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The Brazilian Geography of Indianness
Jonathan W. Warren
B tween 1992 and 1997, I spent more than twenty months con-
ducting an ethnographic study of Indianformation,white supremacy,
and its contestation in the Brazilianstates of Minas Gerais, Espirito 3
Santo, Rio de Janeiro,and southernBahia.'In this essay I detailone facet ;
of this research:the geography of Indianness.I examine how land is
linked to indigenousresurgenceand the territorializationof Indianness
and why land is of such centralconcern to Indiansin easternBrazil.
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Portuguesecolonization. Individualhomesteadersand pioneers never
played a significantrole in the post-Columbussettlement of Brazil.In
contrast to the United States, Brazilwas colonized almost exclusively
by large slave-holdingplantationowners:
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Kubischek in the 1950s), the emergence of a "modern mentality"
(which led to a growing disdain for those elites who perpetuatedthe
paternalisticlandlord-workerties of the past), the rise of the so-called
green revolution, and the state'scontinued prohibitionsagainstunion-
izing ruralworkers (even along corporatist lines). By furtheringthe
concentration of land into the hands of a few, "thenumberof landless
quadrupledin the 1970-1986 period,"and urbanizationwas greatly
accelerated:
WHITENING TERRITORIES
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subtle and sophisticatedin their maneuveringswith Indianssince they
can no longer rely on the same degree of government support. The
strategy of appropriatingIndianland by simply riding into a commu-
nity and forcing people to leave at gunpoint is not as feasibleas it once
was." Nonetheless, fazendeiros do have a number of other strategies,
such as intimidation,terrorism,and blacklistings,which they do not
hesitate to wield against those, be they Indiansor non-Indians,whose
landsthey desire.
I got a small taste of the fear that thefazendeiros
can instill when
I visited the Kaxix6 community in the municipality of Martinho
Campos in Minas Gerais. The Kaxix6 are not a federally recognized
indigenous community,but a numberof the Kaxix6 have been strug-
gling for more than a decade to obtain federal recognition. Because
this would mean the loss not only of certainsmalltractsof land but also
of a cheap source of labor,the landholdersfear the recognition move-
ment and actively work to subvertit:
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explained to me why he was so irate, that he was fearfulthat thefazen-
deiroswould discover I had spoken with his wife about this subject and
that neither of them would ever be able to find work in the region
again. He concluded his scolding of me by stating, "Iknow we are
Indiansbut this talk of recognition will only bringus trouble."
A further de-lndianizing effect of the unequal distribution of
land is that Indiansmustcope with a large, landlessnon-Indianpeasant
populationwho often see Indianland as easierto appropriatethan that
of thefazendeiros.
DeusmarPankararudescribedthe following in an interview:
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anything. Indiansdon'tassociatewith poor field hands
(lavradors) and smalllandholders(posseiros) because it was
them that accompaniedthe big landholders.They beat us.
They say they are going to kill us. This still scaresus ...
this still frightensus Xacriaba.They don'tlike to see us
there in the city, paying our bills. Those that murdered
Rosalino,murderedFulgencio,don'tlike to see us mixing
with the people.16They don't like us. They know who we
are, that we are the familyof the cacique. They know that.
Butthey never enter our land. Never.17
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one wanted to be Indiananymore(at that time we used
the word caboclo),only if you were crazy. Only if you
wanted to die. They murdered... the whites would kill
you. If you said that you were caboclo,the whites killed
you. And if you spoke the language,they would kill you
too. That'swhy we lost our language.Becauseof this fear.
And you'reseeing this mixtureamongst the people. It's
because of this as well. At that time Dad was single. My
fatherwas single. My uncles were single at that time. So
they mixed (marriednon-Indians),so they wouldn'thave
to be Indian,because if you said that you were Indianthey
killed you. No one wanted to be Indianso Indiansmixed
with ... Indiansmarriedwhites. That'swhy there'sbeen
this mixture.The mother of my motherwas a pureIndian,
but her fatherwas black.19The fatherof my fatherwas
puretoo.... Buthis mother alreadyhad other blood. She
wasn'tIndian.So the whole world ended up mixed up
since the time of that massacre.Becausethere was this fear
of being Indian.20
THE TERRAIN OF
INDIGENOUS RESURGENCE
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demarcatetheir lands,but the rights of indigenous
peoples are neithercreatedby governmentactions, nor
annulledby lack of it. Privatelandtitlesonindigenous
landsare
therefore in
nullified the text.... The new Constitution fur-
ther stipulatedthat the FederalAttorney General'sOffice
defend the interestsof indigenouspeoples in court. (my
emphasis)22
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indigenousresurgenceamongstthe Xacriabaof northernMinasGerais.
All of the Xacriabawith whom I spoke explainedto me that priorto the
1980s individualsin their communitiesself-identifiedas "caboclos" and
not as Indians. In the words of Antonia Xacriaba,"Thereare lots of
Indians[in Brazil].There didn'tused to be. I didn'tknow I was Indian.
They called us 'caboclo.' I discovered, is the same thing
Butthe 'caboclo,'
as Indian."25
Cabocloness has multiple, sometimes contradictory meanings in
Brazil.It can be used to mean "adark-skinnedruraliteof indeterminate
race, usuallyengaged in subsistenceagricultureor day laboron planta-
tions, and forming part of the ruralcaipira (peasant, backwoodsman)
culture."26This was likely the meaning cabocloness had for the Xacriaba
(or at least a significantproportionof them). Caboclocan also refer to
a "civilized Indian or half-breed."When used in this manner, it is
the rough parallel of "mulattoness"vis-a-vis the Indian category. In
this parlance of the term, caboclosare considered a "racialhybrid"of
Indiannessand whiteness (both in termsof blood and culture-the for-
mer often inferringthe latter thanksto the legacy of scientific racism).
Finally,caboclocan be a synonym of Indianness.This was the meaning
Silvanarememberedit as having in southernBahiaand the meaning it
came to have for the Xacriaba.
As the Xacriaba'sstrugglefor territorycame to a head in the mid-
1980s, their fate came to hinge on a discursivebattle aroundthe legal
definition of cabocloness (as well as Indianness). In court, as Antonia
Xacriabaretells it,
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of racial economism that land alone caused Indianresurgencein the
case of the Xacriabaor in any other instance.Nor is my point that indi-
viduals like Antonia Xacriabaacted as racial accountantswho simply
select racial identities based on which one will bring them the most
materialreward.Antonia'sracialtransformationwas clearly more of an
epiphanythan a strategiccalculation.What I am arguingis that land in
conjunctionwith other factorssuch as the move towarda post-exorcist
state, a changed symbolic context of Indiannesscreatedby the broader
Pan-Indiancommunityin easternBrazil,and epistemic shifts in anthro-
pological definitionsof ethnicity have spurredIndianresurgencein in-
stanceslike those of the Xacriaba.28
In concluding this section, I hope it clear that the impactof land
on Indian formation is complicated and may act as a double-edged
sword. On the one hand, it is a potential Indianizingfactor because as
Indians, individuals and communities have a legal and institutional
meansof obtaining land that is not open to non-Indians.On the other
hand, in those instances where peasants fight to protect their land as
Indians, a powerful anti-Indianhistorical bloc tends to emerge that
producesthe kind of anti-Indianviolence that underpins"whitening."I
would add, however,that as anti-Indianviolence has been temperedin
recent decades, as a direct consequence of the state becoming less ex-
orcistic,29the balancehas shifted to land being more of an Indianizing
ratherthan a de-Indianizingfactor.In other words, as the state has be-
come less tolerantof anti-Indianviolence, the impactof land on Indian
formationhas tipped in favorof its being, on the whole, an Indianizing
variable.
BICHOS DA MATA
(CREATURES OF THE FOREST)
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growth of how geographies,race, and modernizationarewed in Brazil.
Despite the more complicated images that Braziliansreceive of the
United Statesvia television, films,music, and so on, most Brazilians(at
least those whom I met and interviewed) think of North America as
"modern"and "white."As a putative modern-white space, so the rea-
soning goes, the United States must thereforebe one big urbanmass.
Forexample,one evening I was relaxingat a botequim (a smallbar)
in Belo Horizonte with Helena and several of her friends. Helena, a
twenty-two-year-oldblack woman, is sporadicallyemployed with the
city government and supplements her income tutoring local school
children. During the course of our conversationthat evening, Helena
askedme what the region looked like where I lived. I proceeded to de-
scribe the geography of the Seattle region with its mountains,forests,
lakes, farmlands,and so on. After I finished, she said, "God, I never
imagined that there were farmland (roqa)and forests (mata)in the
United States!"
I was at first intrigued by Helena's amazement. I thought to
myself-with a tone of condescension-how silly a comment. But
afterwardsmy smugnesswas temperedwhen I recalled my shock, as a
high school student in ruralMichigan, when I watched a black-and-
white documentaryfilm about South Africa.Being from an "allwhite,"
segregationist town myself,3' I was not taken aback by an apologist
film for the apartheidregime-I had no clue what apartheidwas, let
alone where South Africawas situated.My astonishmentstemmed, in-
stead, fromthe images of urbanlandscapesin Africa.Workingwithin a
semiotic frameworksimilarto Helena's, I had assumedthat everyone
who lived in Africawas "nonmodern"(i.e., "primitives") and therefore
lived in huts in the countryside.
For many Brazilians,Indianness (like Africa for me as a high
school student and the United States for Helena) has a geographic
specificity.Indiansare imagined,as they are often referredto colloqui-
ally, as bichosda mata(creaturesof the forest). Indiansare not bichosna
mata,creatureswho are "inthe forest,"who happen to reside there, but
ratherthey areof it. Interestingly,then, this territorializationof Indians >
is essentialized. It is as if "theforest"(a metonym for nature)were seen
as partof Indians'essence-a partof their genetic makeup.
This ontological assumptionexplainswhy the concept of an urban
Indiancan be such an oxymoron for Brazilians.Urbanlandscapes,as we
saw with Helena, embody modernity and serve as the symbolic an- 71
tithesis of natureand tradition.SubsequentlyIndians,as "nonmoderns,"
as "creaturesof forest,"are considered out of their element in modern,
urban spaces. An urban Indian is so symbolically disruptive that it
becomes a ridiculousprospect. For instance, upon learning that I was
interviewing Indians in Belo Horizonte, a Braziliansociologist (who
teaches in California) immediately broke into laughter.The idea of
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Indians living in a city in one of the most "modernized"regions of
Brazilwas a preposterousnotion for this sociologist-as it would be to
many in Brazil.32
It is noteworthy that I often encounter elements of the bichoda
mataconstructin the United Statesas well. Forexample,despitemy best
pedagogical efforts, I frequentlyreceive essays from North American
studentswho write about Indiansin the following manner:
ENVIRONMENTAL PRIMITIVISM
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The rationalcivilized man loses self-respectand respect
for his home. He throws his heritage into the mire from
where who knows when it will be retrieved.One'sheart
becomes morbid,fillingwith the sentimentof savagery,
insensibleto the pureand great things of humanity.Even
cultivatedspirits,finely formedand well-educated,have
succumbed.34
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indigenous people was categorized as "MeioAmbiente" (the Environ-
ment), and not under a possible "Indian"category or any of its other
subheadings such as "Racism," "Violence,""Health Care," and so on.
EnvironmentalNGOs are, of course, not the only ones respon-
sible for the "naturalization" of Indianness.Ordinarycitizens arejust as
likely to use the "creature of nature" precept.This was the case with the
organizers of a parade I attended in Vasalia(a small town in northern
Rio de Janeiro).EveryAprilVasaliahas a festivalthat includesa parade.
In 1992, to commemoratethat year'sforthcominginternational"Earth
Summit"conference, the parade'sobjective, according to the two gay
white men (one a dentist, the other a high school teacher) who orga-
nized it, was to promotea "militantenvironmental"message.
The parade was broken up into three subsections ordered ac-
cordingly: People of the World, Technology, and the Animal World.
Dressedin greencostumeswith darklypaintedfaces,carryingbows and
arrowsaswell as torches,andperiodicallybreakinginto Hollywoodesque
"Indian"cries and dances, the "Indians"were placed in the "Animal
World."Thus the "Indians" were situatednot among the "Peopleof the
World"(reminiscentof Disney's "It'sa Small World")but ratherin na-
ture, in the domain of undomesticated animals. Separated from the
other peoples of the world, fromtechnology (i.e., "modernity"), Indians
were partof the "wild"animaldomain-a metonym, like the forest, for
"nature."
Priorto the parade,its organizersexplainedto me that their peda-
gogical strategy was to be didactic. "Ourgoal,"they explained, "isto
not be carnivalesque.We want to be more political and less frivolous."
So when I saw the parade,I was surprisedby how understatedtheir en-
vironmentalmessage was. The entire "militant"green critique hinged
on the audience,or at least a significantproportionof it, havinga primi-
tivist reading of the "creaturesof nature"precept. The organizersevi-
dently assumedthat merely representing"Indians" (whose authenticity
was putativelyassuredby their attire, screams,dances, and location in
"nature") as bichosdamatawould evoke the imageryof an environmental
paradise lost (or in danger) and concomitant guilt around (as well as
political opposition to) ecological disaster.38
The irony is that the "creatureof nature"construct undermines
ratherthan promotes a green agenda. As we have seen, the Brazilians
whom I encounteredsymbolicallylinked modernizationwith a physi-
74 : cal terrainthat excludes nature. Therefore, as long as nature is con-
sideredantitheticalto modernity,as "inthe way of progress,"the envi-
ronmental movement will likely encounter difficulties in generating
grassrootssupport.Yet instead of "naturalizingmodernity,"the "crea-
ture of the forest"iconography, however noble it may be, simply re-
inforces the idea that nature is the topography of "primitive,""non-
modern"peoples. That is, it reinscribesthe idea that natureis a space
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separatefrom civilizations ("thepeople of the world")and modernity
("technology"),which in the end cannot but impair a green politic
given how anxiousmost Braziliansare to "modernize."
INDIGENOUS CRITIQUES
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communities in northernBrazil,who do control large areaswith rich
naturalresources.They are findingit increasinglydifficultto negotiate
the semiotics of Noble Savagery.On the one hand, the "creaturesof
the forest"precept has enabled them to defend their territoriesfrom
fazendeirosand settlers by generating popular sympathy and political
support. On the other hand, it limits how they can use their land. For
example, whenever a particularIndian community decides to clear
largeforestedareasfor cattle ranchesor sell off timberas a meansof de-
veloping economically (i.e., when they choose to act in ways counterto
the romanticized territorializationof Indianness),they find that the
supportof the public and environmentalgroups begins to erode. In a
sense, then, they are symbolicallytrapped.They can remainpoor and
thereforehighly vulnerableto the forces of the internationalcapitalist
economy (as well as very dependent on the state for their well-being),
or they can attempt to develop economically, to assert their sover-
eignty, and to become more financiallyautonomousbut ultimatelyrisk
losing their territoryby jeopardizing the symbolic foundation upon
which their control of these landsis partiallycontingent.
Another likely reason that eastern Indiansare less critical of the
Noble Savage territorializationof Indiannessis linked to the fact that
eastern Indiansare more "environmentalfriendly."The Atlantic rain
forestused to define the physical geography of much of easternBrazil.
As a result of massive deforestation,only about two percent of it re-
mains,makingit one of the most devastatedforestsin the world. More-
over, garbage,untreatedchemicals (used in mining), and raw sewage
are dumpedinto riversso that most riversare essentiallydead. Even in
remote, mountainousnon-Indiantowns, I was surprisedby how rareit
was to see any tracesof wildlife. FranceWinddanceTwinewrites:
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deforested does not remaintreeless. This is not true for easternBrazil.
When travelingthrough this region, I am always shocked by the vast
stretchesof territorythat had at one time been rainforestbut now stand
barren-littered only by tall grass(capoeira)and an occasionalcow.
EasternIndianterritoriesproved to be one of the rareexceptions
to this rule. Indian territory was noticeable because the areas con-
trolled by the Indianswere more forested,whereasnon-Indianterrains
were treeless. Lands were cleared for farming and grazing, but re-
growth was valued and actively encouraged. Subsequently,in Indian
country, I would frequentlysee various forms of wildlife that I never
came acrosselsewhere in Brazil.
The different relationships to the environment manifested in
subtlerways as well. These were reflectedin the knowledge and stories
associated with the forest. In general non-Indiansknew little of the
medicinal value of plants, and typically the only word they had for
plant life was mata,which means "forest"as well as (perhapsonly co-
incidentally)"tokill or to destroy"in the third-personpresent.Eastern
Indians,on the other hand, tended to be much more knowledgeable
about plant life and were very proud of this fact. For example, when
walking in the countryside, they would constantly point to certain
vegetation, give me its indigenous name, and explain to me how it
could be used.44
Another matterthat underscoredthe contrastingrelationshipto
the land was the namesthat were given to the surroundinggeography.
In other places I have lived in the world, be they in Europeor North
America, people have tended to name surroundinghills and moun-
tains. This was not true of non-Indiansin eastern Brazil.Wherever I
would go, I would point to a hill or small mountain and ask what its
namewas. The look I would receive for a responsewas one of, "Areyou
crazy?"EasternIndians, in contrast, frequentlynamed their hills and
other significant geographical sites. And even in those cases where
they had no names for places, the question I posed did not seem to
raise doubts about my sanity as it did for non-Indians.Instead they w
would explain that they did not know their names because they had >
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With eastern Indians, by contrast, I never had the impression
that their imageryof the forest was being affected by a "demonic,sav-
age"vision of the wilderness.Indianshad a wider rangeof stories asso-
ciated with the forest-both positive and negative. An exampleof this
range is the central deity of the Patax6, Pai da Mata (Fatherof the
Forest). Pai da Mata is a tricksterfigurewho is responsible for certain
mischievousevents, such as huntersgetting lost for days on end. Buthe
is also considered to be a source of power to whom one should pray
and pay respect.
In short, then, I would concur with Arei Patax6'sdescription of
the differencesbetween Indians'and non-Indians'dealing with the en-
vironmentas one of preservationversusdestruction:
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A QUESTION OF SPACE FOR IDENTITY
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given the contestedness of their racialidentity claims. Furthermore,as
I have outlined in detail, Indiannessis territorializedas being "of na-
ture."Within this symboliccontext, one can easily imaginehow Indians
would almost feel compelled to have a territory,a land, a nature in
orderto demonstrateracialauthenticity.
Another reasonwhy easternIndianswant land is that it provides
a means of physical survival-of bettering one's materialconditions.
Thus, eastern Indianscrave land for precisely the same reasons that
so many other peasantsin Brazilare fighting for land. It enables them
to produce food to eat and to generate some income. PuhuiPataxo, a
vice-caciqueand Indianactivist,expressedwell this particularmotivation
for land in one of his poems:
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Krenak. They became so dissatisfied and desperate to find a place
where they could have their own aldeiathat they considered leaving
before finding another location to settle. Finally, in 1994 they were
granteda few hundredacresby an ItalianCatholic bishop nearAracuaf
in Minas Gerais.
Once there, with some financialhelp fromNGOs and FUNAI,52
they immediatelybegan constructing a new aldeiaaccording to what
they defined as a "traditionalPankararuvillage."The six houses were
placed to form a large rectangle about two hundred yards long and
eighty yards wide. In the center of this rectangle were placed a large
area for ritualand ceremonial dances, a spiritualhouse, and an edifice
for meetings. These communal structureswere made out of "tradi-
tional"building materials:bamboo with grass roofs. The houses in
which they lived were made out of clay bricksand red tile roofs (which
is typical of homes in this region) and had indoor toilets and showers.
They modified these buildings by adding a large extended front ve-
randa, where they could socialize and make their artesenato (handi-
crafts)to sell. Finallythe village'sentrancewas specificallyconstructed
to face the sun as it rises.All of these modificationsand specific designs
were defined by them as "importantfeaturesof a traditionalPankararu
village."
Why this family left their formerhome and what they did once
they arrivedin their new territoryunderscorewhy I arguethat land as
space for identity is what fuelsmuch of the passionthat easternIndians
have for land and its demarcation.What seemed of centralconcern to
the Pankararuwas not the opportunityto fulfilla spiritualconnection
to the land but ratherthe chance to have a space that they could cul-
turallydefine.They alreadyhad land fromwhich they could physically
subsist, that allowed them to be close to nature,that enabled them to
symbolically distinguish themselves as Indians, and so on. But what
they most longed for was land on which they could enact a Pankararu
world. That is, what seemed most importantto them was the opportu-
nity to be able to define a geographicspace with architectureand daily 3
ritualsso as to articulateand naturalizea distinctive Pankararuway of >
0
NOTES N
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NOTES
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NOTES
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NOTES
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