Professional Documents
Culture Documents
(1830/09/15 - 1915/07/02)
Hijo de José Díaz y Petronila Morí. Huérfano de padre a los tres años de edad.
El 23 de enero de 1860 sufrió una derrota por parte de las fuerzas reaccionarias que
obedecían a Cobos en el pueblo de Mitla. El 30 de enero de 1860 se le nombra Jefe de
la Brigada de la Sierra, de la División de operaciones del Estado de Oaxaca. El 19 de abril
del mismo año se recibe una mención honorífica por el asalto y toma de la manzana
inmediata al Convento de la Concepción en Oaxaca. Durante la guerra de Reforma libró
12 batallas, fue herido de gravedad, creó una policía secreta, sufrió peritonitis, instaló una
fábrica de municiones, se volvió experto en ataques súbitos y emboscadas.
En 1867 se casa con Delfina Ortega Díaz, su sobrina carnal, hija de su hermana
Manuela, en ese matrimonio tiene a sus hijos Porfirio y Luz. No alcanzó la presidencia de
México frente a Juárez en 1867, ni tampoco en 1871. Después de cada derrota encabezó
infructuosas rebeliones militares, mediante las que pretendía alcanzar el poder. En el
año 1876 protagonizó una prolongada serie de acciones militares y derrocó al presidente
Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada, asumiendo la presidencia de la República. Según la
Constitución Mexicana, no podía permanecer en la presidencia durante dos mandatos
consecutivos por lo que tuvo que renunciar en 1880 aunque continuó en el gobierno como
secretario de Fomento. Fue reelegido en 1884 y consiguió la aprobación de una
enmienda a la Constitución que permitía la sucesión de mandatos presidenciales,
permaneciendo en el poder hasta 1911.
El 2 de julio de 1915 a la edad de 84 años Porfirio Díaz falleció en París. Sus restos
descansan en el cementerio de Montparnasse de esa ciudad.
Porfirio Díaz, (born Sept. 15, 1830, Oaxaca, Mex.—died July 2, 1915, Paris, France),
soldier and president of Mexico (1877–80, 1884–1911), who established a strong
centralized state that he held under firm control for more than three decades.
A mestizo (part Indian), Díaz was of humble origin. He began training for the priesthood at
age 15, but upon the outbreak of war with the United States (1846–48) he joined the army.
An illustrious military career followed, including service in the War of the Reform (1857–60)
and the struggle against the French in 1861–67, when Maximilian became emperor.
Earlier (1849) Díaz had studied law with the encouragement of the Liberal Benito Juárez,
who first became president in 1858.
Díaz resigned his command and went back to Oaxaca when peace was restored but soon
became dissatisfied with the Juárez administration. He led an unsuccessful protest against
the 1871 reelection of Juárez, who died the following year. Díaz continued his protests in
an unsuccessful revolt against Pres. Sebastían Lerdo de Tejada in 1876, after which he
fled to the United States. Six months later, however, he returned and defeated the
government forces at the Battle of Tecoac (November 1876), and in May 1877 he was
formally elected president.
During his first four years in office, Díaz began a slow process of consolidation of power
and built up a strong political machine. His administration achieved a few public
improvements but was more noted for its suppression of revolts. Having opposed Lerdo’s
reelection, he decided not to run for another term himself but handpicked his successor,
Gen. Manuel González, who also soon dissatisfied him. Therefore, in 1884 Díaz ran for
the presidency again and was elected.
Over the course of the next 26 years Díaz produced an orderly and systematic
government with a military spirit. He succeeded in destroying local and regional leadership
until the majority of public employees answered directly to him. Even the legislature was
composed of his friends, and the press was muffled. He also maintained tight control over
the courts.
Díaz secured his power by catering to the needs of separate groups and playing off one
interest against another. He won the mestizos’ support by supplying them with political
jobs. The privileged Creole classes were cooperative in return for the government’s
noninterference in their haciendas and for positions of honour in the administration. The
Roman Catholic Church maintained a policy of noninvolvement in return for a certain
degree of freedom. The Indians, who formed a full third of the population, were ignored.
When Díaz came to power, the Mexican government was in debt and had very little cash
reserves. Therefore, he enthusiastically encouraged investment by foreigners. Conditions
were made so advantageous to the suppliers of capital that Mexican industries and
workers alike suffered. Díaz was no economist, but his two principal advisers, Matías
Romero and José Y. Limantour (after 1893), were responsible for the influx of foreigners to
build railroads and bridges, to dig mines, and to irrigate fields. Mexico’s new wealth,
however, was not distributed throughout the country; most of the profits went abroad or
stayed in the hands of a very few wealthy Mexicans. By 1910 the economy had declined
and national revenues were shrinking, which necessitated borrowing. With wages
decreasing, strikes were frequent. Agricultural workers were faced with extreme poverty
and debt peonage.
On Feb. 17, 1908, in an interview with a reporter for Pearson’s Magazine, Díaz announced
his retirement. Immediately opposition and progovernment groups began to scramble to
find suitable presidential candidates. Then, as plans were being formalized, Díaz decided
not to retire but to allow Francisco Madero, an aristocratic but democratically inclined
reformer, to run against him. Madero lost the election, as was expected, but when he
resorted to a military revolution the government proved surprisingly weak and collapsed.
Díaz resigned office on May 25, 1911, and went into exile.