally, while
South Africa to attend the ceremony in Nor- Luthuli most likely knew of this shift in ANC
way fearing that not to do so would cause a policy to include the use of violence as one of
world outcry. In his speech he commented on the four pillars in the struggle, it is not clear
the long history of peaceful protest of Africans whether he condoned it. He, in particular, was
all over the continent against white rule. shielded from connections to MK. Headquar-
ters for MK were at a secluded house (paid for
partly by the Communist Party) in Rivonia, a
“ We, in our situation, have chosen
the path of non-violence of our
own volition…. All the strength of
white suburb of Johannesburg.
On December 16th, the anniversary of the
progressive leadership in South Battle of Blood River, MK used small bombs
Africa, all my life and strength, to damage administrative offices in Port
has been given to the pursuance of Elizabeth, Johannesburg, and Durban. One
this method, in an attempt to avert saboteur was killed by his own bomb in the
disaster.” attacks. Over the following eighteen months
—Chief Luthuli, December 11, 1961 MK launched about two hundred attacks on
symbols of white domination such as jails and
railways.
What decision did the ANC come to
regarding the use of violence?
Five days later Umkhonto we Sizwe How was the PAC’s decision different?
(“Spear of the Nation” in Zulu, also called The Pan Africanist Congress had simulta-
MK) announced its existence through the dis- neously designed its own militant wing, called
semination of a flyer. Poqo, which means “pure” or “independent”
in Xhosa. Poqo was not as centrally organized
as MK, and the group had no identifiable lead-
“ The time comes in the life of any

nation when there remain only two
choices: submit or fight. That time
er. Unlike MK, Poqo practiced guerrilla tactics,
targeting both whites and black collaborators.
has now come to South Africa. We

shall not submit and we have no
choice but to hit back by all means “ The white people shall suffer, the
black people will rule. Freedom
comes after bloodshed. Poqo has
within our power in defense of our
people, our future, and our freedom.” started.”
—MK flyer, issued December 16, 1961 —Poqo leaflet issued in December 1961
In June 1961, in secret, underground meet- Poqo was successful in causing wide-
ings, the leadership of the ANC had decided spread intimidation and fear among whites
to launch sabotage campaigns against the because of its random attacks. For example,
government. This was one part of a broader Poqo was responsible for the hacking to death
strategy that also included mass non-violent of five whites, including two young girls, who
action as well as advocating sanctions against were camping near a river in 1963. Poqo also
the government and diplomatic isolation from killed several police officers.
the world community. The sabotage campaigns
would be organized by a new group, MK, led
What method did the SAIC adopt? they had been investigating the possibility of
Although some members of the SAIC guerrilla warfare.
joined MK, the official position of the or-
ganization held true to its original founder,
Gandhi, and his peaceful protest stance. The
SAIC called on the international community
“ During my lifetime I have dedicated
myself to this struggle of the African
people…. It is an ideal which I
to take a stand against racial discrimination in
hope to live for and which I hope to
South Africa, and it refused to cooperate with
achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal
any of the government’s segregationist poli-
for which I am prepared to die.”
cies—even those not related to Indians.
—Nelson Mandela, in the courtroom
“ Both in the international and national

fields we stand for peace and for
peaceful solution of the problems
On June 12, 1964, Mandela and seven
others were sentenced to life in prison. Key
leaders of both the ANC and PAC were now
which beset humanity.” in prison or exile, and the organizations lost
—SAIC presidential address, Sept. 1961 some effectiveness.
The UN Security Council urged the
What was the Rivonia Trial? South African government to grant amnesty
In response to the sabotage and guerrilla to the defendants, and considered the use of
tactics now employed by some Africans, the sanctions against South Africa to propel the
government issued new laws which allowed country to dismantle the apartheid system.
for more arrests and detentions. The Sabotage For the remainder of the 1960s and into the
Act of 1962 gave the government power to 1970s, however, the authoritarianism of the
arrest anyone believed to threaten the security government merely increased. Raids con-
of the country. The following year the 90-Day tinued, individuals were detained, and the
Act allowed the government to detain people international community’s reaction seemed
without charges or trials for up to ninety days. to do little to change the entrenchment of the
Following that time, individuals could be re- apartheid system.
leased for a few moments, then detained again
for an additional ninety days, and so on. De-
tainees had no rights of access to lawyers or to Entrenchment
their families. The South African government With the anti-apartheid leadership mostly
was rapidly becoming a police state. Hundreds in jail or in exile, a new generation of protes-
of ANC and PAC members were arrested, tors emerged.
including Nelson Mandela. Some of those
arrested were subjected to torture, including What was Black Consciousness?
electric shocks, beatings, and suffocation in Foremost among them was Steve Biko,
plastic bags. The government tended to torture who founded the Black Consciousness Move-
white protesters less frequently than blacks. ment. This social and political movement was
The police surprised several members of inspired in part by the Black Power movement
the ANC as they were looking over a proposal in the United States. Black Consciousness
in their Rivonia headquarters in July 1963. pressed for increased rights and an end to
The documents the police found, many of “separate development” without the help of
which were right on the table as they entered whites. Whites were excluded from Black Con-
the house, doomed the ANC leadership. Nine sciousness activities because the movement
people, including Nelson Mandela, were tried was trying to demonstrate to blacks, coloureds,
in the Rivonia Trial. The accused admitted and Indians that they could succeed on their
that they were involved in sabotage and that own power.
“ As long as we go to Whitey
begging cap in hand for our own
emancipation, we are giving him
What happened in Soweto?
In South Africa itself people living in
the townships of large cities were becoming
further sanction to continue with increasingly frustrated by their situation. High
his racist and oppressive system…. school students in Soweto, the SOuth WEst
[We] need to rally together…and TOwnship of Johannesburg, were angered that
to operate as a group to rid their schools lacked materials and teachers
[ourselves] of the shackles that bind adequate to their needs. They also protested
[us] to perpetual servitude…. The the policy of Afrikaans as one of the languages
philosophy of Black Consciousness… of instruction. The idea that they had to learn
expresses group pride and the the language of their oppressors—spoken no-
determination of the black to rise where else in the world—in order to function
and attain the envisaged self…. The in math, science, and history classes angered
most potent weapon in the hands them.
of the oppressor is the mind of the In June 1976 Soweto students staged a
oppressed.” massive demonstration against Afrikaans
—Steve Biko instruction. The government responded with
an armed force. The riots did not end, how-
Black Consciousness succeeded in win- ever, and students from all over central South
ning many followers, primarily young people. Africa joined in the unarmed protests. Over
The movement was banned in 1977. Its the next several months teenagers ran at police
members eventually dissipated or joined other who were firing guns at them. Many teenagers
radical groups. were arrested and tortured, sometimes killed,
How did world-wide economic and political

shifts change the apartheid system?
As machinery in the industrial businesses
of South Africa required more skilled work-
ers, companies found that there were simply
not enough white workers available. Blacks,
coloureds, and Asians began to fill those posi-
tions. In time, despite the fact that no legal
means to organize were available to blacks,
their status and responsibility in the industrial
sector grew. The government began to realize
that its economic success depended not just on
white workers, but also on the happiness and
well-being of a growing group of skilled black,
reproduced with permission from Images of Defiance.
coloured, and Asian workers.

Independence movements in other south-
ern and central African countries changed
the political landscape as well. Following the
departure of white rulers from Mozambique
and Angola, South Africa became virtually
surrounded by black regimes. African guerril-
las in the ANC and PAC could plan and make
attacks on South Africa from these countries.
1985 protest poster.
in prisons. In the end, close to six hundred made apartheid difficult to maintain, which
people were killed and nearly twenty-five hun- made the government clamp down more
dred injured. tightly in an attempt to keep control.
In response to their dire situation, many
young people left the townships for Mozam- How did violence increase in the 1980s?
bique, where they trained as guerrillas with More peaceful protests led to more black
the banned ANC. South Africa was in a state deaths, and the government declared a State
of crisis. of Emergency in 1985. Many people openly
A year after the Soweto uprising, Steve carried ANC banners as they marched through
Biko, the leader of Black Consciousness, died the streets, although the ANC was still banned.
in prison, a victim of torture. Although the The protests were not just against the gov-
police denied it initially, Biko’s head had ernment, however, but also against black
been repeatedly bashed into a wall, and his “conspirators” who had joined the police
near-dead body was driven in a police van for forces. Often these “betrayers” were killed in
over seven hundred miles, ostensibly to the the gruesome fashion known as “necklacing”:
hospital. News of Biko’s death and contin- protestors would place car tires filled with
ued desperate conditions angered the black, gasoline around their bodies and burn them to
coloured, and Indian communities. Many par- death.
ticipated in anti-government protests which Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) also engaged in
became increasingly violent. more attacks in the 1980s, including against
“soft” targets like bus stations and restaurants.
Why did the failing economy make the These bombings did not incite people to rise
apartheid system difficult to maintain? up, however. The government reacted with
The South African police and military further repression and encouraged vigilante
forces could not keep up with the demands action on the part of black collaborators. These
of their daily routines. South Africa illegally “black-on-black” crimes, instigated by the
occupied South West Africa (now Namibia), police, were often used as an excuse for more
and it was also militarily involved in Angola. police presence and increased restriction.
This over-extension forced the government Thousands of people were placed in detention.
to initiate reforms in the apartheid system to The country seemed headed toward civil war.
keep it alive. There were not enough white
recruits to fulfill the needs of the police forces, Liberation
so the government grudgingly began to recruit The violence of the State of Emergency
blacks. Defense spending grew astronomically. led nations around the world, including the
The huge numbers of able-bodied people in United States, to impose limited sanctions on
the security forces left significant holes in the South Africa. The world-wide oil and arms
civilian economy. embargo prevented South Africa from im-
Additionally, semi-skilled black workers porting those products legally, although the
were now needed in large numbers to support country continued to do so illegally. Some
the industrial sector of the economy. These countries, including the United States, refused
workers needed to be adequately educated. to buy certain products, such as gold, from
Finally, In the 1980s black trade unions South Africa. Although South Africa was able
provided much of the structure for protest- to circumvent many sanctions, the country’s
ing apartheid. The Congress of South African racist policies were clearly isolating it from the
Trade Unions (COSATU), along with other world.
groups, became central to the political strug- While violence, detention, and police bru-
gle. The unions organized strikes and provided tality continued, the South African economy,
platforms for mass action. All of these issues as a result of the sanctions and its own defense
spending, began to crumble. The combined

force of the four pillars of the ANC’s strat-
egy—mass action, sabotage, sanctions, and
“ Our resort to the armed struggle
in 1960 [sic] with the formation
of the military wing of the ANC,
diplomatic isolation—was finally becoming Umkhonto we Sizwe, was a purely
effective. defensive action against the violence
In August 1989, a new South African of apartheid.... We express the
president assumed power. F.W. de Klerk was hope that a climate conducive to a
known as a conservative, but his understand- negotiated settlement will be created
ing of the need for modifications in light of the soon so that there may no longer be
worsening economic system led him to make the need for the armed struggle.”
significant changes. He believed that the mas- —Nelson Mandela, at his release
sive rioting indicated apartheid was no longer
viable. While Mandela’s release offered liberal
South Africans great hope, the problem of rad-
To the surprise of many around the world,
ical young people was becoming clear. Many
de Klerk unconditionally released Mandela
of these teenagers and young adults had little
from prison on February 11, 1990, twenty-
schooling, were bitter about their situation,
seven years after he had entered. At the same
and wanted immediate change. Meanwhile,
time, de Klerk unbanned the various anti-
the State of Emergency continued for several
apartheid groups, and agreed to talks with
months. By the fall of 1990, however, most
leaders from all racial groups to develop a
public areas were becoming desegregated. In
post-apartheid government system in South
February 1991, de Klerk removed key apart-
Africa.
heid laws from the books.
Following the release of Mandela and the
“ We would all like Mr. Mandela’s

release to take place in a dignified
and orderly manner.”
repeal of apartheid laws, political violence in
South Africa continued. Various groups tried
to gain power in the transition, sometimes fu-
—F.W. de Klerk, eve of Mandela’s release eling old fires. In fact, conflict continued for an
additional four years as leaders met to negoti-
ate the future of the country. The negotiations
were lengthy and difficult.
They were also marred
by actions of the gov-
ernment. For instance,
security forces support-
ed—both militarily and
financially—a primarily
Zulu anti-apartheid orga-
nization called the Inkatha
Freedom Party, which en-
gaged in violent conflicts
with the ANC. Such action
on the part of the govern-
ment increased the ANC’s
suspicions. Others, such
as the PAC, were impatient
Reuters/Dufka.
for change, and accused

the ANC of “selling out.”
Voters wait for hours in line at the 1994 elections in Soweto.
mission (TRC). The TRC
was made up of people
of all races who would
oversee the investigation
of violent acts, the punish-
ment of perpetrators, and
the payment of reparations
to victims of apartheid or
anti-apartheid violence.
Both apartheid supporters
and opponents appeared
before the commission to
explain how they or their
families were victimized,
or how they had used vio-
lent means to support their
cause.
“
We are charged to
unearth the truth
about our dark past, to
Reuters/Ngwenya.
lay the ghosts of that

past so that they will
not return to haunt us.
De Klerk and Mandela celebrate at the 1994 inauguration. And [so] that we will
thereby contribute
to the healing of a
traumatised and
Post-Apartheid South Africa
wounded people...and in this way
Finally, government and anti-apartheid
to promote national unity and
leaders reached a tenuous solution. As a result
reconciliation.”
of the negotiations, the political organizations
—Archbishop Desmund Tutu,
agreed to the formation of a new constitu-
TRC Chairman
tion. This constitution is now one of the most
democratic constitutions in the world. It
Many people were grateful to be able to
explicitly protects members of all races, ethnic
tell the commission what had happened to
groups, religions, sexual orientations, and of
them or their families, as they felt no one had
both genders. All political parties took part in
listened to their stories before.
its construction, and in 1994 new voting rights
allowed blacks, coloureds, Asians, and whites During the TRC many South Africans
to cast ballots together for the first time. ANC learned for the first time of the horrific tactics
leader Nelson Mandela was elected president. used by the government to eliminate apartheid
In 1993 the Nobel Peace Prize was jointly opponents, particularly in the 1980s. People
awarded to Mandela and de Klerk for their learned that political prisoners had been regu-
parts in ending apartheid. larly gang raped, electrocuted, pushed out of
windows to their deaths, and slowly poisoned.
Young men were lured into vans with promis-
What was the Truth and
es of attending political meetings, and the vans
Reconciliation Commission?
were set alight. In some cases, police admitted
Part of the constitution called for the
to burning the bodies of their victims in bar-
formation of a Truth and Reconciliation Com-
becue pits while they cooked their dinner and The TRC heard cases for three years, and
drank their beer on the side. The government issued its initial report in 1998. Since then,
also used biological and chemical weapons South Africa has been struggling to come to
against activists, including releasing cholera terms with its past and embrace its multi-
bacteria into the water systems of some towns. racial future. It has also taken on a political
One controversial element of the commis- leadership role in southern Africa. Although
sion enabled perpetrators to receive amnesty South Africa has removed the major stumbling
for their acts if they could prove that what block of apartheid, the country faces problems
they had done was politically motivated and with the AIDS crisis, continued poverty and
in line with the perceived needs of either the crime, and mistrust among ethnic groups.
apartheid or anti-apartheid movement. Ap- The economic legacy of apartheid persists
plicants also had to reveal the truth of their so that, on the whole, blacks remain much
actions before live audiences, often facing the poorer than whites, and continue to struggle to
victims and victims’ families. In many cases make ends meet. Unemployment is high, and
the families learned for the first time during many blacks still have inadequate housing. In
the hearings of how their relatives died and 2003, President Thabo Mbeki announced that
where they were buried. Much of the TRC was over nineteen thousand families who had testi-
broadcast on national TV. While it proved to fied before the TRC would receive reparations
be healing for many South Africans, it was payments. Many families think the $3,900
disturbing for others. payment is too little. Promises of land reform,
which would return land to blacks dispos-
sessed decades earlier, have, for the most part,
“ I felt what...has brought my eyesight
back is to come back here and tell
this story.... I feel what has been
not yet been met. The political transformation
has not yet been matched by an economic one.
making me sick all this time is the
fact that I couldn’t tell my story.
—Lukas Sikwepere, who lost his sight to a
police gunshot wound
“ We’ve learned to look at each other’s
eyes here. Otherwise you can’t get a
country. We’re not South Africa yet.
We’re becoming South Africa.”
“ The Commission, with its quest for —Justice Albie Sachs

truth, has not healed my wounds. It
has opened ones I never knew I had.”
—Phylicia Oppelt, newspaper reporter
Chronology of South African History

ca. 14,000 BCE Khoisan hunter-gatherers move to Southern Africa
ca. 300 CE Cultivation introduced by Bantu people
1487 Portuguese explorers reach the Cape of Good Hope
1652 Jan van Riebeeck arrives with the Dutch East India Company
1658 Dutch begin to import slaves
1806 Britain gains control of the Cape Colony
1809 First pass laws enacted
1817-1830s Mfecane movement creates unrest in eastern areas
1834 British end slavery in all British colonies
1836 British return some land to the Xhosa
1836-1840s Afrikaner Great Trek
1838 The Battle of Blood River
1860-1866 Indians first arrive in South Africa as indentured servants
1867 Diamonds first discovered
1886 Gold first discovered
1893 Gandhi arrives in South Africa
1899-1902 South African War
1910 Union of South Africa formed
Mines and Works Act passed
1911
Native Labor Regulation Act passed
1912 African National Congress established
Natives’ Land Act passed
1913
National Party founded
1914-1918 World War I
1919 First mass protest organized by the ANC
South African Indian Congress established
1923
Native Urban Areas Act passed
1939-1945 World War II
1944 ANC Youth League formed
1948 National Party gains power and adopts apartheid
late 1940s ANC begins to oppose apartheid policies
1949 Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act passed
Population Registration Act passed
Suppression of Communism Act passed
1950
Group Areas Act passed
Amendment to the Immorality Act passed
The Defiance Campaign calls for an end to apartheid
1952
Natives Abolition of Passes and Coordination of Documents Act passed
Criminal Law Amendment Act passed

1953 Public Safety Act passed
Bantu Education Act passed
1955 Congress of the People adopts the Freedom Charter
1956-1960 Treason Trial
1957 Alexandra bus boycott
Pan Africanist Congress established
1959
Promotion of Bantu Self-Government Act passed
Sharpeville massacre
1960
Stay-At-Home Campaign
All-in Africa Conference
Republic of South Africa formed, South Africa quits British Commonwealth
1961 Stay-At-Home Campaign
ANC and PAC establish armed wings (Umkhonto we Sizwe and Poqo)
Albert Luthuli accepts Nobel Peace Prize
Sabotage Act passed
1962
UN voluntary embargo begins
90-Day Act passed
1963
Rivonia Trial begins
1964 ANC activists sentenced to life in prison
1976 Soweto uprising
1977 Steve Biko killed in prison
1984 Desmond Tutu wins Nobel Peace Prize
1984-1985 State of Emergency called due to violence
1986 Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act and Pass Laws repealed
F.W. de Klerk appointed president
1989
Several anti-apartheid leaders released from prison
1990 Nelson Mandela released from prison
1992 Most sanctions lifted
Mandela, de Klerk jointly receive Nobel Peace Prize
1993
New constitution ratified
Mandela elected president of the Republic of South Africa
1994
South Africa rejoins British Commonwealth
1996 Truth and Reconciliation Commission begins hearings
1997 New permanent constitution goes into effect
1999 Thabo Mbeki elected president
2003 TRC issues final report
Supplementary Documents
Statement by the National any policy, doctrine or attack which might
undermine or threaten its continued existence.
Party of South Africa At the same time the party rejects any policy
March 29, 1948
of oppression and exploitation of the non-Eu-
(The text below outlines the National ropeans by the Europeans as being in conflict
Party’s Colour Policy, which it introduced with the Christian basis of our national life
upon winning the 1948 elections.) and irreconcilable with our policy.
T here are two sections of thought in South

Africa in regard to the policy affecting the
non-European community. On the one hand
The party believes that a definite policy
of separation (apartheid) between the White
races and the non-White racial groups, and the
there is the policy of equality, which advocates application of the policy of separation also in
equal rights within the same political struc- the case of the non-White racial groups, is the
ture for all civilized and educated persons, only basis on which the character and future
irrespective of race or colour, and the gradual of each race can be protected and safeguarded
granting of the franchise to non-Europeans as and on which each race can be guided so as to
they become qualified to make use of demo- develop his own national character, aptitude
cratic rights. and calling.
On the other hand there is the policy of All marriages between Europeans and non-
separation (apartheid) which has grown from Europeans will be prohibited.
the experience of established European popu-
In their areas the non-European racial
lation of the country, and which is based on
groups will have full opportunities for de-
the Christian principles of Justice and reason-
velopment in every sphere and will be able
ableness.
to develop their own institutions and social
Its aim is the maintenance and protection services whereby the forces of the progres-
of the European population of the country as a sive non-Europeans can be harnessed for their
pure White race, the maintenance and protec- own national development (volkeepbou).
tion of the indigenous racial groups as separate The policy of the country must be so planned
communities, with prospects of developing that it will eventually promote the ideal of
into self-supporting communities within their complete separation (algehele apartheid) in a
own areas, and the stimulation of national national way.
pride, self-respect, and mutual respect among
A permanent advisory body of experts on
the various races of the country.
non-European affairs will be established.
We can act in only one of two directions.
The State will exercise complete supervi-
Either we must follow the course of equality,
sion over the moulding of the youth. The party
which must eventually mean national suicide
will not tolerate interference from without
for the White race, or we must take the course
or destructive propaganda from the outside
of separation (apartheid) through which the
world in regard to the racial problems of South
character and the future of every race will be
Africa.
protected and safeguarded with full opportuni-
ties for development and self-maintenance in The party wishes all non-Europeans to
their own ideas, without the interests of one be strongly encouraged to make the Christian
clashing with the interests of the other, and religion the basis of their lives and will assist
without one regarding the development of the churches in this task in every possible way.
other as undermining or a threat to himself. Churches and societies which undermine the
policy of apartheid and propagate doctrines
The party therefore undertakes to protect
foreign to the nation will be checked.
the White race properly and effectively against
The Coloured community takes a middle with higher authority.

position between the European and the Na- Attention will be given to the provision of
tives. A policy of separation (apartheid) social, medical and welfare services in which
between the Europeans and Coloureds and the efforts of the Coloured themselves can be
between Natives and Coloureds will be ap- harnessed, and in which they will be taught as
plied in the social, residential, industrial and far as possible to be self-supporting.
political spheres. No marriage between Euro-
peans and Coloureds will be permitted. The
Coloureds will be protected against unfair The Freedom Charter
competition from the Natives in so far as Adopted at the Congress of the
where they are already established. People
The Coloured community will be Kliptown, June 26, 1955
represented in the Senate by a European repre- We, the People of South Africa, declare for all
sentative to be appointed by the Government our country and the world to know:
by reason of his knowledge of Coloured affairs.
That South Africa belongs to all who live
The present unhealthy system which al- in it, black and white, and that no government
lows Coloureds in the Cape to be registered can justly claim authority unless it is based on
on the same voters’ roll as Europeans and to the will of all the people;
vote for the same candidate as Europeans will
that our people have been robbed of their
be abolished and the Coloureds will be rep-
birthright to land, liberty and peace by a form
resented in the House of Assembly by three
of government founded on injustice and in-
European representatives.
equality;
These Coloured representatives will be
that our country will never be prosperous
elected by a Coloured representative council.
or free until all our people live in brotherhood,
They will not vote on:
enjoying equal rights and opportunities;
(1) Votes on confidence in the Govern-
that only a democratic state, based on the
ment.
will of all the people, can secure to all their
(2) A declaration of war, and birthright without distinction of colour, race,
(3) A change in the political rights of non- sex or belief
Europeans. And therefore, we, the people of South
A State Department of Coloured Affairs Africa, black and white together equals,
will be established. countrymen and brothers adopt this Freedom
Charter;
The Coloured community will be repre-
sented in the Cape Provincial Council by three And we pledge ourselves to strive together,
Europeans elected by the Coloured representa- sparing neither strength nor courage, until the
tive council. democratic changes here set out have been
won.
A Coloured representative council will
be established in the Cape Province consist-
ing of representatives elected by the Coloured The People Shall Govern!
community, divided into constituencies with Every man and woman shall have the right
the present franchise qualifications, the head to vote for and to stand as a candidate for all
of the Department of Coloured Affairs and rep- bodies which make laws;
resentatives nominated by the Government. In
All people shall be entitled to take part in
their own areas the Coloured community will
the administration of the country;
have their own councils with their own public
services which will be managed by themselves The rights of the people shall be the same,
within the framework of the existing councils regardless of race, colour or sex;
All bodies of minority rule, advisory Freedom of movement shall be guaranteed
boards, councils and authorities shall be to all who work on the land;
replaced by democratic organs of self-govern- All shall have the right to occupy land
ment. wherever they choose;
People shall not be robbed of their cattle,
All National Groups Shall have Equal Rights! and forced labour and farm prisons shall be
There shall be equal status in the bodies abolished.
of state, in the courts and in the schools for all
national groups and races; All Shall be Equal Before the Law!
All people shall have equal right to use No-one shall be imprisoned, deported or
their own languages, and to develop their own restricted without a fair trial; No-one shall be
folk culture and customs; condemned by the order of any Government
All national groups shall be protected by official;
law against insults to their race and national The courts shall be representative of all
pride; the people;
The preaching and practice of national, Imprisonment shall be only for serious
race or colour discrimination and contempt crimes against the people, and shall aim at re-
shall be a punishable crime; education, not vengeance;
All apartheid laws and practices shall be The police force and army shall be open to
set aside. all on an equal basis and shall be the helpers
and protectors of the people;
The People Shall Share in the All laws which discriminate on grounds of
Country’s Wealth! race, colour or belief shall be repealed.
The national wealth of our country, the
heritage of South Africans, shall be restored to All Shall Enjoy Equal Human Rights!
the people;
The law shall guarantee to all their right to
The mineral wealth beneath the soil, the speak, to organise, to meet together, to publish,
Banks and monopoly industry shall be trans- to preach, to worship and to educate their
ferred to the ownership of the people as a children;
whole;
The privacy of the house from police raids
All other industry and trade shall be con- shall be protected by law;
trolled to assist the wellbeing of the people;
All shall be free to travel without restric-
All people shall have equal rights to trade tion from countryside to town, from province
where they choose, to manufacture and to to province, and from South Africa abroad;
enter all trades, crafts and professions.
Pass Laws, permits and all other laws re-
stricting these freedoms shall be abolished.
The Land Shall be Shared Among
Those Who Work It!
There Shall be Work and Security!
Restrictions of land ownership on a racial
basis shall be ended, and all the land re-di- All who work shall be free to form trade
vided amongst those who work it to banish unions, to elect their officers and to make wage
famine and land hunger; agreements with their employers;
The state shall help the peasants with The state shall recognise the right and duty
implements, seed, tractors and dams to save of all to work, and to draw full unemployment
the soil and assist the tillers; benefits;
Men and women of all races shall receive Rent and prices shall be lowered, food
equal pay for equal work; plentiful and no-one shall go hungry;
There shall be a forty-hour working week, A preventive health scheme shall be run
a national minimum wage, paid annual leave, by the state;
and sick leave for all workers, and maternity Free medical care and hospitalisation shall
leave on full pay for all working mothers; be provided for all, with special care for moth-
Miners, domestic workers, farm workers ers and young children;
and civil servants shall have the same rights as Slums shall be demolished, and new
all others who work; suburbs built where all have transport, roads,
Child labour, compound labour, the tot lighting, playing fields, creches and social
system [whereby vineyard workers are paid centres;
partly in wine] and contract labour shall be The aged, the orphans, the disabled and
abolished. the sick shall be cared for by the state;
Rest, leisure and recreation shall be the
The Doors of Learning and Culture right of all:
Shall be Opened!
Fenced locations and ghettoes shall be
The government shall discover, develop abolished, and laws which break up families
and encourage national talent for the enhance- shall be repealed.
ment of our cultural life;
All the cultural treasures of mankind shall There Shall be Peace and Friendship!
be open to all, by free exchange of books, ideas
and contact with other lands; South Africa shall be a fully independent
state which respects the rights and sovereignty
The aim of education shall be to teach the of all nations;
youth to love their people and their culture, to
honour human brotherhood, liberty and peace; South Africa shall strive to maintain world
peace and the settlement of all international
Education shall be free, compulsory, disputes by negotiation — not war;
universal and equal for all children; Higher ed-
ucation and technical training shall be opened Peace and friendship amongst all our peo-
to all by means of state allowances and schol- ple shall be secured by upholding the equal
arships awarded on the basis of merit; rights, opportunities and status of all;
Adult illiteracy shall be ended by a mass The people of the protectorates Basuto-
state education plan; land, Bechuanaland and Swaziland shall be
free to decide for themselves their own future;
Teachers shall have all the rights of other
citizens; The right of all peoples of Africa to in-
dependence and self-government shall be
The colour bar in cultural life, in sport and recognised, and shall be the basis of close co-
in education shall be abolished. operation.
Let all people who love their people and
There Shall be Houses, Security and Comfort! their country to say, as we say here:
All people shall have the right to live THESE FREEDOMS WE WILL FIGHT FOR,
where they choose, be decently housed, and to SIDE BY SIDE, THROUGHOUT OUR LIVES,
bring up their families in comfort and security; UNTIL WE HAVE WON OUR LIBERTY.
Unused housing space to be made avail-
able to the people;
An Honour to Africa South Africa, the spirit of peace is subject to

Albert Luthuli’s Nobel Prize some of the severest tensions known to man.
For that reason South Africa has been and con-
Acceptance Speech
tinues to be in the focus of world attention. I
December 10, 1961
therefore regard this award as a recognition of
T his year as in the years before it, mankind

has paid for the maintenance of peace
the price of many lives. It was in the course
the sacrifices by my people of all races, partic-
ularly the African people, who have endured
and suffered so much for so long. It can only
of his activities in the interests of peace that be on behalf of the people of South Africa,
the late Dag Hammarskjold lost his life. Of his especially the freedom-loving people, that I
work a great deal has been said and written, accept this award. I accept it also as an hon-
but I wish to take this opportunity to say how our, not only to South Africa, but to the whole
much I regret that he is not with us to receive continent of Africa, to all its people, whatever
acknowledgement of the service he has ren- their race, colour or creed. It is an honour to
dered to mankind. It is significant that it was the peace-loving people of the entire world,
in Africa, my home continent, that he gave his and an encouragement to us all to redouble
life. How many times his decisions helped to our efforts in the struggle for peace and friend-
avert world catastrophes will never be known, ship.
but there can be no doubt that he steered the
For my own part, I am deeply conscious
United Nations through some of the most diffi-
of the added responsibility which the award
cult phases in its history. His absence from our
entails. I have the feeling that I have been
midst today should be an enduring lesson for
made answerable for the future of the people
all peace-lovers and a challenge to the nations
of South Africa, for if there is no peace for the
of the world to eliminate those conditions
majority of them, there is no peace for any.
in Africa which brought about the tragic and
untimely end to his life. I can only pray that the Almighty will give
me strength to make my humble contribution
As you may have heard, when the South
to the peaceful solution of South Africa’s and
African Minister of the Interior announced
indeed the world’s problems.
that subject to a number of rather unusual
conditions, I would be permitted to come to Happily I am but one among millions who
Oslo for this occasion, he expressed the view have dedicated their lives to the service of
that I did not deserve the Nobel Peace Prize for mankind, who have given in time, property
1960. Such is the magic of the Peace Prize that and life to ensure that all men shall live in
it has even managed to produce an issue on peace and happiness.
which I agree with the Government of South It is appropriate at this point to mention
Africa, although on different premises. It is the late Alfred Nobel, to whom we owe our
the greatest honour in the life of any man to presence here, and who, by establishing the
be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, and no one Nobel Institute, placed responsibility for the
who appreciates its profound significance can maintenance of peace on the individual, so
escape a feeling of inadequacy when selected making peace, no less than war, the concern of
to receive it. In this instance, the feeling is every man and woman on earth - whether they
the deeper, not only because the selections be in Stanger or Berlin, in Washington or the
are made by a committee of the most eminent shanty towns of South Africa.
citizens of this country, but also because I find
It is this catholic quality in the late Nobel’s
it hard to believe that in this distressed and
ideals which has won for the Nobel Peace
heavy-laden world, I could be counted among
Prize the importance and universal recognition
those whose efforts have amounted to a notice-
which it enjoys. In an age when the outbreak
able contribution to the welfare of mankind.
of war would wipe out the entire face of the
I recognise, however, that in my country, earth, the ideals of Nobel should not merely
be accepted or even admired: they should be of non-violence. They have conducted them-
lived. Scientific inventions at all conceivable selves peaceably at all times, regardless of
levels should enrich human life, not threaten government attacks and persecutions upon
its existence. Science should be the greatest them, and despite all government-inspired at-
ally, not the worst enemy, of mankind. Only so tempts to provoke them to violence. They have
can the world not only respond to the worthy done so because the people prefer peaceful
efforts of Nobel, but also insure itself against methods of change to achieve their aspirations
self-destruction. without the suffering and bitterness of civil
In Africa, as our contribution to peace, we war. But the people’s patience is not endless.
are resolved to end such evils as oppression, The time comes in the life of any nation
white supremacy and racial discrimination, all when there remain only two choices: submit
of which are incompatible with world peace or fight. That time has now come to South
and security. We are encouraged to know, by Africa. We shall not submit and we have no
the very nature of the award made for 1960, choice but to hit back by all means within our
that in our efforts, we are serving our fellow power in defence of our people, our future and
men the world over. May the day come soon, our freedom. The government has interpreted
when the peoples of the world will rouse the peacefulness of the movement as weak-
themselves, and together effectively stamp out ness; the people’s non-violent policies have
any threat to peace, in whatever quarter of the been taken as a green light for government
world it may be found. When that day comes, violence. Refusal to resort to force has been
there shall be peace on earth and goodwill interpreted by the government as an invitation
between men. to use armed force against the people without
any fear of reprisals. The methods of Umkhon-
to we Sizwe mark a break with that past.
Umkhonto we Sizwe Flyer
Appeared December 16, 1961 We are striking out along a new road for
the liberation of the people of this country.
U nits of Umkhonto we Sizwe today carried

out planned attacks against government
installations, particularly those connected
The government policy of force, repression
and violence will no longer be met with
non-violent resistance only! The choice is
with the policy of apartheid and race discrimi-
not ours; it has been made by the Nationalist
nation.
government which has rejected ever peace-
Umkhonto we Sizwe is a new, indepen- able demand by the people for rights and
dent body, formed by Africans, It includes freedom and answered ever such demand with
in its ranks South Africans of all races. It is force and yet more force! Twice in the past 18
not connected in any way with a so-called months, virtual martial law has been imposed
‘Committee for National Liberation’ whose in order to beat down peaceful, non-violent
existence has been announced in the press. strike action of the people in support of their
Umkhonto we Sizwe will carry on the struggle rights. It is now preparing its forces—enlarg-
for freedom and democracy by new meth- ing and rearming its armed forces and drawing
ods, which are necessary to complement the the white civilian population into comman-
actions of the established national liberation dos and pistol clubs—for full-scale military
organisations. Umkhonto we Sizwe fully sup- actions against the people. The Nationalist
ports the national liberation movement, and government has chosen the course of force and
our members jointly and individually, place massacre, now, deliberately, as it did at Sharp-
themselves under the overall political guid- eville.
ance of that movement. Umkhonto we Sizwe will be at the front
It is, however, well known that the main line of the people’s defence. It will be the fight-
national liberation organisations in this ing arm of the people against the government
country have consistently followed a policy and its policies of race oppression. It will be
the striking force of the people for liberty, for said that very little, if any, scope exists for the
rights and for their final liberation! Let the smashing of white supremacy other than by
government, its supporters who put it into means of mass revolutionary action, the main
power, and those whose passive toleration of content of which is armed resistance leading
reaction keeps it in power, take note of where to victory by military means.
the Nationalist government is leading the The political events which have occurred
country! in the last few years have convinced the over-
We of Umkhonto we Sizwe have al- whelming majority of the people that no mass
ways sought—as the liberation movement struggle which is not backed up by armed
has sought—to achieve liberation without resistance and military offensive operations,
bloodshed and civil clash. We do so still. We can hope to make a real impact. This can be
hope—even at this late hour—that our first seen from the general mood of the people and
actions will awaken every one to a realisa- their readiness to undertake even desperate
tion of the disastrous situation to which the and suicidal violent campaigns of the Leballo
Nationalist policy is leading. We hope that type. It can also be gauged by their reluctance
we will bring the government and its support- to participate in orthodox political struggles
ers to their senses before it is too late, so that in which they expose themselves to massive
both the government and its policies can be retaliation without a prospect of hitting back.
changed before matters reach the desperate We are confident that the masses will respond
state of civil war. We believe our actions to be in overwhelming numbers to a lead which
a blow against the Nationalist preparations for holds out a real possibility of successful armed
civil war and military rule. struggle .
In these actions, we are working in the Thus two important ingredients of a revo-
best interests of all the people of this coun- lutionary situation are present:
try--black, brown and white--whose future a. A disillusionment with constitutional
happiness and well-being cannot be attained or semi-constitutional forms of struggle and a
without the overthrow of the Nationalist conviction that the road to victory is through
government, the abolition of white supremacy force;
and the winning of liberty, democracy and full
national rights and equality for all the people b. A militancy and a readiness to respond
of this country. to a lead which holds out a real possibility of
successful struggle.
We appeal for the support and encourage-
ment of all those South Africans who seek the In the light of the existence of these in-
happiness and freedom of the people of this gredients the prosecution of military struggle
country. depends for its success on two further factors:
Afrika Mayibuye! a. The strength of the enemy. This must

not be looked at statically but in the light of
objective factors, which in a period of military
Operation Mayibuye struggle may well expose its brittleness and
Document found by the police at b. The existence of a clear leadership with
Rivonia material resources at its disposal to spark off
July 11, 1963 and sustain military operations.
PART I The objective military conditions in which
T he white state has thrown overboard every

pretence of rule by democratic process.
Armed to the teeth it has presented the people
the movement finds itself makes the possi-
bility of a general uprising leading to direct
military struggle an unlikely one. Rather, as in
with only one choice and that is its overthrow Cuba, the general uprising must be sparked off
by force and violence. It can now truly be by organised and well prepared guerrilla op-
erations during the course of which the masses fact will to some measure negative [negate]
of the people will be drawn in and armed. the disadvantages. In any event we must not
We have no illusions about the difficulties underestimate the fact that there is terrain in
which face us in launching and successfully many parts of South Africa, which although
prosecuting guerrilla operations leading to not classically impregnable is suitable for
military victory. Nor do we assume that such guerrilla type operations. Boer guerrillas with
a struggle will be over swiftly. We have taken the support of their people operated in the
into account and carefully weighed numerous plains of the Transvaal. Although conditions
factors and we mention some of them: have changed there is still a lesson to be learnt
from this.
a. We are faced with a powerfully armed
modern state with tremendous industrial Although we must prepare for a protracted
resources, which can, at least in the initial war we must not lose sight of the fact that the
period, count on the support of three million political isolation of South Africa from the
whites. At the same time the State is isolated world community of nations and particularly
practically from the rest of the world, and the active hostility towards it from almost
if effective work is done, will have to rely the whole of the African Continent and the
in the main on its own resources. The very Socialist world may result in such massive
concentration of industry and power and the assistance in various forms, that the state
interdependence of the various localities oper- structure will collapse far sooner than we
ates as both an advantage and a disadvantage can at the moment envisage. Direct military
for the enemy. It operates as a disadvantage intervention in South West Africa, an effective
because effective guerrilla operations can economic and military boycott, even armed
within a relatively short period create far international action at some more advanced
greater economic havoc and confusion than in stage of the struggle are real possibilities
a backward, decentralised country. which will play an important role. In no other
territory where guerrilla operations have
b. The people are unarmed and lack per- been undertaken has the international situa-
sonnel who have been trained in all aspects tion been such a vital factor operating against
of military operations. A proper organisation the enemy. We are not unaware that there are
of the almost unlimited assistance which we powerful external monopoly interests who
can obtain from friendly Governments will will attempt to bolster up the white state. With
counter-balance its disadvantage. In the long effective work they can be isolated and neu-
run a guerrilla struggle relies on the enemy for tralised. The events of the last few years have
its source of supply. But in order to make this shown that the issue of racial discrimination
possible an initial effective arming of the first cuts across world ideological conflict albeit
group of guerrilla bands is essential. It is also that the West proceeds from opportunistic
vital to place in the field persons trained in the premises.
art of war who will act as a nucleus of organis-
ers and commanders of guerrilla operations. The following plan envisages a process
which will place in the field, at a date fixed
c. The absence of friendly borders and now, simultaneously in pre-selected areas
long scale impregnable natural bases from armed and trained guerrilla bands who will
which to operate are both disadvantages. But find ready to join the local guerrilla bands
more important than these factors is the sup- with arms and equipment at their disposal.
port of the people who in certain situations are It will further coincide with a massive pro-
better protection than mountains and forests. paganda campaign both inside and outside
In the rural areas which become the main the- South Africa and a general call for unprec-
atre of guerrilla operations in the initial phase, edented mass struggle throughout the land,
the overwhelming majority of the people will both violent and non-violent. In the initial
protect and safeguard the guerrillas and this period when for a short while the military adv.
[sic] will be ours the plan envisages a mas- pre-selected targets with a view to taking the
sive onslaught on pre-selected targets which enemy by surprise, creating the maximum im-
will create maximum havoc and confusion in pact on the populace, creating as much chaos
the enemy camp and which will inject into and confusion for the enemy as possible.
the masses of the people and other friendly 5. Choice of suitable areas will be based on
forces a feeling of confidence that here at least the nature of the terrain, with a view to estab-
is an army of liberation equipped and capable lishing base areas from which our units can
of leading them to victory. In this period the attack and to which they can retreat.
cornerstone of guerrilla operations is “shame-
lessly attack the weak and shamelessly flee 6. Before these operations take place
from the strong”. political authority will have been set up in
secrecy in a friendly territory with a view to
We are convinced that this plan is capable supervising the struggle both in its internal
of fulfillment. But only if the whole appara- and external aspects. It is visualised that this
tus of the movement both here and abroad is authority will in due course of time develop
mobilised for its implementation and if every into a Provisional Revolutionary Government.
member now prepares to make unlimited
sacrifice for the achievement of our goal. The 7. This Political Authority should trim
time for small thinking is over because history its machinery so that simultaneously with the
leaves us no choice. commencement of operations it will throw out
massive propaganda to win world support for
PART II our struggle, more particularly:
AREAS a. A complete enforcement of boycott,
1. Port Elizabeth—Mzimkulu. b. Enlisting the support of the internation-
2. Port Shepstone—Swaziland. al trade union movement to refuse handling
3. North Western Transvaal, bordering war materials and other goods intended for the
respectively Bechuanaland & Limpopo. South African Government,
4. North Western Cape—South West. c. Raising a storm at the United Nations

which should be urged to intervene militarily
in South West Africa.
PART III
d. Raising of large scale credits for the
PLAN prosecution of the struggle,
1. Simultaneous landing of 4 groups of 30 e. Arranging for radio facilities for daily
based on our present resources whether by transmission to the world and to the people of
ship or air — armed and properly equipped South Africa.
in such a way as to be self sufficient in every
f. If possible the Political Authority should
respect for at least a month.
arrange for the initial onslaught to bombard
2. At the initial stages it is proposed that the country or certain areas with a flood of
the 30 are split up into platoons of 10 each to leaflets by plane announcing the commence-
operate more or less within a contiguous area ment of our armed struggle as well as our
and linking their activities with pre-arranged aims, and calling upon the population to rise
local groups. against the Government.
3. Simultaneously with the landing of the g. Stepping up transport plans, e.g. a
groups of 30 and thereafter, there should be a weekly or bi weekly airlift of trainees outside
supply of arms and other war material to arm the country in order to maintain a regular, if
the local populations which become integrated small flow of trained personnel.
with the guerrilla units.
h. In order to facilitate the implementation
4. On landing, a detailed plan of attack on of the military aspect of the plan it is proposed
the National High Command appoint person- simultaneously with the arrival of our external
nel to be quartered at Dar under the auspices force.
of the office there. b. Acquisition and accumulation inter-
nally of firearms, ammunition and explosives
PART IV at all levels of our organisation.
INTERNAL ORGANISATION c. Collection and accumulation of other
military such as food, medicines, communica-
In preparation for the commencement
tion equipment etc.
of operations when our external team lands,
intensive as well as extensive work will have 4. It is proposed that auxiliary guerrilla/
been done. For instance, guerrilla units will sabotage units in the four main areas be set up
have been set up in the main areas mapped before and after the commencement of opera-
out in Part I above as well as in the other areas tions. They may engage in activities that may
away from the immediate scene of operation. serve to disperse the enemy forces, assist to
maintain the fighting ability of the guerrillas
Progressively sabotage activity throughout
as well as draw in the masses in support of the
the country will be stepped up before these
guerrillas.
operations. Political pressure too, in the mean-
while will be stepped up in conjunction with 5. It is proposed that in areas falling out-
the sabotage activity. side the four main guerrilla areas MK units
should be set up to act in support of the activi-
In furtherance of the general ideas set out
ties in the guerrilla areas, and to harass the
above the plan for internal organisation is
enemy.
along the following pattern:
6. In order to draw in the masses of the
1. Our target is that on arrival the external
population the political wing should arouse
force should find at least 7,000 men in the four
the people to participate in the struggles that
main areas ready to join the guerrilla army in
are designed to create an upheaval throughout
the initial onslaught. Those will be allocated
the country.
as follows:
a. Eastern Cape - Transkei 2,000
PART V
b. Natal - Zululand 2,000
DETAILED PLAN OF IMPLEMENTATION
c. North Western Transvaal 2,000
In order to implement the plans set out
d. North-Western Cape 1,000 above in Parts I to III we establish Depart-
2. To realise our target in each of the main ments which are to be charged with duties to
areas it is proposed that each of the four areas study and submit detailed reports and plans in
should have an overall command whose task it respect of each of their Departments with the
will be to divide its area into regions, which in following terms of reference:
turn will be allocated a figure in proportion to 1. Intelligence Department
their relative importance.
This Committee will be required to study
3. The preparation for equipping the initial and report on the following:
force envisaged in 1 above will take place in
three stages, thus: a. The exact extent of each area.
a. By importation of Military supply at two b. The portions of the country that are
levels: naturally suited for our operations and their
location within each area.
i. Build up of firearms, ammunition
and explosives by maintaining a regular flow c. Points along the coast which would be
over a period of time. suitable for landing of men and supplies and
how these are going to be transferred from the
ii. By landing additional [supplies]
point of landing to the area of operations. 3. Political Authority
d. The situation of enemy forces in each We make a strong recommendation that
area, thus: the joint sponsoring organisations should
i. the military and the police as well as immediately set about creating a political
their strength, machinery for the direction of the revolution-
ary struggle as set out in Nos. 6, 7 and 8 of Part
ii. military and police camps, and III and to set up a special committee to direct
towns, and the distances between them, guerrilla political education.
iii. system of all forms of communica- 4. Transport Committee.
tion in the area,
This Committee is assigned the following
iv. the location of trading stations and duties:
chiefs and headmen’s kraals.
a. The organisation of transport facilities
v. air fields and air strips in the areas. for our trainees
e. Selection of targets to be tackled in ini- b. To organise transport for the re entry of
tial phase of guerrilla operations with a view our trainees
to causing maximum damage to the enemy
as well as preventing the quick deployment c. To undertake any transport duties as-
of reinforcements. In its study the Commit- signed to them from time to time.
tee should bear in mind the following main 5. Logistics Department — Technical and
targets: Supply Committee
i. strategic road, railways and other Its Functions are:
communications a. To manufacture and build up a stock of
ii. power stations arms, ammunition from internal sources.
iii. police, stations, camps and military b. To organise reception, distribution and
forces storage of supplies from external sources.
iv. irredeemable Government stooges. c. To organise the training of personnel in
f. A study of climatic conditions in rela- the use of equipment referred to in (a) and (b)
tion to seasons, as well as diseases common to above.
the area. d. Obtaining of all other relevant supplies
g. The population distribution in the areas necessary to prosecute an armed struggle, to
as well as the main crops. wit, inter alia, medical supplies, clothing,
food, etc., and the storage of these at strategic
h. Rivers and dams. points.
i. And generally all other relevant mat- e. Acquiring equipment to facilitate com-
ters. munications.
2. External Planning Committee which f. To undertake all duties and functions
shall be charged with the following tasks: that fall under the Department of Logistics.
a. Obtaining of arms, ammunition and
explosives and other equipment
PART VI
b. In co-operation with our internal ma-
MISCELLANEOUS
chinery, making arrangements for the despatch
of items in I above into the country 1. Immediate Duties of the National High
Command in Relation to the Guerilla Areas:
c. Obtaining of transport by land, sea and
air for the landing of our task force and for the a. To map out regions in each area with a
continued supply of military equipment. view to organising Regional and District Com-
mands and NK [sic] units.
b. To achieve this we strongly recommend 3. Special Directives to Heads of Depart-

the employment of 10 full time organisers in ments.
each area. The Heads of Departments are required
c. The organisers shall be directly respon- to submit not later than the 30th May, 1963,
sible to the National High Command. plans detailing:
d. The NHC is directed to recruit and ar- a. The structural organisation of their
range for the external training of at least 300 Department
men in the next two months. b. The type and number of personnel they
2. Personnel require to be allocated to them and their duties
a. Intelligence Alex Secundus Otto and functions.
b. External Planning Committee Johnson, c. The funds required for their work both
Thabo and Joseph together with a senior ANC for immediate and long term purposes.
rep. as well as co-opted personnel, seconded d. Schedule of time required to enable
to us by friendly Govts. them to fulfill given targets and what these are.
c. Transport Committee Percy secundus e. Other matters relating to the efficient
Nbata. execution of the Departments’ Plans.
d. Logistics Dept. Bri-bri secundus Frank 4. Organisation of Areas. Organisers and
Setting up of proper Machinery Rethau and
James for this task.
Supplementary Resources
Books World Wide Web
Carter, Gwendolen and Karis, Thomas, The African National Congress <http://
editors. From Protest to Challenge: A www.anc.org.za/> archival documents,
Documentary History of African Politics photographs, chronologies, and historical
in South Africa, 1882-1964 (Stanford, CA: analyses.
Hoover Institution Press, 1977). Volume
III: 825 pages. The Truth and Reconcilliation Commission
<http://www.doj.gov.za/trc/index.html>
Lodge, Tom. Black Politics in South Africa transcripts of TRC testimony and amnesty
Since 1945 (New York: Longman, 1983). decisions as well as links to other helpful
389 pages. sites.
Meli, Francis. South Africa Belongs to Us: The Robben Island Museum <http://www.
A History of the ANC (Bloomington, IN: mayibuye.org/> oral histories, music,
Indiana University Press, 1988). documents, photography, film, and
historical papers.
Omer-Cooper, J.D. History of Southern Africa
(London: James Currey Publishers, 1994). Animated Atlas of African History <http://
291 pages. www.brown.edu/Research/AAAH>
This interactive web atlas chronicles the
course of colonization, decolonization,
Thompson, Leonard. A History of South Africa
and post-colonial developments in Africa
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000).
between 1879 and 2002. Economic and
358 pages.
demographic changes are also covered.
Worden, Nigel. The Making of Modern South

Africa (Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers, The Choices Program <http://www.choices.
1996). 171 pages. edu/safrica.cfm> updated resources and
links.
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Freedom in Our Lifetime: South
Africa’s Struggle
Freedom in Our Lifetime: South Africa’s Struggle intro-
duces students to precolonial and colonial South Africa
and the development of apartheid. Students have the
opportunity to evaluate decisions made by anti-apartheid
activists and to reflect on South Africa’s transition to a
post-apartheid society.
Freedom in Our Lifetime: South Africa’s Struggle is part

of a continuing series on current and historical interna-
tional issues published by the Choices for the 21st Century
Education Program at Brown University. Choices materi-
als place special emphasis on the importance of educating
students in their participatory role as citizens.
T e a C h e r
T e a c h e r R e s o u r c e BT oe oa kc h e r R e s o u r c e B o o k
R e s To eu ar cc eh eBro oR ke s o u r c eT e Ba oc o

B o o k
R e s o u Tr ce ea cBho eo rk R e s o u r c e
R e s o u Tr ec ae c Bh oe or k R e s o u r c e h ek r
e ro o Rk e s o u r c Te e aB co hoe kr
R e s oT ue racce h B
B o o k
T e a c h e r
T e a c h e r R e s o u r c e B o o k
T e a c h e r R e s o u r c e B o o k
CHOICES
for the 21st Century
Education Program
September 2006
Director
Susan Graseck Acknowledgments
Curriculum Developer Freedom in Our Lifetime: South Africa’s Struggle was developed
Andy Blackadar by the Choices for the 21st Century Education Program with
the assistance of the research staff of the Watson Institute for
Curriculum Writer
International Studies, scholars at Brown University, and other
Sarah Kreckel experts in the field. We wish to thank the following researchers for
their invaluable input into this and previous editions:.
International Education Intern
Sarah Massey Barbara Brown
Director of Outreach
Office Assistant Center for African Studies, Boston University
Ben Sweeney
James Campbell
Associate Professor of Africana Studies and of American Civilization
Office Manager Brown University
Anne Campau Prout
Neta Crawford
Outreach Coordinator Professor, Departments of Political Science and African-American Studies,
Bill Bordac Boston University
Adjunct Professor, Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University
Professional Development Director Nancy Jacobs

Mollie Hackett Associate Professor of Africana Studies and of History
Brown University
Program Coordinator for Capitol Forum
Barbara Shema Newell Stultz
Adjunct Professor, Watson Institute for International Studies
Professor Emeritus of Political Science
Brown University
The Choices for the 21st Century
Education Program develops cur-
ricula on current and historical
Special thanks to Paul Cunningham of Woodstock Academy in
international issues and offers Woodstock, Connecticut, for his assistance in developing and
workshops, institutes, and in- writing this unit. Thanks also to Jack Zedlitz of Charlotte Latin
service programs for high school School in Charlotte, North Carolina, for his input and advice. We
teachers. Course materials place also thank Dave Farrar and the teachers in Pietermaritzburg, South
special emphasis on the impor-
tance of educating students in
Africa, who tested a draft of the unit.
Freedom in Our Lifetime: South Africa’s Struggle was made
The Choices for the 21st Century possible with a grant from the National Endowment for the
Education Program is a program of Humanities.
the Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute
for International Studies Freedom in Our Lifetime: South Africa’s Struggle is part of a
at Brown University.
continuing series on public policy issues. New units are published
Barbara Stallings each academic year, and all units are updated regularly.
Director, Watson Institute for
International Studies Visit us on the World Wide Web — www.choices.edu
Contents
The Choices Approach to Historical Turning Points ii
Note to Teachers 1
Integrating This Unit into Your Curriculum 2
Day One: Colonial South Africa: Moshoeshoe, the Boers, and the British 3
Day Two: Poetry and Politics 10
Day Three: Role-Playing the Three Options:Organization and Preparation 18
Day Four: Role-Playing the Three Options:Debate and Discussion 23
Day Five: Violence as Protest 25
Key Terms 30
Issues Toolbox 31
Making Choices Work in Your Classroom 32
Assessment Guide for Oral Presentations 34
Alternative Three-Day Lesson Plan 35
The Choices for the 21st Century Education Program is a program of the Watson Institute for
International Studies at Brown University. Choices was established to help citizens think
constructively about foreign policy issues, to improve participatory citizenship skills, and to
encourage public judgement on policy issues.
The Watson Institute for International Studies was established at Brown
University in 1986 to serve as a forum for students, faculty, visiting
scholars, and policy practitioners who are committed to analyzing con-
temporary global problems and developing initiatives to address them.
© Copyright September 2006. Second edition. Choices for the 21st
Century Education Program. All rights reserved. ISBN 1-60123-007-9-TRB.
TRB Freedom in Our Lifetime:
ii South Africa’s Struggle
The Choices Approach to Historical Turning Points

Choices curricula are designed to make complex international issues understandable and mean-
ingful for students. Using a student-centered approach, Choices units develop critical thinking and an
understanding of the significance of history in our lives today—essential ingredients of responsible
citizenship.
Teachers say the collaboration and interaction in Choices units are highly motivating for stu-
dents. Studies consistently demonstrate that students of all abilities learn best when they are actively
engaged with the material. Cooperative learning invites students to take pride in their own contribu-
tions and in the group product, enhancing students’ confidence as learners. Research demonstrates
that students using the Choices approach learn the factual information presented as well as or better
than those using a lecture-discussion format. Choices units offer students with diverse abilities and
learning styles the opportunity to contribute, collaborate, and achieve.
Choices units on historical turning points include student readings, a framework of policy op-
tions, primary sources, suggested lesson plans, and resources for structuring cooperative learning,
role plays, and simulations. Students are challenged to:
•understand historical context
•recreate historical debate
•analyze and evaluate multiple perspectives at a turning point in history
•analyze primary sources that provide a grounded understanding of the moment
•understand the internal logic of a viewpoint
•identify the conflicting values represented by different points of view
•develop and articulate original viewpoints
•recognize relationships between history and current issues
•communicate in written and oral presentations
•collaborate with peers
Choices curricula offer teachers a flexible resource for covering course material while actively
engaging students and developing skills in critical thinking, persuasive writing, and informed citizen-
ship. The instructional activities that are central to Choices units can be valuable components in any
teacher’s repertoire of effective teaching strategies.
Historical Understanding
Each Choices curriculum resource pro- In each unit the setting is the same as it was
vides students with extensive information during the actual event. Students may be role
about an historical issue. By providing stu- playing a meeting of the National Security
dents only the information available at the Council, a town gathering, or a Senate debate.
time, Choices units help students to under- Student groups defend their assigned policy
stand that historical events often involved options and, in turn, are challenged with ques-
competing and highly contested views. The tions from their classmates playing the role
Choices approach emphasizes that histori- of “decisionmakers” at the time. The ensuing
cal outcomes were hardly inevitable. This debate demands analysis and evaluation of
approach helps students to develop a more the conflicting values, interests, and priorities
sophisticated understanding of history. reflected in the options.
Each Choices unit presents the range of The final reading in a Choices historical
options that were considered at a turning point unit presents the outcome of the debate and
in history. Students understand and analyze reviews subsequent events. The final lesson
these options through a role play activity. encourages students to make connections be-
tween past and present.
Freedom in Our Lifetime: TRB

Note to Teachers
In 1998, the South African Truth and ment activity that helps students understand
Reconciliation Commission released its initial racial tensions in colonial South Africa. Day
report on the human rights violations and two invites students to consider the impact of
amnesty hearings which had taken place over apartheid laws on individuals through poetry
the course of three years in towns and cities written at the same time. The third and fourth
all across the nation. Both apartheid support- days feature a simulation in which students
ers and apartheid opponents appeared before assume the role of advocates for the three op-
the Commission to explain how they or their tions or of residents in South Africa. Finally,
family members were victimized, or how they on the fifth day, students consider the use of
used violent means to support their cause. The violence as a form of protest.
TRC gained world-wide attention for several •Alternative Study Guides: Each section
reasons, one of which was its attempts to hear of reading is accompanied by two distinct
all sides of the story, and to acknowledge that study guides. The standard study guide is
all sides had engaged in violence. designed to help students harvest the informa-
This unit addresses the development of tion in preparation for tackling analysis and
apartheid, the responses to it, and the deci- synthesis within classroom activities. The
sion by some members of the anti-apartheid advanced study guide requires the student
community to use violence to protest the to tackle analysis and synthesis prior to class
government’s policies. This question—whether activities.
the use of violence against an oppressive •Vocabulary and Concepts: The reading
regime is justified—has been discussed at in Freedom in Our Lifetime: South Africa’s
length in recent years, often without a clear Struggle addresses subjects that are complex
answer. This unit will introduce students to and challenging. To help your students get the
one instance in which violence was used, and most out of the text, you may want to review
will allow them to consider that question in with them “Key Terms” found in the Teacher
the South African case. Resource Book (TRB) on page TRB-30 be-
Freedom in Our Lifetime: South Africa’s fore they begin their assignment. An “Issues
Struggle presents students with the same ques- Toolbox” is also included on page TRB-31.
tions that opponents of apartheid faced. The This provides additional information on key
reading prepares students to consider thought- concepts of particular importance.
fully the complexities of South African society. • Primary Source Documents: Materials
Part I explores the history of South Africa and are located in the student text on pages 39-50
the development of a race-based society. Part II which can be used to supplement lessons.
discusses the effects of apartheid on individu-
als, and the challenges the system faced from • Additional Resources: More resources
all fronts. At the core of the unit are the three are available online at <www.choices.edu/saf-
distinct options opponents considered in June rica.cfm>.
1961. The Epilogue explains the aftermath of The lesson plans offered in this unit are
apartheid and South Africa’s transition to a provided as a guide. They are designed for
democratic, multi-racial society. traditional class periods of approximately 50
Suggested Five-Day Lesson Plan: The minutes. Those on block schedules will need
Teacher Resource Book accompanying Free- to make adaptations. Many teachers choose to
dom in Our Lifetime: South Africa’s Struggle devote additional time to certain activities. We
contains a day-by-day lesson plan and student hope that these suggestions help you in tailor-
activities. The lesson plan opens with a docu- ing the unit to fit the needs of your classroom.
Integrating This Unit into Your Curriculum

Units produced by the Choices for the 21st stresses the political system in South Africa
Century Education Program are designed to was facing at the time. Other countries used
be integrated into a variety of social studies economic forces—sanctions—to prevent the
courses. Below are a few ideas about where apartheid system from succeeding, and people
Freedom in Our Lifetime: South Africa’s inside the country boycotted goods in an effort
Struggle might fit into your curriculum. to bring down apartheid.
World History: The African continent is Political Science/Government: How can a

increasingly being studied at the secondary tiny minority rule over a majority for several
level. South Africa, now a largely peaceful hundred years? Students will explore how
and highly industrialized country, is widely apartheid grew from a series of loosely con-
regarded as a success story on the continent. nected laws to government policy, as well as
South Africa’s current success, however, was how Africans and others responded to these
preceded by experiences similar to other na- policies. Students will also consider the nature
tions of Africa: imperialism, discrimination, of self-determination and the conflicting argu-
violent oppression, and violent rebellion. ments for self-determination in a multi-ethnic
The study of the people of South Africa’s at- environment.
tempts to create a just and equitable society is,
in many ways, echoed across the continent. Sociology/Anthropology: How do differ-
Additionally, the use of violence as a form of ent ethnic groups relate to one another in a
protest is being considered in many contexts modern, multi-ethnic state? The peoples of
today; this curriculum unit bridges gaps be- South Africa are descended from many areas
tween history and current events. of the world. The national identities of these
peoples, shaped by language, religion, and col-
Economics: South Africa’s shift from a lective experience, often put them in conflict
rural, pastoral economy to a highly industrial- with one another. Their coexistence has only
ized nation following the discovery of gold recently become more peaceful. Through a
and diamonds offers a case study on the effect study of pre-apartheid, apartheid, and post-
of resources on a community. The capitalist apartheid South Africa, students can trace the
system imposed by the British, at the expense ways groups respond to one another and the
of many Africans’ way of life, addresses some ways social structures and values change over
of the difficulties developing nations have, and time. The decisions of individuals addressed
also introduces students to the threats cash in this unit had far-reaching consequences.
economies and the need for capital can some- This unit helps students understand the roles
times have on communities. both of one person and of people acting in
Additionally, the downfall of apartheid groups to effect change.
can in part be explained by the economic
Day One
Colonial South Africa:
Moshoeshoe, the Boers, and the British
Objectives: Would Moshoeshoe have been pleased or
Students will: Use primary source mate- angered by the Proclamation of 1868? Why?
rial to develop a clearer understanding of the What evidence from Moshoeshoe’s letters
relationship between trekboers and Africans could you use to explain why the Sotho have
from one African’s perspective. been able to maintain a kingdom to this day?
Understand the consequences of the Great 2. Identifying Key Passages—After stu-
Trek on one African group. dents have completed the questions, call on
Compare the Sotho’s experience to other groups to summarize the conflict between the
African groups. Sotho and the Boers. What assumptions and
values on both sides might have exacerbated
the conflict? How did the British respond?
Required Reading: The Proclamation of 1868 gave less land to
Before beginning the unit, students should the Sotho than the Napier Treaty of 1843.
have read the Introduction and Part I in the Why would the British have reduced the size
student text (pages 1-8) and completed “Study of Moshoeshoe’s kingdom? How might the
Guide—Part I” in the Teacher Resource Book Sotho have responded? Have students look at
(TRB 4-5) or the “Advanced Study Guide— the map on TRB-7. What characteristics of the
Part I” (TRB-6). region might explain why the Boers wished to
settle there?
Handouts: 3. Drawing Connections—Remind stu-
”Letters from Moshoeshoe” (TRB 7-9) dents of the previous night’s readings. The
experience of the Sotho is not typical. Ask stu-
In the Classroom: dents to recall what happened to other groups
1. Getting Started—Distribute “Letters when they came in contact with British or
from Moshoeshoe” to the class. Divide the Boer trekkers. Why might the Sotho’s experi-
class into groups of three or four. Assign each ence have been different?
group the task of reading the letters and an- 4. Extra Challenge—Have students look
swering one of the following sets of questions: for primary source documents relating to other
Moshoeshoe recounts several points of African ethnic groups and their relationships
friction between the Sotho and the Boers. to white colonists.
What historical events described in last night’s
readings might have led to this friction? Homework:
What was the conflict primarily about? Students should read Part II in the student
Why do you think it recurred for so many text (pages 9-18) and complete “Study Guide—
years? Part II” (TRB 11-12) or the “Advanced Study
Guide—Part II” (TRB-13).
What was the relationship between the
British and the Sotho?
Day One
Name:______________________________________________
Study Guide—Part I
1. What does apartheid mean?
2. The Khoisan were _________________________ and _______________________ who relied on cattle,
sheep, and goats and vast grazing lands for survival.
3. The Bantu, in contrast, were ______________________ who arrived in South Africa in the third cen-
tury CE.
4. Why did the Dutch come to South Africa?
5. The Xhosa were able to resist whites more than the Khoisan. Why?
6. What were trekboers?
7. What was the result of the Mfecane?
8. When the British came to the Cape Colony they developed develop a political system based on
__________________, rather than _________________.
Name:______________________________________________ South Africa’s Struggle
Day One
9. List three events or experiences that would later factor into Afrikaner identity.
a.
b.
c.
10. How did Asians come to South Africa?
11. Why did British mine owners need so much cheap labor for the mines?
12. Your reading says that as a result of the Mineral Revolution, “Africans became poor in ways they
had not been before mining began.” Give two reasons for this increased poverty.
a.
b.
13. How did the South African war affect the following communities?
British:
Afrikaners:
Blacks:
Day One
Name:______________________________________________
Advanced Study Guide—Part I

1. What effect did the arrival of Europeans in South Africa have on the Africans who lived there?
2. Did the British see their role in South Africa differently from Afrikaners? Explain.
3. Why would successive generations of historians have differing views on the causes and effects of
the Mfecane? What role does race play in the writing of history?
4. Explain how the Mineral Revolution laid the groundwork for racial segregation in South Africa.
5. Explain the roots of Afrikaner identity.
Day One
Letters from Moshoeshoe
Introduction: In 1831 Moshoeshoe (pronounced mo-SHWE-shwe) became the leader of the Sotho
(pronounced SOO-too) people in eastern South Africa. Moshoeshoe was respected by his African
neighbors and followers and was able to build up a large kingdom as a result of his political strengths.
He sent some of his sons to Cape Town for education, and invited missionaries from France to estab-
lish a mission station on Sotho land, but was careful also to cultivate traditional Sotho culture among
his people. During this time period the Sotho were frequently in conflict with trekboers and looked
to the British for mediation and support. In 1843 the British government at the Cape and Moshoeshoe
signed the Napier Treaty which created borders around Moshoeshoe’s land area (see map). In return
for keeping the peace in the area and cooperating with the British government, Moshoeshoe would
receive 75 British pounds annually. Later, the 1868 Proclamation annexed Moshoeshoe’s kingdom
under British control, and the Sotho became British subjects. The boundaries of that Proclamation
marked the borders of Basutoland (Lesotho), which still exist today. The Kingdom of Lesotho is an
independent nation completely surrounded by South Africa. Descendants of Moshoeshoe still hold
the throne.
The following excerpts from letters and treaties written by Moshoeshoe and British leaders at the
Cape Colony describe the relationship between the Sotho and the British and Boer colonists. After
reading the selections, answer your assigned question. Be prepared to share your group’s answer with
the class.
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Land over 6000 feet Kra
Land over 7500 feet Moshoeshoeʼs territory as recognized by Sir George Napier in 1843
Land over 9000 feet Barkly East 0 50 100 miles
0 50 100 150 km
Lesotho and vicinity at the time of Moshoeshoe.
Day One
Name:______________________________________________
Letter from Moshoeshoe to the right to places I had then lent to them….
Secretary of the Cape Colony, 1845 He [the next governor, Harry Smith] said
The selling or renting of land has been the Whites and Blacks were to live together in
hitherto a practice wholly unknown to us…. peace…. I now hear that the Boers consider all
Our system is that whenever people wish to those farms as their own, and were buying and
establish themselves on unoccupied spots, selling them one to the other, and driving out
they apply to the principal chief of the country by one means or another my own people.
for permission…. As long as the people choose
In vain I remonstrated [to the Cape Colony
to remain on the spot it is considered as theirs,
government]…..
but whenever they move another party may
come and take possession…. I could not, ac- It is not the custom of Basutos [Sotho] to
cording to the custom of my tribe, alienate any speak much of their real feelings…. They soon
portion of my territory without consent of my show by actions when they are dissatisfied.
people…. Seeing the Boers determined to encroach upon
the land, they became restless and some took
I cannot…ascertain the exact number of
advantage of the angry feeling to carry off cat-
the Boers now within my territory…. From
tle and horses. This system I did not approve,
their first appearance till now I have never
when therefore lists were sent to me of stolen
ceased to warn them that I viewed them as
property, although very incorrect and injust, I
passers-by, and although I did not refuse the
still ordered a collection to be made, equiva-
temporary hospitality, I could never allow
lent to the property said to have been lost and
them any right of property…. I…warned them
the fine imposed on us in consequence.
more generally not to consider any part of my
country as their own…. The Boers were not satisfied with this…..
I tried my utmost to satisfy them and avert
Letter from Moshoeshoe to High war. I punished thieves, and sent my son…to
check stealing,… but the Boers went further
Commissioner of the Cape Colony,
and further day by day in troubling the Basu-
June, 1858
tos and threatening war…. Still I tried to avert
Your Excellency—
war.
It may scarcely appear necessary to lay be-
It was not possible. It was commenced
fore Your Excellency any lengthened details of
by the Boers in massacring my people of
what has taken place between the Orange Free
Beersheba, and ruining that station…. Poor
State [established by trekboers] and myself. I
people, they thought their honesty and love for
know that you have followed with interest the
Christianity would be a shield for them, and
transactions which have led to the commence-
that the white people would attack in the first
ment of hostilities, and you have heard with
place, if they attacked at all, those who they
pain the horrors occasioned by the war….
said were thieves. I ordered my people then
People who had come from the [Cape] all to retreat towards my residence, and let the
Colony first presented themselves to us, they fury of the Boers be spent on an empty land;
called themselves Boers. I thought all white unfortunately some skirmishes took place,
men were honest. Some of these Boers asked some Boers were killed, some of my people
permission to live upon our borders. I was led also. We need not wonder at this, such is war!
to believe they would live with me as my own I will speak of many Basutos who were taken
people lived; that is, looking to me as a father prisoners by the Whites and then killed, most
and a friend. cruelly.
About sixteen years since, one of the My bands were getting ready to make a
Governors of the Colony, Sir George Napier, descent upon them [the Boers] when the Boers
marked down my limits on a treaty he made thought proper to make request for a cessation
with me. The Boers then began to talk of their
Day One
of hostilities. I knew what misery I should Moshoeshoe’s letter to President
bring upon the country by leaving the Basutos Brand (of Free State) July 9, 1867
to ravage the Boer places, and therefore I have Sir,
agreed [to the request]. I cannot say that I do so
I have received your letter of 26th June….
without the consent of my people, for many of
those who suffered by the enemy were anxious Last year we made peace with you. I gave
to recover their losses. you 5000 head of cattle, but I have not given
this country away; it belongs to me….
If they have remained quiet, it has been
owing to my persuasions and my promises If I remove the Basutos, I have nowhere I
that they might have a good hope of justice, can establish them. Although I do not like war
your Excellency having consented to act as and am afraid of its consequent horrors, I can-
arbitrator between the Boers and Basutos. With not consent to buy the lives of my people with
the expectation of soon meeting you, I remain, the country belonging to them, where they
etc., were born, where their forefathers were born
likewise….
Mark X of Moshesh
In case you are a Chief liking his people,
and knowing what is his duty as a leader who
calls himself a Christian, I must beg of you
to let the Boers know that they must remain
where they are, in the Free State; there is no
other way to keep the peace.
(signed) Moshesh, chief of the Basutos
Chronology
c. 1785 Birth of Moshoeshoe

1806 British annex Cape Colony
Moshoeshoe established capital on
c. 1824
Thaba Bosiu (see map)
1833 First missionaries from Paris arrive
reproduced from Survival in Two Worlds, Oxford University Press.
1843 Napier Treaty

British annex area between Vaal
1848 and Orange Rivers as Orange River
Sovereignty
British withdraw from Orange
1854 River Sovereignty and give control
to local whites
War between the (Boer-controlled)
1858
Orange Free State and the Sotho
1865 Orange Free State attacks the Sotho
1868 British annex Sotho land
Photograph of Moshoeshoe taken on August 19, 1870 Moshoeshoe dies
1860, when he was about seventy-four years old.
10 South Africa’s Struggle
Day Two
Poetry and Politics

Objectives: South Africa, and that writers frequently lived
Students will: Explore the relationship in exile.
between political events and literature. 2. Group Responses—Form eight groups of
Compare and contrast 1950s poetry from students (or fewer, if you have a smaller class)
black South Africa. and assign each group one of the poems from
the handout. Ask students to consider the
Evaluate the impact of the Sharpeville
questions in relation to their assigned poem.
massacre on blacks in South Africa.
3. Drawing Connections—Literary crit-
ics often consider the events at Sharpeville
Required Reading: to mark a turning point in South African
Students should have read Part II in the
literature. Ask students to recall the events at
student text (pages 9-18) and completed
Sharpeville as described in the student text.
“Study Guide—Part II” in the Teacher Re-
What happened? How might that massacre
source Book (TRB 11-12) or the “Advanced
have changed the way people wrote about
Study Guide—Part II” (TRB-13).
their situation? If time permits, ask students to
compare the post-Sharpeville poem with the
Handouts: others in the collection. How do they differ?
“1950s Protest Poetry” (TRB 14-17)
Extra Challenge:
In the Classroom: Have students research the works of one of
1. Essential Question—Write the follow- South Africa’s banned or exiled writers.
ing statement from the handout on the board:
“Literature in Africa cannot but be political.”
Homework:
Ask students to consider the role of litera-
Students should read “June 1961: The Mo-
ture in political protest, and, vice-versa, how
ment of Decision” in the student text (page 19)
politics can influence writers. Can students
and “Options in Brief” (page 20).
think of examples of American literature that
address political themes? Remind students
that anti-apartheid works were often banned in
Day Two 11
Study Guide—Part II
1. How did blacks, coloureds, and Asians protest the increased restrictions placed on them in the
early years of the South African Union? Give two examples.
a.
b.
2. What influence did Gandhi have in South Africa?
3. Fill in the following chart.
Act Year Implemented Purpose of Act
Prohibition of
Mixed Marriages
Act
Population
Registration
Act
Group
Areas Act
Suppression
of
Communism
Act
4. What was the purpose of the Defiance Campaign?
Day Two
Name:______________________________________________
5. Why did the various anti-apartheid groups join together as the Congress Alliance?
6. How did the government respond to the Freedom Charter?
7. What did the Alexandra bus boycott show both apartheid supporters and protestors?
8. Why were PAC leaders unhappy with the ANC? Give three reasons.
a.
b.
c.
9. Why did the protest at Sharpeville become violent? Was someone at fault? Explain.
Day Two 13
Advanced Study Guide—Part II
1. Pick two laws discussed in this section. Explain how they drew upon earlier segregationist policies
and furthered the cause of apartheid. What part of the system was each designed to uphold?
2. What methods did the various anti-apartheid groups use to protest the government? Which were
most successful?
3. Do you think the Freedom Charter was a “revolutionary document,” as Mandela claimed? Why or
why not? (The full text of the Charter is on pages 40-42 of the student text.)
4. What were the different visions for South Africa of the ANC and PAC? How did each plan to
achieve its goals?
5. Sharpeville is seen as a turning point in South African history. Why do you think this is so?
Day Two
Name:______________________________________________
1950s Protest Poetry

“Literature in Africa cannot but be political.”
Femi Ojo-Ade, literary critic
Introduction: In the 1950s black and coloured literature in South Africa grew enormously as the
anti-apartheid movement developed breadth and strength. The following poems, written between
1949-1960, reflect a range of responses to the apartheid government and to the effects of apartheid on
everyday life. As you examine your assigned selection, consider the questions below. Be prepared to
share the conclusions of your group with your classmates.
1. What was happening politically and economically in South Africa at the time the poem was writ-
ten?
2. What does the poem describe? What events or scenes does it portray?
3. What is the mood of the poem? Is it resigned, angry, hopeful, etc? Remember that poems are meant
to be read aloud. You may wish to read your poem aloud with your group.
4. How does the poem envision the future? What does your poem suggest will happen to race rela-
tions in South Africa?
Day Two 15
Selection 1 Selection 2
Remember Sharpeville Where the Rainbow Ends
Dennis Brutus (c. 1960) Richard Rive (1955)
What is important Where the rainbow ends,

about Sharpeville There’s going to be a place brother,
is not that seventy died: Where the world can sing all sorts of songs,
nor even that they were shot in the back And we’re going to sing together, brother,
retreating, unarmed, defenseless You and I,
Though you’re White and I’m not.
and certainly not It’s going to be a sad song, brother,
the heavy caliber slug ‘Cause we don’t know the tune,
that tore through a mother’s back And it’s a difficult tune to learn,
and ripped into the child in her arms But we can learn it, brother,
killing it. You and I,
There’s no such tune as a Black tune,
Remember Sharpeville There’s no such tune as a White tune,
bullet-in-the-back day There’s only music, brother,
And it’s music we’re going to sing,
Because it epitomized oppression Where the rainbow ends.
and the nature of society
more clearly than anything else;
it was the classic event
Selection 3
Nowhere is racial dominance
A Game of Guessing
more clearly defined G.M. Kolisang (1958)
nowhere the will to oppress
more clearly demonstrated I adjusted my tie and put on my hat,
And walked out of my rusty shanty home.
what the world whispers I caught the 8.30 a.m. Booth Camp bus.
apartheid declares with snarling guns I heard the street clock strike nine,
the blood the rich lust after Entered an elegant, stately shop.
South Africa spills in the dust ‘Yes, John. What do you want?’
Amiably said the lady behind the counter.
Remember Sharpeville ‘How,’ I asked, ‘did you know my name, Madam?’
Remember bullet-in-the-back day I in return, did courteously ask,
Thoroughly satisfied by her amazing ingenuity.
And remember the unquenchable will for freedom ‘Oh! Of course I guessed it,’ was her positive reply.
Remember the dead and be glad ‘Then, Madam, you are, I am convinced, surely
capable
Of guessing what it is I want.’
Day Two
Name:______________________________________________
Because I’m Black The God of Formal Ways
Herbert Dhlomo (1949) Ezekiel Mphahlele (1950)
Because I’m black I made a god,

You think I lack And now he rules with iron rod;
The talents, feelings and ambitions I worship in his formal ways,
That others have; His name I praise
You do not think I crave positions
That others crave. I swear and lie
To them and my own self—to buy
Psychology A nod of favour and approval—
And Zoology Still so formal!
Have proved that Race and blood are a fiction…
All men are Man; He must implore,
Diversity means not disunion— While knocking at compassion’s door;
It is God’s plan; I show him, yet within’s despise—
White blood and black in test transfusions Such form is vice!
Answer the same.
They harbour childish vain delusions My beaming smile
Who better claim. Is just to aid my flatt’ring style
Because the people eat and sing The mirthless laugh a social stunt
And mate, Not to be blunt.
You do not see their suffering. O God of Form,
You rate You baffle reason, lull the storm
Them fools Of passion, and the pain of truth
And tools You lie to soothe!
Of those with power and boastful show;
Not fate, but fault, as made things so— Made by me,
Beware! The people, struggling, hold You split me into two, and see!
The winning card; I sweat and chafe against your chains;
And when they strike they will be bold— I’ve lost my brains!
And will strike hard!
You know it well—
I’d crush your power and break your spell,
You know I may not just decide—
There lies my pride!
Day Two 17
Rise Up The Contraction and Enclosure of Land
Desmond Dhlomo (1955) St. J. Page Yako (1958) translated from Xhosa
Oh land of warrior bold and brave! Thus spake the heirs of the land
Where once you did your spearheads wield Although it is no longer ours.
Your own dear land you strove to save This land will be folded like a blanket
Now crumpled down, and do you yield? Till it is like the palm of a hand.
The racing ox will become entangled in the wire,
O Chaka1 great thy name I fear; Too weak to dance free, it will be worn out by the
How like a god you strode this strand; dance of the yoke and the plough.
I praise you and this land once dear They will crowd us together like tadpoles
Where once you strode with Black war band. In a calabash ladle. Our girls
Will have their lobola1 paid with paper,
And I poor son, from your dust rise Coins that come and go, come and go.
And seek once more a once-dear land Blood should not be spilled, so they say
—No assegais2 nor war-like cries— Nowadays, to unite the different peoples,
But crave on earth a worthy stand. Until we no longer care for each other,
As a cow licks her calf, when love
Rise up! swarthy Chaka’s train, And nature urge her to do so.
‘Tis time that you should show in deed Can money bring people together?
That you be brave, have evils slain Yes, a man may have words with his son’s wife,
And love and peace you seek to breed. His son need no longer respect her mother.
Rise up! ‘tis not by magic hand Yes, we fold up our knees,
You’ll win a name in lands abroad It’s impossible to stretch out,
But through great toil and trusty stand Because the land has been hedged in.
You’ll live as if all time afford.
1
lobola = “bride price” paid by man’s family to woman’s.
1
Chaka = Shaka, a Zulu king famous for his military skill
2
assegai = throwing spears used by Zulu warriors
Selection 8
How Long, O God?
Walter N.B. Nlapo (1950)
Burst forth my heart complaining And for fatherland grieving;

Yours can’t be joyful song. And stars shed tears in the sky.
Sorrows you have been restraining
Within yourself for long! God! must my tears flow forever?
Hear me in my tears
Like flame let your feeling’s flower before I cross Lethe river1
Cry aloud, let earth hear To land of no fears.
Your mighty voice with all its power,
Tell the pains of many a year.
1
The legendary Lethe River erases the memory of those
who cross it.
I’m black but I’m kingly, and even

God knows; a slave I cry,
Day Three
Role-Playing the Three Options:

Organization and Preparation
Objectives: 2b. Cape Township Residents—Distribute
Students will: Analyze the issues that “Cape Township Residents—The Future of
framed the debate about the next steps for the Anti-Apartheid Protesting” to each remaining
anti-apartheid campaign. student, and assign him or her one of the roles.
(In smaller classes, students may assume more
Identify the core assumptions underlying
than one role; in larger classes, two students
the options.
may be assigned to one role.) While the option
Integrate the arguments and beliefs of the groups are preparing their presentations, stu-
options and the background reading into a dents playing the township residents should
persuasive, coherent presentation. develop cross-examination questions for Day
Work cooperatively within groups to orga- Four. Remind these students that they are
nize effective presentations. expected to turn in their questions at the end
of the simulation.
Required Reading:
Students should have read “June 1961: Suggestions:
The Moment of Decision” in the student text Ask the option groups to design a poster or
(page 19) and “Options in Brief” (page 20). a political cartoon illustrating the best case for
their options.
Handouts: Ask students playing townspeople to write

“Presenting Your Option” (TRB-19) for op- a journal entry describing their approach to
tion groups opposing apartheid before working together to
design questions for the option groups.
“Cape Township Residents” (TRB 20-22)
for remaining students
Note:
It is unlikely that a discussion as designed
In the Classroom: here could have taken place in South Africa
1. Planning for Group Work—In order
in 1961. Because group meetings were ille-
to save time in the classroom, form student
gal, leaders were imprisoned or banned from
groups before beginning Day Three. During the
communicating with followers, and because
class period, students will be preparing for the
different races lived so far apart, it would most
Day Four simulation. Remind them to incor-
likely have been impossible for such a large,
porate the reading into their presentations and
multi-racial, multi-aged group to convene in
questions.
one place. Instead, smaller groups convened
2a. Option Groups—Form three groups of for these discussions. For the classroom setting
four students each. Assign an option to each we have represented the variety of viewpoints
group. Distribute “Presenting Your Option” to in one place so students can better understand
the three option groups. Inform students that the wider debate that existed at the time.
each option group will be called upon in Day
Four to present the case for its assigned option
to the townspeople. Explain that option groups
Homework:
Students should complete preparations for
should follow the instructions in “Presenting
the simulation.
Your Option.” Note that the option groups
should begin by assigning each member a role
(students may double up).
Day Three 19
Presenting Your Option
Preparing Your Presentation Organizing Your Group: Each member
The Setting: It is June 1961. Just over a of your group will take a specific role. Below
year ago police at Sharpeville opened fire on is a brief explanation of the responsibility of
unarmed demonstrators, killing 69 people. Our each role. Before preparing your sections of
anti-apartheid organizations have since been the presentation, work together to address
banned, although we have continued to lead the questions below. The group director is
successful protests against the government. responsible for organizing the presentation
of your group’s option to the Cape township
Your Assignment: Your group represents a
residents. The domestic political expert is
point of view within the anti-apartheid move-
responsible for explaining why your option is
ment. Your assignment is to persuade the
most likely to succeed in the current domestic
residents of some Cape townships that your
climate. The international political expert is
option should be the basis for future anti-
responsible for explaining why your option is
apartheid protesting. On Day Four, your group
most likely to succeed given the international
will be called upon to present a persuasive
opposition to apartheid. The historian is
three-to-five minute summary of your option
responsible for explaining how the lessons of
to the residents. You will be judged on how
history justify your group’s option.
well you present your option. This worksheet
will help you prepare.
Questions to Consider
1. What will be the impact of your option on future casualties in the struggle?
2. How will the international community respond to the policies of your option?
3. What future South Africa does your option envision?
4. What does your option consider have been the successes in the struggle to this point?
5. How does your option view the leadership role of the various anti-apartheid groups?
6. How will the apartheid government respond to actions taken as a result of your option?
Day Three
Name:______________________________________________
Cape Township Residents

The Future of Anti-Apartheid Protesting
Your Role Samuel Mqikela: You are a forty-year-old
You have been called upon to express the black, Christian man who is an anti-com-
concerns of a resident of a Cape area town- munist. You have a wife and four teenaged
ship in June 1961. You are meeting at night, in children with whom you live in your one-
secret, as gatherings in public are forbidden. bedroom home. You work as a gardener and
Some of you have traveled quite a distance, as driver for a liberal white family, and you travel
the townships are segregated. You are consid- one and a half hours each way by bus to your
ering issues vital to our country’s future. The employer’s home each day. You are lucky that
struggle for rights for our people has been go- your employers pay you enough to provide for
ing on for over fifty years. These presentations your family. Your wife stays home to take care
will introduce you to three distinct approaches of the children and the house. Your children
for the future of the anti-apartheid movement. are in school, but you are concerned that they
You are expected to evaluate each of the op- are learning little that will help them later in
tions from the perspective of the role you have life. You want them to grow up in a free soci-
been assigned. ety, but it is beginning to look, to you, like that
will not be possible for them.
Your Assignment
While the three option groups are organiz- Joseph Gwendla: You are a twenty-year-
ing their presentations, each of you should old coloured student who has attended a few
prepare two questions regarding each of the political meetings about the struggle and you
options from the perspective of your assigned watched part of the huge PAC march in Cape-
resident. The questions should reflect the val- town. One parent and two siblings live on the
ues, concerns, and interests of your role. Your Xhosa homeland where there is little land on
teacher will collect these questions at the end which to grow crops. The rest of your family
of Day Four. was classified coloured, like you. Those in
Xhosaland are counting on you to get a good
Your questions should be challenging and
job, perhaps as a lawyer for a black or Indian
critical. For example, a good question for Op-
firm, so that you can send them money. You
tion 1 from Sipho Mphalane might be:
want to work hard at school but have diffi-
Isn’t it irresponsible to place our people culty finding a place to study that has enough
in positions we know are dangerous without quiet and electricity. You have heard that your
providing them the means to fight back? younger brother, who is seventeen, has been
On Day Four, the three option groups will talking about fighting whites using guns, and
present their positions. After their presenta- you are concerned for his safety.
tions are completed, your teacher will call on
you and the other residents to ask questions. Sipho Mphalane: You are a fifty-three-
The “Evaluation Form” you will receive is year-old black canning factory worker who
designed for you to record your impressions is an active member of the trade union. You
of the options. After this activity is concluded, have organized protests and you have strong
you may be called upon to explain your evalu- connections to the ANC leadership and some
ation of the options. members of the South African Communist
Party. Since the Suppression of Communism
Act, however, you have had to be very care-
ful about organizing protests. Other laws
now prevent you from striking and make it
Day Three 21
very difficult to negotiate for higher wages or siblings as you spend most nights sleeping
any other concessions. You have effectively in the maid’s room at your employer’s house.
been silenced. Wages have been decreasing in She comes to visit occasionally after school
comparison to inflation. Many of your fellow and to ask for money so she can buy food or
union members have been agitating for addi- clothing for the children. You never seem to
tional action, and you are concerned that their have enough to give her, and you are sad not
energy will spin out of control, causing mass to see your children grow up. When you were
riots, or worse. younger you participated in peaceful protests,
but now you question whether they had any
Chapal Haffajee: You are a thirty-four- effect.
year-old Indian shop owner who believes in a
non-racial South Africa. You have supported Chaka Mthembu: You are a twenty-eight-
the SAIC and the ANC over the years, and you year-old man whose family lives in the rural
hope that your efforts will continue to bear Zulu homeland. You have traveled illegally
fruit. You believe strongly in the teachings of to neighboring Mozambique, where you met
Gandhi, and you are keen to use your connec- a former member of Mau Mau, the Kenyan re-
tions to help end apartheid. You are worried, sistance movement. You were very impressed
however, that some black youths have been by that man’s dedication to a purely African
calling for a boycott of your store, and if the nation, soon to be run by Africans. The man
store were to fail you would be destitute. You recounted that the secret fighting for Mau
thus want changes to happen much more Mau had caused great fear in whites, because
quickly so that everyone can get along, and they never knew when the next lethal attack
your livelihood will not be threatened. You are would be. The whites in Kenya responded
not sure that the mass protests are working. to that, and now Kenya is on its way toward
independence. You are looking forward to
Mxolisi Ngani: You are a sixteen-year-old an opportunity to fight against the whites in
black student who is fed up with how little South Africa, and show them that a Zulu can
has been accomplished in the past couple of again incite fear.
years. The adults seem only to want to talk
and talk. You want to be part of the change. Looksmart Sethwala: You are thirty-six-
Your uncle died in prison a couple of years year-old Sotho man who is unemployed. One
ago, and you are not satisfied with the expla- of your cousins was killed at the Sharpeville
nation that he hanged himself. You have been protests. You have no family living with you
talking with some of your peers and one of in the township, but you rent a room from
them has managed to steal a hand grenade. another family. You will not be able to pay the
You know that if you did anything that you rent next week as you have no more money,
might end up in jail, or worse. But you are and you are sure they will have to toss you
beginning to wonder if all this doing nothing out. You really feel like the apartheid system
is the worst of all. At least if you took action, is set on destroying everything you are trying
maybe throwing the grenade into the police to make for yourself. You know a couple of
station, you would feel like part of something. white people whom you met while working
as a waiter in a white restaurant. They came
Sindiwe Mshengu: You are a forty-year-old often and were nice to you, and sometimes
black mother of five who works as a maid for a whispered about ideas they had about over-
conservative, Afrikaner Member of Parliament. throwing the government. You’d like to find
The MP’s wife is very strict with you and them again, but you don’t want to do anything
has accused you of stealing from her, which that would end up hurting someone.
makes you angry. Your first daughter, who is
fourteen, is in charge of caring for her younger
Day Four
Name:______________________________________________
Elisabeth Hugo: You are a twenty-five- Ernest Mbovane: You are a seventy-one-
year-old coloured woman who is a journalist year-old black grandfather of fifteen who
and writer. You keep tabs on everything that attended the Congress of the People in 1955.
is going on politically, and you are well aware You were much impressed by the speeches
of what you consider to be betrayals and of various leaders, and you have been able to
deception employed by the government. Your read some writings of others around the world
husband is not often home at night, because who believe in peaceful protest, like Martin
he is attending political meetings. You have no Luther King in the United States. You used to
children, but you are friendly with a number work as a janitor in a university, where you
of people from different racial backgrounds. overheard conversations about political action.
Some of your friends have been detained for You have taught your children and grandchil-
days at a time, and you have reported their dren to be respectful and polite, no matter
stories in an underground newspaper. You are what. You believe that people are, at root,
concerned that the protests, in which you have good, and that it is important to do unto oth-
participated in the past, are not effective any ers as you would have them do unto you. You
more. You want to have children, but are wait- know there are many peaceful methods to use
ing until you feel they will be able to grow up to defeat apartheid, and you believe that you
in a free country. will see freedom in your lifetime.
Day Four 23
Role-Playing the Three Options:
Debate and Discussion
Objectives: minute presentations by each option group.
Students will: Analyze the issues that Encourage all to speak clearly and convinc-
framed the debate on the future of anti-apart- ingly.
heid protesting. 3. Guiding Discussion—Following the
Sharpen rhetorical skills through debate presentations, invite residents of the town-
and discussion. ship to ask cross-examination questions. Make
sure that each member of this group has an
Cooperate with classmates in staging a
opportunity to ask at least one question. If
persuasive presentation.
time permits, encourage members of the op-
tion groups to challenge the positions of the
Handouts: other groups. During cross-examination, allow
”Evaluation Form: Cape Town Residents” any member of the option group to respond.
(TRB-24) (As an alternative approach, permit cross-ex-
amination following the presentation of each
In the Classroom: option.)
1. Setting the Stage—Organize the room
so that the three option groups face a row of Homework:
desks reserved for the residents. Distribute Students should read the Epilogue in
“Evaluation Form” to each resident. the student text (pages 30-36) and complete
2. Managing the Simulation—Explain that “Study Guide—Epilogue” (TRB 26-27) or the
the simulation will begin with three-to-five “Advanced Study Guide—Epilogue” (TRB-28).
Day Four
Name:______________________________________________
Evaluation Form
Cape Town Residents
Instructions: Answer the questions below from the perspective of your assigned role.
1. According to each option, what has been the effect of anti-apartheid protesting up to this point?
Option 1:
Option 2:
Option 3:
2. According to each option, what method should now be adopted to continue the struggle?
Option 1:
Option 2:
Option 3:
3. How would you and your family be affected by the proposed course of action of each option?
Option 1:
Option 2:
Option 3:
4. Which of the three options would you support most strongly? Explain your reasoning.
Day Five 25
Violence as Protest
Objectives: 2. Sharing Viewpoints—Instruct each stu-
Students will: Understand their own per- dent to find a classmate whose placement on
spectives on the use of violence as a means to the spectrum is far removed from their own,
an end. and ask partners to explain their spectrum
placement to each other. Encourage students
Consider the morality of armed struggle
to challenge their partner’s position. As an
against apartheid and the values involved in
alternative, for classes where such discus-
this decision.
sion might be difficult for students, have them
Analyze the effectiveness of the use of write a journal entry about their own place-
violence to protest apartheid. ment on the spectrum. They might also write
Compare the situation in South Africa about the value trade-offs they considered
with other movements involving violence. while doing Part I.
3. Reviewing the History—Have students
Required Reading: return to their seats. Ask students to recall the
Students should have read the Epilogue in events addressed in the Epilogue in the stu-
the student text (pages 30-36) and completed dent text. What role did MK, Poqo, and later
“Study Guide—Epilogue” in the Teacher armed struggles play in the dismantling of
Resource Book (TRB 26-27) or the “Advanced apartheid? Was violent protest effective? Was
Study Guide—Epilogue” (TRB-28). non-violent protest effective? Note that schol-
ars and participants disagree on this issue. In
the case of South Africa in 1961, was armed
Handouts: struggle justified?
“Principles and Political Action” (TRB-29)
4. Exploring Connections—Call on stu-
dents to consider the use of violence in other
In the Classroom: situations they may have studied, such as
1. Understanding Personal Values—Dis- Northern Ireland, Israel/Palestine, the Ameri-
tribute one handout to each student. Ask can Revolution, and Osama bin Laden’s call to
students to complete Parts I and II of the arms against the West. How are these conflicts
handout on their own, based on their own similar to that in South Africa? How are they
principles and perspectives. different? Is armed struggle ever acceptable? If
so, when? What kind?
Day Five
Name:______________________________________________
Study Guide—Epilogue
1. What methods of resistance did the following groups adopt in 1961?
ANC:
PAC:
SAIC:
2. Give two examples of new laws passed after anti-apartheid protesters turned to violence.
a.
b.
3a. Who was Steve Biko?
b. What did the Black Consciousness Movement advocate?
4. Why did students in Soweto launch a demonstration in 1976?
5. List two ways the economic situation made apartheid difficult to maintain.
a.
b.
Day Five 27
6. How did the international community respond to apartheid in the 1980s?
7. Why did de Klerk release Mandela?
8. What were the goals of the TRC?
9. List three challenges facing South Africa today.
a.
b.
c.
Day Five
Name:______________________________________________
Advanced Study Guide—Epilogue

1. Explain the different actions the anti-apartheid groups took in 1961 to continue their protests.
2. What was Black Consciousness, and how did it fill the leadership void after the Rivonia Trial?
3. Trace the relationship between economic pressures and the end of apartheid in the 1980s and ‘90s.
4. Why do you think some people were still angry following Mandela’s release?
5. How did the TRC hope to rebuild South Africa?
Day Five 29
Principles and Political Action
Instructions: The principles we hold shape our individual characters. Likewise, a political or
social group can be said to have a character reflecting the shared principles of its members. Like most
people, you probably do not talk much about principles. Yet principles will play a central role in the
critical decisions that you will make in your lifetime. The most difficult decisions in life often come
when circumstances require that one principle has to be sacrificed for another. For instance, Nelson
Mandela chose to stay in jail in 1985 rather than accept an offer of release with the condition that
he would renounce the armed struggle. He sacrificed his freedom for his belief that armed struggle
would help to dismantle apartheid.
Part 1
In your opinion, what tactic was the most appropriate way to respond to the situation in South
Africa in 1961? Place yourself somewhere on the spectrum.
1 = Nonviolent resistance
3 = Organized sabotage against government buildings and the like
5 = Random guerrilla attacks against leaders, collaborators, and other whites
1 3 5
Part 2
Now consider other situations, and rate each of the following statements according to your prin-
ciples. Imagine situations in which you are forced to choose between two conflicting principles.
1 = Strongly Support 3 = Oppose
2 = Support 4 = Strongly Oppose
___ Leaders of political organizations have an obligation to protect their members from harm.
___ When faced with violent oppression, it is acceptable to use any means to end the oppression.
___ “Arms are the most dangerous things that a dictator, a tyrant, needs to fear.”
___ “The ultimate weakness of violence is that it is a descending spiral begetting the very thing it
seeks to destroy. Instead of diminishing evil, it multiplies it.”
___ Leaders are responsible for the actions of their followers.
___ Sabotage is the only acceptable form of violence to use against an oppressive government.
___ Nonviolent resistance takes more courage than violent resistance.
___ “Nonviolence is a tactic that must be abandoned when it no longer works.”
___ Violent regimes will only listen to violent resistance.
___ Armed resistance is acceptable when all other options have been exhausted.
Key Terms
Introduction and Part I Part II
hunter-gatherer industry
pastoralist strike
cultivation ethnic rivalry
chiefdom/chieftancy armed resistance
descendant mass mobilization
indigenous group passbook
colony trade union
free laborer servile
trekboer boycott
covenant civil disobedience
indentured servant solidarity
capital separate development
migrant labor homeland
detained pandering
scorched-earth campaign multi-racial
guerrilla tactics disillusioned
concentration camp
treaty Epilogue
sabotage
self-governance
embargo
voting rights
diplomatic isolation
unification
collaborator
entrenchment
emancipation
amnesty
reparation
31
Issues Toolbox
Nationalism: A strong devotion to one’s Human Rights: Equal and inalienable rights
people and country. Afrikaners developed a for all members of the human family. After
sense of nationalism based on religion, lan- the horrors of World War II, nations initiated
guage, and ethnicity during the Great Trek and efforts to develop international standards to
as a result of hardships experienced during the protect people from individuals, groups, or
South African War. PAC members also used a nations. The apartheid system is now widely
kind of nationalism, Africanism, to unite black regarded as a violation of human rights. Today,
Africans in the struggle against apartheid. there is debate at home and abroad about
the nature and scope of human rights. Some
believe that human rights exist to protect
Self-determination: The right of a people to
individuals’ civil and political freedoms. Civil
govern their own affairs. Black South Afri-
and political rights include the right to life,
cans, for the most part, were not able to have a
liberty and personal security, freedom from
significant role in the political affairs of South
slavery, torture and arbitrary arrest, as well as
Africa during apartheid. The apartheid govern-
the right to a fair trial, free speech, free move-
ment did create homelands for blacks, which
ment, and privacy. Others have argued that
were meant to serve as areas where blacks
there are economic, social, and cultural rights
could exercise self-determination and ad-
as well. These include economic rights related
minister their own affairs. These constructed
to work, fair pay, and leisure; social rights
entities, however, had the effect of cutting
concerning an adequate standard of living for
blacks off entirely from the political develop-
health, well-being and education; and the right
ment of their own country.
to participate in the cultural life of the com-
Many white South Africans argued, when munity. International consensus is growing
faced with sanctions from the UN or other that human rights should encompass the full
external pressure, that the South African gov- spectrum covered by these viewpoints.
ernment had the right of self-determination to
create its own society as it saw fit. The clash
between self-determination and human rights The British Commonwealth: A voluntary
caused some white South Africans to abandon organization of Great Britain and many of
their support for apartheid. her former colonies. The South African
government voted to remove itself from the
Commonwealth in 1961 rather than change its
Passive Resistance/Satyagraha: Civil dis- policies as requested by other members of the
obedience characterized by non-violent Commonwealth, particularly those who had
non-cooperation. It is related to two other recently become independent. In 1994 South
words—“swaraj” (self-rule) and “swadeshi” Africa rejoined the Commonwealth.
(self-reliance). According to Gandhi, sa-
tyagraha meant “holding to the truth” and
inspired believers to risk their lives with- Sanctions: Social, economic, and political
out resorting even to violent words. Gandhi actions taken by a government, the UN, or a
introduced the concept to African leaders, non-governmental organization intended to
who then adopted it in their struggle against prevent a country from continuing on its pres-
apartheid. Some thought of passive resistance ent path. Many sanctions take some sort of
as one of a number of tools to be used in the economic form, and often involve the preven-
struggle; others believed satyagraha formed tion of goods from traveling in or out of the
the core of the movement. targeted country. Sanctions against South Af-
rica included oil and arms embargoes, boycotts
of South African artists, and banning from
Olympic competition.
Making Choices Work in Your Classroom

This section of the Teacher Resource Book •Shorten reading assignments; cut and
offers suggestions for teachers as they adapt paste sections.
Choices curricula on historical turning point to •Combine reading with political cartoon
their classrooms. They are drawn from the ex- analysis, map analysis, or movie-watching.
periences of teachers who have used Choices
•Read some sections of the readings out
curricula successfully in their classrooms and
loud.
from educational research on student-centered
instruction. •Ask students to create graphic organizers
for sections of the reading, or fill in ones you
have partially completed.
Managing the Choices Simulation
A central activity of every Choices unit •Supplement with different types of read-
is the role play simulation in which students ings, such as from trade books or text books.
advocate different options and question each •Ask student groups to create a bumper
other. Just as thoughtful preparation is nec- sticker, PowerPoint presentation, or collage
essary to set the stage for cooperative group representing their option.
learning, careful planning for the presentations •Do only some activities and readings
can increase the effectiveness of the simula- from the unit rather than all of them.
tion. Time is the essential ingredient to keep
in mind. A minimum of 45 to 50 minutes is
necessary for the presentations. Teachers who Adjusting for Large and Small Classes
have been able to schedule a double period or Choices units are designed for an average
extend the length of class to one hour report class of twenty-five students. In larger classes,
that the extra time is beneficial. When neces- additional roles, such as those of newspaper
sary, the role play simulation can be run over reporter or member of a special interest group,
two days, but this disrupts momentum. The can be assigned to increase student partici-
best strategy for managing the role play is to pation in the simulation. With larger option
establish and enforce strict time limits, such as groups, additional tasks might be to create a
five minutes for each option presentation, ten poster, political cartoon, or public service an-
minutes for questions and challenges, and the nouncement that represents the viewpoint of
final five minutes of class for wrapping up. It an option. In smaller classes, the teacher can
is crucial to make students aware of strict time serve as the moderator of the debate, and ad-
limits as they prepare their presentations. ministrators, parents, or faculty can be invited
to play the roles of congressional leaders. An-
other option is to combine two small classes.
Adjusting for Students of Differing
Abilities
Teachers of students at all levels—from Assessing Student Achievement
middle school to AP—have used Choices Grading Group Assignments: Students
materials successfully. Many teachers make and teachers both know that group grades
adjustments to the materials for their students. can be motivating for students, while at the
Here are some suggestions: same time they can create controversy. Telling
students in advance that the group will receive
•Go over vocabulary and concepts with
one grade often motivates group members to
visual tools such as concept maps and word
hold each other accountable. This can fos-
pictures.
ter group cohesion and lead to better group
•Require students to answer guiding ques- results. It is also important to give individual
tions in the text as checks for understanding. grades for groupwork assignments in order to
33
recognize an individual’s contribution to the Testing: Teachers say that students using
group. The “Assessment Guide for Oral Pre- the Choices approach learn the factual in-
sentations” on the following page is designed formation presented as well as or better than
to help teachers evaluate group presentations. from lecture-discussion format. Students using
Requiring Self-Evaluation: Having stu- Choices curricula demonstrate a greater ability
dents complete self-evaluations is an effective to think critically, analyze multiple perspec-
way to encourage them to think about their tives, and articulate original viewpoints.
own learning. Self-evaluations can take many Teachers should hold students accountable for
forms and are useful in a variety of circum- learning historical information and concepts
stances. They are particularly helpful in presented in Choices units. A variety of types
getting students to think constructively about of testing questions and assessment devices
group collaboration. In developing a self-eval- can require students to demonstrate critical
uation tool for students, teachers need to pose thinking and historical understanding.
clear and direct questions to students. Two key
benefits of student self-evaluation are that it For Further Reading
involves students in the assessment process, Daniels, Harvey, and Marilyn Bizar.
and that it provides teachers with valuable Teaching the Best Practice Way: Methods That
insights into the contributions of individual Matter, K-12. Portland, Maine: Stenhouse Pub-
students and the dynamics of different groups. lishers, 2005.
These insights can help teachers to organize
Holt, Tom. Thinking Historically: Narra-
groups for future cooperative assignments.
tive, Imagination, and Understanding. The
College Board, 1990.
Assessment Guide for Oral Presentations

Group assignment:
Group members:
Excellent Good Average Needs Unsatisfactory

Group Assessment Improvement
1. The group made good use of its
5 4 3 2 1
preparation time
2. The presentation reflected

5 4 3 2 1
analysis of the issues under
consideration
3. The presentation was coherent

5 4 3 2 1
and persuasive
4. The group incorporated relevant

5 4 3 2 1
sections of the background read-
ing into its presentation
5. The group’s presenters spoke

5 4 3 2 1
clearly, maintained eye contact,
and made an effort to hold the
attention of their audience
6. The presentation incorporated

5 4 3 2 1
contributions from all the mem-
bers of the group
Individual Assessment
1. The student cooperated with 5 4 3 2 1
other group members
2. The student was well-prepared to 5 4 3 2 1

meet his or her responsibilities
3. The student made a significant 5 4 3 2 1

contribution to the group’s pre-
sentation
35
Alternative Three-Day Lesson Plan
Day 1:
See Day Two of the Suggested Five-Day
Lesson Plan. (Students should have read
Part II of the reading and completed “Study
Guide—Part II” before beginning the unit.)
Homework: Students should read “June
1961: The Moment of Decision.”
Day 2:
Assign each student one of the three posi-
tions, and allow students a few minutes to
familiarize themselves with the mindsets of
the positions. Call on students to evaluate the
benefits and trade-offs of their assigned posi-
tions. How do the positions differ? What are
their assumptions about the future? How do
they view the advantages and disadvantages
of nonviolence? Moving beyond their assigned
positions, students should imagine that they
are involved in a meeting of township resi-
dents convened in June 1961 to assess the
future of South Africa. What position would
they argue for? What factors would most influ-
ence their position? What values would have
the greatest appeal?
Homework: Students should read “Epi-
logue—Becoming South Africa” and complete
“Study Guide—Epilogue.”
Day 3:
See Day Five of the Suggested Five-Day
Lesson Plan.
Our units are
always up to date.
Are yours?
Our world is constantly changing.
So CHOICES continually reviews and updates our
classroom units to keep pace with the changes in our
world; and as new challenges and questions arise, we’re
developing new units to address them.
And while history may never change, our knowledge
and understanding of it are constantly changing. So even
our units addressing “moments” in history undergo a
continual process of revision and reinterpretation.
If you’ve been using the same CHOICES units for two or
more years, now is the time to visit our website - learn
whether your units have been updated and see what new
units have been added to our catalog.
CHOICES currently has units addressing the following:

U.S. Role in a Changing World ■ Immigration ■ Terrorism
Genocide ■ Foreign Aid ■ Trade ■ Environment
Nuclear Weapons ■ UN Reform
Middle East ■ Russia ■ South Africa
India & Pakistan ■ Brazil’s Transition ■ Mexico
Colonialism in Africa ■ Weimar Germany ■ China
U.S. Constitutional Convention ■ New England Slavery
War of 1812 ■ Spanish American War
League of Nations ■ FDR and Isolationism
Hiroshima ■ Origins of the Cold War
Cuban Missile Crisis ■ Vietnam War
And watch for new units coming soon:
Westward Expansion ■ Freedom Summer
Teacher sets (consisting of a student text and a teacher resource book) are
available for $18 each. Permission is granted to duplicate and distribute the
student text and handouts for classroom use with appropriate credit given.
Duplicates may not be resold. Classroom sets (15 or more student texts) may
be ordered at $9 per copy. A teacher resource book is included free with each
classroom set. Orders should be addressed to:
Choices Education Program
Watson Institute for International Studies
Box 1948, Brown University, Providence, RI 02912
Please visit our website at <www.choices.edu>.
Freedom in Our Lifetime: South
Africa’s Struggle
Freedom in Our Lifetime: South Africa’s Struggle introduces
students to precolonial and colonial South Africa and the
development of apartheid. Students have the opportunity to
evaluate decisions made by anti-apartheid activists and to re-
flect on South Africa’s transition to a post-apartheid society.
Freedom in Our Lifetime: South Africa’s Struggle is part of

a continuing series on current and historical international
issues published by the Choices for the 21st Century Educa-
tion Program at Brown University. Choices materials place
special emphasis on the importance of educating students in

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The Choices Program is committed to providing rigorous and scholarly educational

South Africa’s Struggle

Professional Development Director Nancy Jacobs

20˚ 20˚ 25˚ 30˚ 20˚

30˚ Durban 30˚

INDIAN OCEAN 0 100 200 300 Kilometers

0 100 200 300 Miles

20˚ 25˚ 30˚

Introduction: A Negotiated Revolution

I n 1994, Nelson Mandela became the first

Part I: Precolonial and Colonial South Africa

D uring the apartheid era all residents of

How did whites colonize inland areas?

“ You [should] always endeavor to live,

in the 1760s, they en-

the Khoisan, the Xhosa

“ …We learned to ride, shoot, and swim

The Mineral Revolution Over time, however, it became more

Control of the Mines

mines profitable, and that depend- black £1 10s £1 5s 6000

on Africans in order to force them black £1 10s £1 10s 3260

A wave of unskilled men, faced 1886 white £5.8-£6.25 £5.6-£6.5 630

data from Cape Statistical Registers.

How did the Mineral Revolution

“ We do not like our men to go to

Part II: Apartheid and Its Opposition

F ollowing unification in 1910, the British

“ The hardship to which I was subjected

I should try, if possible, to root out the

Gandhi formed the Natal Indian Congress

from Africa South, 1961.

Additionally, most schools for blacks

abandonment of white domination.”

The Youth League convinced leaders that

Congress. Before this time, the ANC had been

What happened once the various

The defendants in what

licly to their supporters.

December 1956, police arrested 156 people on

UWC-Robben Island Museum Mayibuye Archives.

UWC-Robben Island Museum Mayibuye Archives.

How did the ANC and

June 1961: The Moment of Decision

I mmediately after Sharpeville, the PAC called

Option 2: Use Limited,

Option 1: Continue Non-Violent Struggle

Resorting to violence has many problems. To launch a violent campaign will

Beliefs and Assumptions Underlying Option 1

Supporting Arguments for Option 1

From the Historical Record

Option 2: Use Limited, Structured Violence with

Beliefs and Assumptions Underlying Option 2

Supporting Arguments for Option 2

From the Historical Record

Option 3: Advocate Guerrilla War Tactics

Beliefs and Assumptions Underlying Option 3

Supporting Arguments for Option 3

From the Historical Record

“Pola-ca-Pele”, in The Africanist, 1955 PAC Founding Manifesto, 1959

Potlako Leballo, December 1957 Josias Madzunya, Treason Trial testimony

Epilogue: Becoming South Africa

2. The Khoisan were ___ and _ who relied on cattle,

__, rather than _.