Professional Documents
Culture Documents
ANNETTE LAREAU
University of Pennsylvania
ELLIOT B. WEININGER
SUNY College at Brockport
Background/Context: Most research on “elite” schools has focused on the private sector.
However, as a result of economic residential segregation, a number of public school districts
exist which may plausibly be construed as socioeconomically elite. Districts of this sort remain
relatively understudied. In particular, few researchers have noted the fact that the same mech-
anism that concentrates substantial wealth in elite districts—the real estate market—also
tends to concentrate substantial noneconomic resources.
Purpose/Objective: Our paper examines the consequences of the abundance of cultural,
social, and symbolic capital held by parents in one elite district, which we call Kingsley.
During the period in which we collected data, the district administration sought to re-draw
attendance boundaries for the two high schools in Kingsley. We show how shifting coalitions
of parents made use of the full range of available resources in opposing, or in some instances
supporting, district officials’ plans.
Research Design, Data Collection, and Analysis: We carried out a qualitative case study of
the year-long redistricting process. Our data include copies of letters and emails sent to the
district during the redistricting process, transcriptions of all school board meetings that took
place during the process, and over 1,800 postings to two online discussion boards devoted
to the process. These data were systematically coded by the research team. We also draw on
articles in the press, observational data, and interviews for background information.
Findings/Results: District administrators were subject to a torrent of “data” and “research find-
ings” that parents used to criticize the district’s proposed plans. Parents frequently employed
their professional expertise to directly challenge arguments put forth by officials in order to justify
proposed policies. Furthermore, they drew on elaborate interpersonal networks in order to pool
complementary forms of expertise and to mobilize large numbers of like-minded residents. Behind
their challenges lay a sense of entitlement that rendered them unwilling to defer to the author-
ity of the administration to make decisions concerning the needs of the system. While no single
criticism was decisive, the ongoing challenges to proposed policies forced the district into a per-
manently defensive posture, resulting in a reduction of the board’s ability to use its own expert
knowledge to decide which institutional policies would best serve students’ needs.
Conclusions/Recommendations: We suggest that elite districts may be prone to a distinctive
type of conflict between residents and policymakers. As economic segregation increases, it is
possible that more districts will experience these challenges.
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On the basis of this case study, we suggest that elite schools and school
districts contain an inherent potential for conflict—in particular, between
residents and officials, including educational administrators. The source
of this potential lies in one of their “structural” features: the same mecha-
nism that concentrates substantial wealth in small geographic areas—the
real estate market—also tends to concentrate substantial cultural, social,
and symbolic capital. Consequently, we argue, residents of these districts
possess an array of resources that may be sufficient to obstruct the inten-
tions of school and district officials. The result, at least in extreme cases,
can be institutional paralysis.1
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Table 1. Characteristics of Some Elite Public School Districts in the USa
Price
Ratio
Degree
Income
Student
/State)b
Courses
Scoresc,d
Price Lunch
Professional
Median Home
Unique AP/IB
School District
Expenditure per
% White or Asian
% with Graduate/
USNWR Rank (US
Student-to-Teacher
% Free / Reduced-
Median Household
Average SAT /ACT
Newton Public (MA) $108,686 $685,400 91 39 $17,656 13:1 8 237/11 18 SAT: 1220
Scarsdale Union Free (NY) $238,000 $950,000 92 51 $23,517 11:1 0 315/47 17 SAT: 1284
Radnor Township (PA) $90,713 $621,499 94 34 $15,847 13:1 5 432/6 18 SAT: 1159 ACT: 24.5
Teachers College Record, 120, 010303 (2018)
Hinsdale Township HS
$150,024 $814,704 94 32 $15,467 16:1 0 235/6 25 ACT: 26.4
District 86 (IL)
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Palo Alto Unified (CA) $118,989 $916,644 88 43 $13,411 18:1 9 152/29 19 SAT: 1289 ACT: 27.2
Mercer Island (WA) $119,000 $891,337 92 32 $9,711 20:1 2 559/14 19 SAT: 1189 ACT: 26.5
National $49,103 $221,800 68 11 $10,615 16:1 —- —- —- SAT: 1017 ACT: 21.1
a
All figures refer to specific years between 2009 and 2012 (except for the national SAT value, which is for 2008). We have omit-
ted indicators of which year each figure corresponds to in order to streamline the table. This information is available from the
authors upon request.
b
US News and World Report rankings of public high schools.
c
SAT averages are sums of math and critical reading scores (maximum possible value is 1600).
d
ACT averages are based on composite scores (maximum possible value is 36).
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Research Methodology
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Table 2. Data Sources and Methods of Analysis
Primary Data Source Description Method of Analysis
Emails and letters ~3,000 unique emails and letters sent by After reading dozens of emails, letters, board meeting transcripts, and
sent to district office parents and other community mem- posts to two online discussion groups focused on the redistricting, we
bers to the Kingsley School District inductively developed a coding scheme (see Table A1).
Superintendent and/or Board during A team of research assistants coded a shared subset of documents and met
the redistricting process to discuss code usage until code use was reliable.
Each research assistant coded a subset of the remaining documents, and
the team of coders continued to meet regularly to discuss ambiguities and
discrepancies in the application of codes.
Posts to online dis- 2 online discussion groups After reading dozens of emails, letters, board meeting transcripts, and
cussion groups 300 conversation threads, with a total of posts to two online discussion groups focused on the redistricting, we
Teachers College Record, 120, 010303 (2018)
1,800 messages posted inductively developed a coding scheme (see Table A1).
~300 unique parent participants (based A team of research assistants coded a shared subset of documents and met
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on unique email addresses) to discuss code usage until code use was reliable.
Each research assistant coded a subset of the remaining documents, and
the team of coders continued to meet regularly to discuss ambiguities and
discrepancies in the application of codes.
Transcripts of school Transcripts of each of the 18 school After reading dozens of emails, letters, board meeting transcripts, and
board meetings board meetings devoted to the topic of posts to two online discussion groups focused on the redistricting, we
redistricting inductively developed a coding scheme (see Table A1).
Approximately 800 transcribed pages A team of research assistants coded a shared subset of documents and met
to discuss code usage until code use was reliable.
Each research assistant coded a subset of the remaining documents, and
the team of coders continued to meet regularly to discuss ambiguities and
discrepancies in the application of codes.
Background Data
Description Method of Analysis
Source
Interviews Interviews (10) with: Read and re-read, but since we interviewed a range of actors in very differ-
Current superintendent ent positions, we did not see a uniform coding scheme as valuable. Instead
Former superintendent we noted themes by hand and searched for disconfirming evidence.
Administrative assistant to
superintendent
School board member
Educational expert consulted by superin-
tendent and parents
Kingsley parents (5)
Fieldnotes from Observations at Kingsley schools, school Coded using inductively developed coding scheme (see Table A1).
observations board meetings, informal community
meetings, community events
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Newspaper and tele- Collection of articles and television cov- Read and re-read, but not systematically coded.
vision coverage erage related to the redistricting issue
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Teachers College Record, 120, 010303 (2018)
The emails and letters, board meeting transcripts, and discussion board
posts are the primary data for the paper. In addition to these primary
sources, we also collected background information, which included obser-
vations, interviews, and newspaper articles and television coverage related
to the redistricting process. We observed eight board meetings and a com-
munity fundraiser related to the redistricting process. At these events we
introduced ourselves as trying to learn more about the school community
and how parents decided where to live. We wrote detailed field notes after
each visit.
We also conducted in-depth interviews (90 minutes to 2 hours in length)
with both the outgoing and the incoming superintendents of Kingsley,
with the superintendent’s administrative assistant, and with a board mem-
ber elected after the redistricting process was complete. Additionally, we
interviewed an educational expert who had been consulted by parents
and by the superintendent. We also interviewed five parents who were
involved in the redistricting process. We recruited these parents at the
redistricting board meetings, at a “pizza dinner” fundraiser, and by seek-
ing referrals from other parents. In these parent interviews, we gained
additional insight into parents’ motivations for being active in the redis-
tricting process, how much time they devoted to the process, and the ways
in which they drew on their professional expertise. Since the emails and
letters, meeting transcripts, and discussion board posts offered a more
comprehensive portrait of parents’ involvement in the redistricting pro-
cess, in our analysis we relied on them more heavily than the interviews.
After reading the emails, letters, meeting transcripts, and discussion
board posts, we developed a coding scheme to capture key themes with-
in and across these data sources. (See Tables A1 and A2 for the coding
scheme and sample coded excerpts). The data from each of these sources
were coded systematically with a vigorous search for disconfirming evi-
dence. For example, we looked closely for claims that the high schools at
the center of the redistricting plans were different in quality, particularly
academic quality. In order to develop consistency and agreement across
the codes, we met weekly as a team to discuss codes or data excerpts about
which we had disagreements or questions. The coding was primarily done
by undergraduate and graduate research assistants who were closely su-
pervised by the third author.3
Due to concerns about protecting the confidentiality of the school dis-
trict, in some descriptions of the district we have omitted identifying infor-
mation (including the time period of our research) or have made minor
modifications that do not bear on the substance of the results. All names
are pseudonyms.
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less affluent part of the district and has both large suburban homes and
duplexes with small yards; it is on one edge of the district boundary. Near
Southfield High School is Laurelhurst, where large houses sit on two- and
three-acre lots.
Historically, Kingsley has had two high schools: Southfield and Kingsley
High. With approximately 700 students, Southfield was the smaller of
the two, while Kingsley High had roughly 1,400 students. The two high
schools were very similar in terms of students’ scores on state-mandat-
ed tests, the SATs, and AP tests (Table 3). Ten years prior to this study,
the Kingsley School Board convened a special commission to assess the
need to modernize the aging school buildings. Drawing in part on so-
cial science research about school size, the board decided that rather
than renovate the high schools or create one very large high school for
the district, they would build two new ones that would be equal in size.
The school board acknowledged that redistricting would ultimately be
required to balance enrollments.
Table 3. Academic Achievement at Southfield and Kingsley
Southfield Kingsley 2008 State/
High School High School National Average
2008 State-Mandated Test:
Mathematics 1578 1535 State – 1330
(mean scale score)
2008 State-Mandated Test: Reading
1555 1535 State – 1350
(mean scale score)
2008 SAT 1 State – 1464
1690 1726
(average score out of 2400) National – 1501
(Public Schools)
Advanced Placement Tests: Scores of
84% 89% State – 64%
3, 4, or 5
National – 61%
Advanced Placement Courses: (Public Schools)
3.96 3.92
Mean Grade Point Average National – 2.83
Continuing Program of Higher
96% 94% 75%
Education
Source: Kingsley School District website
At the time of the study, the district was reaching the completion of
the first new high school: the new Southfield building was scheduled to
open in the fall. Redistricting was required to shift approximately 400 stu-
dents from Kingsley to Southfield. Due to historical residential patterns,
the majority of families lived on the north side of the district. Kingsley
was the closest high school for approximately two-thirds of the children
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in the district; thus, many of the 400 students who would be moved from
Kingsley High to Southfield would inevitably drive past Kingsley on their
way to school. In a district 5 miles in length, this would increase students’
travel time. For most students, the increase would be roughly 5 to 10 min-
utes, for a total bus ride of approximately 25 minutes in length. For some
students the ride would be considerably longer. However, none would
be longer than 45 minutes. Many parents’ interventions appeared to be
aimed at making sure that their children would not be among those re-
quired to shift to Southfield High.
Realizing that there was significant unease in the community, district of-
ficials began taking steps to address families’ concerns about redistricting
before releasing a plan. The process then unfolded in stages, with the dis-
trict revising its plan numerous times in response to community concerns.
For reasons of confidentiality, our manuscript does not delve into the spe-
cifics of the various plans that were presented by the district, the people in
the district who were in favor of and opposed to each plan, or the nuances
of the rationales held by the parents for their opposition to or support for
particular plans. Nor do we provide a comprehensive description of how
the conflict unfolded. Instead, we seek to present to provide the narrative
detail necessary to contextualize our analysis of parents’ use of cultural,
social, and symbolic capital when intervening in the process.
Prior to the release of a plan, the district sought to assure parents that
the process would be carried out in a way that respected their values and
had the best interests of their children at heart. For example, the district
organized a series of forums 4 months before releasing its first plan. At the
forums, an established educational researcher, acting as a consultant, led
a process in which parents, working initially in small groups, were asked
to discuss the key values that underlay their commitment to their com-
munities. With the consultant’s guidance, the larger group then identified
a set of core values shared among residents and discussed ways in which
these values could and should inform the redistricting process.4 Months
later, at the meeting in which the first redistricting plan was presented to
the public, district officials suggested that these core values had guided
the district’s policy recommendations. As one of the slides declared: “All
decisions have been made on objective criteria and in the best interest of
students and the school district and on no other basis.”
In an effort to be responsive to community concerns, the district in-
troduced four different plans. As the school district’s designs shifted, the
substance of parents’ concerns shifted as well. Parents’ concerns generally
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centered around a few issues: ability to walk to school, length of bus ride,
peer continuity from middle school to high school, desire to remain with
children in the same neighborhood, racial and ethnic diversity in enroll-
ment, and feelings that the district’s policy change was being unfairly
borne by some families more than others. Each of the four plans “grand-
fathered” in current high school students, but they varied in terms of the
size and scope of the “walk zone” for students living in the area of each
high school. In some versions, high school students who lived slightly over
a mile from one high school were bused to the other to equalize enroll-
ment. Furthermore, as the high schools’ catchment boundaries shifted,
the feeder patterns from the elementary schools and middle schools
changed. In some plans students from the same middle school would have
gone to different high schools.
At any given stage in the process, some parents would express support
for the current version of the plan while others expressed opposition.
Both supporters and opponents mobilized collectively in response to the
various plans proposed by the district. In the end, the school district did
pass a redistricting plan, it was enacted, and a lawsuit was filed by parents
in response that did not prevail. Our goal in describing these events is
analytic. Even when parents were mobilizing in support of one of the dis-
trict’s proposed plans, as we illustrate below, they brought immense stores
of cultural, social, and symbolic capital to bear as they rallied behind their
preferred plan and against the efforts of the equally well-resourced par-
ents who opposed it.
The redistricting process was a dramatic community event that con-
sumed countless hours of time and significant emotional energy on the
part of parents, children, and educators. There were numerous articles in
the local newspaper, letters to the editor, community meetings, protests,
petitions, and conversations related to the redistricting. The process un-
folded over most of a school year. Many of the school board meetings in-
cluded between 80 and 100 public speakers, large protest signs, petitions,
follow-up emails, and visibly angry parents. While board meetings prior
to the redistricting process were usually perfunctory, the highly-charged
redistricting meetings often lasted until after midnight. Children spoke
first so they did not have to stay late into the night. Parents from different
neighborhoods sat together, often in color-coded outfits to provide a vis-
ible representation of their strength.
Parents had high levels of emotional intensity around where the school
attendance lines would be drawn.5 This is apparent, for example, in field
notes written by the first author about a meeting in which a new plan
was presented:
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After the meeting ends a group goes up behind the table to crane
their necks up to try to find the lines. They seem anxious. Four white
moms talk about it with the board President. They are disagreeing.
Slowly it dawns on them. They have been moved to Southfield. At
first they are in disbelief and unsure if they have heard properly.
The board President does not seem to be picking up [on their
reaction] and says loudly and firmly, “NO, ALL of Oaksboro is at
Southfield. Oaksboro borough is at Southfield.” . . . The moms
look at each other with stunned looks. A youngish woman with a
mop of blond curls and freckles looks outraged. She slowly shakes
her head. She mutters angrily. As she comes around the table her
friend gives her a shove on the shoulder of her grey sweatshirt and
commands, “Walk! Walk to get out of here before you kill some-
body.” The three of them stride off out of the auditorium.
Some parents got together in groups, right in the auditorium, to caucus:
Behind me a group of six moms are coming together. One mom is
crying. Her eyes are red. A friend is saying, “We will fight it!” Crying
mom is saying, “It is not fair.” She appears to be devastated. Another
mom comes over and somewhat earnestly says to the other moms
that they have to get together to fight it. Another mom (petite, in
jeans and sweater) is pacing around (loudly) talking on her cell:
“No! We do not have a map! It will be posted tomorrow. It was very
NEGLIGENT of the consultant not to bring a map. I just think it was
NEGLIGENT of him not to bring a map. Now we have to wait all the
way until tomorrow!” She is agitated. She is saying a few minutes later,
“This is just not fair.” “How am I going to tell my 12-year-old?”
In interviews, speeches to the school board, online-group posts, emails
to the district, and informal conversations with other parents after board
meetings, parents reported feeling distressed by the redistricting process.
Some reported losing sleep over the matter.
The incoming superintendent, when asked in one of our interviews to
draw a weather analogy describing the redistricting process, described it
as a “damaging” event:
Q: If you had to use a weather analogy, what would it be, hurri-
cane, tornado, storm, thunderstorm, drizzle?
A: It was way more than a drizzle. I would say it was a Nor’easter.
You know, it blew up, and then it was just intense changing winds
over a long period of time, damaging winds…better than 60 or 70
miles an hour.
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When parents protested the various redistricting plans, they rarely voiced
their concerns solely in terms of the impact these plans would have on their
families. Rather, they presented arguments that had a more general scope.
In the process of developing these arguments, the parents frequently drew
on their own professional knowledge and skills. They coupled this expertise
with a willingness and ability to activate existing social networks and to forge
new ties in a manner geared toward developing a mobilized group that
could act as an effective counterweight to both the district administration
and the board. Taken together, these activities suggested a significant expec-
tation of deference from administrators and officials on the part of parents.
Professional Expertise
To contest the various redistricting plans that were proposed, parents worked
hard to develop compelling arguments that had an “objective” basis. A num-
ber, for example, cited studies in peer-reviewed journals. Others approached
recognized experts on child development and then quoted statements they
provided. Still others analyzed census data on the neighborhoods in the dis-
trict or gathered information that was directly relevant to the issues being
disputed (e.g., by using a stopwatch to measure the time needed to drive be-
tween two points). In doing so, they frequently drew on the cultural capital
constituted by their professional and occupational knowledge.
For example, in her comments on an online message board, one moth-
er used her professional skills to critically assess how the district’s hired
consultant had presented calculations related to race and ethnicity in the
Kingsley District. Declaring her professional status, she presented her con-
cerns to other parents:
The consultant reported the [race/ethnicity] counts only. As a
professional planner, I am concerned [with] the way the data is
presented. By not showing the percent distribution, readers can-
not comprehend the magnitude. (Emily Zang, parent posting to
online message board)
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Ms. Zang wrote long memos about the issues involved in projecting
school enrollments, and she carefully scrutinized all of the figures pre-
sented by the district. She also calculated her own figures to support her
anti-busing stance:
Based on the assumptions stated, the Morrisville neighborhood
collectively spent about 66,000 hours more for traveling to
Southfield [High School]. Of which the students spent 54,000
hours while parents drive 12,700 hours extra. The financial bur-
den is about $260 for each family who drives to school each year.
It does not cover the expense in additional [electrical] lighting….
in the morning. The school bus fleet uses at least 32,000 miles
more. Since some buses used compressed natural gas, I cannot
estimate the gallons of gasoline and the actual financial burden.
(Emily Zang, parent posting to online message board)
Other parents also used their specialized knowledge to perform sta-
tistical analyses or to double-check the figures the district had pre-
sented. Several parents collectively revised the district’s enrollment
projections, and others compiled data collected via stopwatches to
determine travel times between neighborhoods and schools at various
points during the school day. Bringing a different type of experience
to bear on the situation, one mother advised her peers on how to gen-
erate media coverage:
If we want media coverage (do we?), this is the kind of thing that
is likely to bring them out. Mention to the assignment desk coor-
dinator that you expect a large community turnout as well. They
like things they can get good pictures of. Just people standing
around talking doesn’t usually do it, but the chance of a HUGE
group with a political candidate there could tip the scales. A te-
dious, long press release faxed to the desk won’t even make it
past the circular file. It has to be BRIEF (emphasize Morrisville’s
isolation with possible racial diversity manipulation as hooks?). —
Meg Evans (no longer in TV News–thank goodness!) (Meg Evans,
parent posting to online message board)
Parents living in the same neighborhoods (and, therefore, facing the
same changes posed by the redistricting designs) frequently collaborated
with each other as they challenged or supported the board’s most recent
redistricting design. Contributors to the online discussion groups shared
with each other the tables, charts, and spreadsheets they had created in
support of or opposition to the board’s designs:
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Yet another parent highlighted her professional role and its relationship
to how she saw the redistricting process:
As a mother and pediatrician, I understand the significance of
the transition from middle to high school. I also recognize the
importance of peers and continuity to make this sometimes diffi-
cult transition proceed as smoothly as possible. (Karen Essington,
parent speaking at a board meeting)
Other parents attending the public-comment sessions of district board
meetings read statements written and submitted by prominent research-
ers they had contacted about the educational significance of maintaining
grade cohorts from kindergarten through 12th grade or of limiting stu-
dents’ separation from peers. One parent addressed the board:
I went to the research…and I reached out to the people at uni-
versities, and I didn’t just take the research, I talked to them….
I want to share with you—and I have the research, I’ve sent it to
the [district’s] website, but I want to—I’ve shared their emails.
I just want to share them with you here because I know you get
thousands of emails. (Dan Crocker, parent speaking at a board
meeting)
Indeed, invocations of authority were not uncommon. One parent be-
gan his allotted 2-minute speaking slot by saying, “I’m going to read a
statement from Dr. Laura Isendorf, who is a noted psychologist.” Another
began, “I will be using my two minutes tonight to read a letter addressed
to the board by Dr. Elizabeth Fox, Associate Professor of Education at [a
local university].” At the same meeting, two more parents read statements
submitted by academic researchers attesting to the educational signifi-
cance of school transitions and feeder patterns.6
In sum, the parents who involved themselves in the redistricting process
brought to bear an array of resources connected to or deriving from their
educational attainment and professional expertise, which they repeatedly
shared with other parents in their community. These resources included
their own professional and occupational knowledge, their access to pub-
lished research, and their possession of the skills needed to conduct origi-
nal research and statistical analyses. While this deployment of resources
had numerous consequences, among the most important was the creation
of a reserve of credible, expertly-sanctioned knowledge that provided a
warrant for dissension from the administration’s claim that its proposed
plan was in the best interest of the students. Parents’ collective activation
of this knowledge made it more difficult for the district to implement the
policy change.
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The mobilization of parents via the online discussion boards and the
caucus meetings could be seen at each of the school board meetings de-
voted to public comment on the redistricting designs. At these meetings
parents from various areas in the district tended to sit together and to
wear the same color to show their solidarity in support of or opposition to
the plan being discussed. For example, on one of the discussion boards, a
parent encouraged others to wear navy blue to the board meeting to indi-
cate support for their desired redistricting design. She wrote:
I’d like to alert you that many from the Morrisville area will be
wearing navy blue attire in honor of our school colors. Please feel
free to wear navy as well…the Morrisville contingent will be sitting
near the front, to the left of center (to the left as one faces the
stage). Please feel free to sit there if you are so inclined. (Carly
Frisk, parent posting to online message board)
Mobilization and “rallying of the troops” were common among the par-
ents on the discussion boards. Another parent used an online discussion
board to cajole her fellow parents to attend a board meeting. She wrote:
As a last minute plea, I am asking all of us to turn out tonight for
the school board meeting for the final vote on redistricting.… I
have heard from a very reliable source that there will be media
coverage at tonight’s meeting. If the only people attending are
people against the current plan, it will look like the school board
is voting against the public will. We need to show that the general
public is FOR this plan. Please come tonight. (Marta Norris, par-
ent posting to online message board)
Online discussion boards served not only as a means of exchanging in-
formation, research findings, and strategies for approaching the board;
they also functioned as venues for the discussion of strategies of how
to best use the information gained from the activation of network ties.
Parents contacted colleagues and acquaintances who might possess spe-
cialized knowledge of their own. For example, several parents who were
university professors contacted colleagues in departments of education
and psychology who might be able to supply relevant research findings.
One such parent posted on a discussion board:
I have spoken with my [local university] colleagues in Social Work,
Psychology, AND Education, and they all emphasize the difficul-
ties of transitioning from ES [elementary school] to MS [middle
school] and the need for support and familiarity. (Natalie Narconi
Hotham, parent posting to online message board)
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large number of people wishing to speak at these meetings, the board devised
a policy that allowed each person to speak for only 2 minutes. Those who
wished to comment were required to sign up at the beginning of the meeting.
During one of these meetings, which was scheduled to begin at 8:00 pm,
parents arrived more than an hour early and began circulating their own
sign-up sheet. When the superintendent’s administrative assistant, Gwen
Lannon, arrived at 7:00, there was already a list with 41 names on it. Many
of the names were in the same handwriting and bright green ink, as one
person appeared to have signed up 20 people. Ms. Lannon felt that she
“didn’t have a handle on it,” and for the next meeting the district took
organizational steps to assert control. District officials announced that
parents could sign up beginning at 7:00, and if they arrived before 7:00,
they should sit in the first row of the auditorium, and the district officials
would take signatures in the order in which the parents sat. As Ms. Lannon
indicated in an interview, even with these rules in place, parents tried to
work the system to their advantage:
They weren’t allowed [to sign-up more than one person], but if
I turned my back—because at the point I had to sort of just do a
little work setting up the table—they would. If I was there, they
didn’t. I wouldn’t let them, but—it’s amazing how quickly we can
revert to childhood. (Gwen Lannon, interview)
Of course some parents in the district did not activate network ties or
make use of their organizational skills during the redistricting conflict.
Some were not concerned with possible changes that would move their
child from one elite high school to another equally elite high school. For
example, one mother reported refusing to allow a large red-and-white sign
opposing the district’s plan to be placed on her corner lot. Her neighbor
was angry, but the mother felt that the district’s plans were fine.
Parental Stance
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TCR, 120, 010303 Parental Challenges to Organizational Authority in an Elite School District
It may very well be the best solution for the overall Kingsley school
district—but it is NOT the best solution for us Morrisville families
and therefore you really should be obligated to show us that our
hardship is the best way for all of Kingsley. Furthermore, if our
hardship is indeed the best way, then we should be compensated
for this hardship in ways that directly impact our specific fami-
lies, children, and school experience. Tangible enhancements
to the Southfield school experience (both extracurricular and
curricular), various methods of shortening the school bus travel
time, and any other ways that our pain can be minimized—would
be minimal acceptable compensation for the hardship you are
asking our families to endure. (Fred Gibbons, email to Kingsley
School District)
In addition to demanding compensation for what they felt were unrea-
sonable hardships resulting from the redistricting designs, parents were
also harsh in their criticism of the board:
I just saw the proposed redistricting [design]. To say it is awful is
an understatement. Your administration have [sic] concocted a
scheme seriously lacking contiguity that rivals the last round of
congressional district gerrymandering. (Ted Braxton, email to
Kingsley School District)
Another parent insisted that the plan made “no sense” given the dis-
tance her children would have to travel:
Southfield HS is at the VERY OTHER END OF TOWN FROM
MORRISVILLE! It is approximately 4 miles away when Kingsley
HS is only approximately 1.5 miles! It makes no sense to have my
children traveling all that distance when EVERY OTHER CHILD
in the township lives closer to Southfield than my children do!
(Calvin and Monica Hughes, email to Kingsley School District)
Some parents were insistent that—by virtue of the fact that they paid
taxes and participated in municipal elections—the school board must not
“ignore” them:
I hope that the public comment meetings are not just for show and
that you might possibly listen to our opinions and make a change
to the proposed plan. I believe the impact on these teenagers has
been brushed under the rug. We don’t pay taxes and vote to be
ignored. (Sara Ellerby, email to Kingsley School District)
25
Teachers College Record, 120, 010303 (2018)
26
TCR, 120, 010303 Parental Challenges to Organizational Authority in an Elite School District
I wanted to write to say thank you to all board members for taking
the time to be there and listen to all of us last night. It is a difficult
thing to do…. I understand the need to limit time to two minutes
per person but it was not enough to speak coherently and get my
point across. In the future, I suggest we start the meeting at 7:00
pm so everyone can say what they need to say face-to-face. After
all, it is an extremely important decision for the children affect-
ed. Personally, face-to-face discussions are more productive than
sending emails and hoping they are read by ALL Board members.
(Mark Smith, email to Kingsley School District)
Comments such as these implied that parents considered it appropri-
ate to evaluate the performance of the administration and the board
in terms of substance and procedure. Although there may have been
some who felt powerless or intimidated, the emails, letters, and speeches
were striking in the stance parents took. Parents did not automatically
defer to the authority or expertise of the public school board as they
demanded institutional changes that reflected their priorities. Indeed,
some parents we interviewed described their peers as out of control, as
these parents of a child in kindergarten complained when discussing
parents in their son’s school:
Mr. Thorne: What I’m finding out in Kingsley, you can make a
video called “Parents Gone Wild”.… Parents are out of control
sometimes. Some parents are out of control.
Mrs. Thorne: They demand, they always expect to get, and when
they don’t get it, it’s a problem.
Mr. Thorne: Because the parents are people of privilege. So if
they say, “My child should have that teacher” and it doesn’t work
that way. In the public school, you get assigned a teacher. Period.
Could you imagine if every parent could come in and say [which
teacher they want for their child]…. Number one, teachers would
lose control of the school, and number two, it would be pande-
monium up there, because if Drew now has a best friend and his
[friend’s] parent told the school he wants to go into that class,
and then we would want to go to that class, and his best friend is
in that class, he wants to be in that class!
Thus, Mr. Thorne explicitly recognized the organizational challenges
educators faced when working with parents possessing ample cultural and
social resources. Parents’ expectations and requests required significant
time and attention from school and district administrators.
27
Teachers College Record, 120, 010303 (2018)
Parents were not the only ones who mobilized against redistricting plans;
children also played a role. Given the significance that redistricting car-
ried for the parents who mobilized—and the time and effort they devoted
to critiquing the various plans—it is not surprising that their children were
highly cognizant of the issues. Some children became involved directly in
the process themselves.
At school board meetings, for instance, the district not only permitted
students to participate, but it arranged for them to be the first speakers of
the evening to avoid making them wait late into the night. Thus, at one
meeting a total of 12 students spoke. Prior to the start of the meeting, par-
ents could be observed consulting with their children on their statements
and providing them with feedback. Like their parents, the children sought
to make compelling and convincing arguments to the members of the
board. One student, for example, emphasized environmental concerns:
Hi, my name is Ashley Press. I live on Greene Road in Kingsley. I
am in fourth grade. I’m in the gifted support program, and we are
working on making the earth an environmentally friendly place.
We are working on getting solar panels for our schools to help
this global warming problem…. If you expand the walk zone for
Kingsley High School you can be helping too. By busing all of
these students to Southfield High School, it is just making the
Earth dirtier unnecessarily…. The environment means a whole
lot to me and my community, so if all of the students in our cur-
rent walk zone get bused to Southfield, it won’t only be affecting
the community but the environment…. My parents are really into
this, and when I found out what was happening with the redistrict-
ing it made me start to think about what I can do. (Ashley Press,
child speaking at a board meeting)
Later in the evening, Ashley’s father, Samuel, also spoke. While he in-
voked a number of grounds to deem the plan under consideration lack-
ing, he echoed his daughter when he concluded his statement by asserting
the community’s commitment to environmentalism:
We are an informed society as to what we are doing to this planet.
We as residents walk to local shopping centers and to Kingsley
High School. We do this for exercise, fresh air and to reduce the
carbon footprint. We recycle and reuse. We turn our heating and
cooling thermostats higher and lower as the season dictates so
as to use less energy. We invest in this community with solar heat
and electricity, geo-thermal heat, we insulate our homes better
28
TCR, 120, 010303 Parental Challenges to Organizational Authority in an Elite School District
than the average building code. All of this is to save our planet.
(Samuel Press, parent speaking at a board meeting)
Despite the fact that the auditorium seated 500 and the audience always
numbered over 100, the students appeared poised and confident as they
spoke. Hence, these students were not only observing their parents seek-
ing to alter institutional policies; some of them were gaining first-hand
experience in the process of intervening in institutions.
Not all parents were actively involved in the redistricting process, but in
a district of 6,500 students, our analysis found that over 300 people (with
unique email addresses) joined online discussion groups focused on the
issue. Multiple petitions were circulated, gathering almost 1,000 signa-
tures in a matter of weeks. We asked many people in the district if they
knew of any parents who were completely uninvolved in the redistricting
process, in that they did not know about it, did not follow the meetings,
and were unaware of the various redistricting plans. We could not find any
such parents.8 Even “uninvolved” parents followed the events, sometimes
drove the route to Southfield, talked to their friends, and shared opinions.
However, there was variation. For some parents, the redistricting process
consumed significant amounts of time and energy. In interviews parents
reported spending 1 to 2.5 hours per week as they sought to influence the
redistricting design adopted by the school board, as this father notes:
It wasn’t daily…one official meeting with the school board, once
a month for all three hours, then there were several community
meetings, there’s online stuff. You’d probably average it out for
me to maybe an hour and a half a week, maybe two hours a week,
figuring in talking, thinking and this and that. So it’d probably be
two, two-and-a-half hours a week for four months. You know, it’s a
sizeable, sizeable investment. (Kyle Kennison, interview)
Although a “sizeable investment” of time, this father (along with other
parents) felt it was critical to help shape his children’s education.
School Quality
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Teachers College Record, 120, 010303 (2018)
I think it’s important to remember all the kids are going to get
an excellent education. (Alissa Ryder, parent speaking at a board
meeting)
We’re really fortunate that they’re all great schools, and I’d be
thrilled to have my kid go to any of our schools. (Tom Winden,
parent speaking at a board meeting)
Indeed, in a variety of settings, parents often emphasized their belief
that Kingsley High and Southfield were both outstanding schools. Some
parents noted that the students attending Southfield come from wealthier
families than those attending Kingsley High School. These parents wor-
ried that their children would experience ill effects from being in school
with children from more affluent families. Others noted that histori-
cally Southfield High was more “intimate” than the larger Kingsley High
School. But in thousands of emails, dozens of hours of public commen-
tary, and countless private conversations, we did not hear claims that one
school was academically “better” than the other.
Hence, the debate about the redistricting designs never seemed to be
about school quality. Rather it was about accessibility to Kingsley via pub-
lic transportation (which was not possible at Southfield), distance from
home to school, length of bus rides, the potential for students to walk
to school, continuity of peers across school transitions, the creation of a
racially diverse and balanced study body, and a sense of community owner-
ship and attachment to Kingsley High School in particular. A key concern
was which neighborhoods would bear the brunt of a largely unpopular
school policy. The communities in which children were, in the end, redis-
tricted were bitter and angry at the result.
30
TCR, 120, 010303 Parental Challenges to Organizational Authority in an Elite School District
Discussion
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Teachers College Record, 120, 010303 (2018)
32
TCR, 120, 010303 Parental Challenges to Organizational Authority in an Elite School District
Acknowledgments
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Teachers College Record, 120, 010303 (2018)
Notes
1. This may represent a significant change from the situation that prevailed in
the past (resulting, presumably, from increased segregation). Consider, for exam-
ple, these remarks from research published in the 1960s:
The wide array of interests represented by parents with children at different
levels in the school system, located in different buildings, and representing
different class and ethnic groups rarely permits a sizable portion of school pa-
trons to organize around any particular grievance concerning their children’s
education. Many of the grievances which do emerge, moreover, are carried to
the teacher or to the building principal, and sometimes to the PTA [rather
than to the district level]. (Kerr, 1964)
2. In addition to Bourdieu (1986), see Lareau and Weininger (2003) on the
theory of cultural capital and Lin (2002) on the theory of social capital. We note
in passing that there are sociological studies which address related phenomena.
For example, Sampson (2012) argues that neighborhoods in which members have
shared feelings of social cohesion or trust and willingness to engage collectively
in social control exhibit positive outcomes in terms of health, altruistic behavior,
crime, and other social goods. The case we analyze here, however, hinges on the
pooling of resources that are highly class-specific.
3. We see qualitative studies to be about the meaning of socially-embedded in-
teraction. Hence we seek to highlight conceptual issues which are worthy of addi-
tional attention (Burawoy, 1998). Since the focus is on the interactional processes
and the patterns that emerge from these processes, our analysis relies primarily on
quotes which appear to us to capture the key themes strongly represented in the
primary data sources. Of course, it is also extremely difficult to know how many
parents exemplified a particular pattern, especially since parents’ positions and
actions shifted as the school district introduced (and withdrew) different plans
by which families would be redistricted. Hence, we have often used terms such as
“some” parents in our discussion. Following a wide variety of qualitative research-
ers, we have sought disconfirming evidence for our conclusions.
4. At the forums we attended, the core values that resulted from this process
tended to be quite similar. At one meeting, for example, the list was as follows:
walking distance, academic achievement and quality, parental engagement/in-
volvement, community, neighborhoods, diversity, continuity/stability in schools,
proximity to [central city] (arts, culture, sports).
5. There appeared to be a substantial gender imbalance in parents’ participa-
tion in interventions around redistricting, with mothers considerably more active
than fathers. However, this topic is beyond the scope of our analysis. For a discus-
sion of the gender division of labor and schooling, see Griffith and Smith (2004).
6. We analyzed complete transcripts of three board meetings at which comments
were invited from the public in order to determine how frequently speakers invoked
expertise in order to challenge a redistricting plan. Specifically, we searched for
mentions of “research,” “studies,” “experts,” “peer reviewed,” and “data.” Between
75 and 105 people spoke at each of these meetings. The frequency of invocations of
expertise ranged from 5% of speakers at one meeting to 22% at another.
34
TCR, 120, 010303 Parental Challenges to Organizational Authority in an Elite School District
7. Ms. Lannon introduced the term “sense of entitlement” into the interview.
The researcher did not use the term in any of the interview questions.
8. Readers and reviewers raised important questions about of the role of race
in these processes. Two issues surfaced. One concerns the core argument in the
paper on the ways that parents made use of their cultural, social, and symbolic
capital. The question is if there were racial differences in parents’ use of these
resources. Unfortunately, however, our main sources of data—the letters, listserv
posts, and board meetings transcriptions—do not contain information on the
background characteristics of writers/speakers (unless they chose to include these
in their remarks). Although our observations did not reveal differences in the ways
that African American and white parents utilized social networks and displayed a
sense of entitlement, our lack of systematic information on the race of writers/
speakers unfortunately precludes us from drawing a firm conclusion.
A second set of questions touch on issues which are more peripheral to the
paper: the criteria the district used in shaping the redistricting plan and whether
it was racially biased. Briefly, district officials asserted that they considered racial
and ethnic diversity to be a “core value,” but also claimed to be balancing compet-
ing priorities. The district revised its plan numerous times in response to parental
complaints. The fourth (and final) version of the plan required a large proportion
of students in the Oaksboro community to be bused to Southfield. Many Oaksboro
families felt that this plan disproportionately placed the burden of redistricting
on African American families, since they tended to live in this community. As with
other aspects of this case, we are not able to assess whether and how biases may
have entered into the formulation of different plans by district officials. But, the
final plan was introduced nine months into the redistricting battle, after there
had already been numerous protests at board meetings, thousands of emails and
letters sent to the district, petitions circulated, and many listservs created. Hence,
parents’ actions to thwart the district were well underway before the (bitter) com-
plaints of the Oaksboro community occurred.
Finally, we wish to note that the same data limitations which prevent us from
analyzing racial differences in parents’ actions also apply with regard to social
class. Kingsley is overwhelmingly inhabited by middle-class and upper-middle-class
families, but does contain some working-class residents (i.e., around 8% of the
students qualify for free or reduced-price lunch). While we would very much like
to be able to examine whether and how class relates to parents’ propensity to be
involved in the redistricting battles, it is not feasible, given the nature of the data.
9. The superintendent, for example, reported that over a 4-month period, be-
tween 70% and 80% of his working time was devoted to redistricting. Other key
administrators, such as the public relations officer and the district’s chief counsel,
were heavily involved as well.
10. We were initially told that the district received 8,000 emails. Many of these,
however, were duplicates: parents copied other parents and spouses, resent emails,
and submitted them through multiple channels. Thus, while there were only 3,000
unique emailed messages, the district nevertheless needed to sort, record, and file
many more.
35
Teachers College Record, 120, 010303 (2018)
11. Of course, elite districts are not the only districts to experience paren-
tal protest. For example, urban districts proposing school closures also have
triggered waves of protests. Although beyond the scope of this article, parent
mobilization in these urban protests appears to have a different character. For
example, while mobilization in these cases involves parents and other commu-
nity members, it also often involves significant participation from nonprofits and
community organizations.
12. Our findings thus suggest an extension of Lareau’s (2011) concept of “con-
certed cultivation.” Like the parents described by Lareau, the residents of Kingsley
exhibited a definite propensity to intervene in the operations of institutions that
serve their children. However, in the case of Kingsley, these interventions were
not carried out solely on an individual basis, and their goal was not simply to alter
the institutional experiences of an individual child. Rather, parents were trying to
change rules that impacted all of the children in an institution.
36
TCR, 120, 010303 Parental Challenges to Organizational Authority in an Elite School District
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Appendix
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