Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Andy Galata
AFAM 100
egalitarianism, the criminal justice system often defies this framework when dealing with its own
citizens. The decision-making power given to a small subset of individuals combined with
various societal and institutional tendencies and biases have corrupted many aspects of the legal
system, creating an environment full of unequal treatment and unfair sentencing. Few modern
legal experts understand this as well as Bryan Stevenson, an African American lawyer who has
dedicated his life to defending and representing those upon whom the system preys, especially
death row inmates, through his organization called the “Equal Justice Initiative” . In his book
Just Mercy, Stevenson details many of his experiences and cases he dealt with directly while
providing his own analysis of the criminal justice system in order to provoke thought and critical
examination on the part of the reader. After reading his book and considering his examples, it
becomes clear that the modern American justice system is widely defined by its harsh
punishment and lack of belief in rehabilitation while also showing direct signs of bias based on
race, class, mental health, and age, which reflects various societal issues from earlier periods of
American history.
The American justice system is fairly unique in how unforgiving it is towards its own
citizens. While earlier views on criminology and justice had allocated resources and adjusted
Galata 2
sentencing based on the idea of rehabilitation, public policy has changed over the last few
decades towards harsher punishments with a largely absent focus on reintegration into normal
society. Smaller crimes, specifically those involving drugs, saw a large increase in sentencing
length, and some states adopted strict mandatory sentencing practices and “three strikes”
frameworks that made sending a repeat offender to jail for life very easy. Overall, this drastic
rise in punishment and severity reflected public sentiment, although the reasons they were
enacted were largely political. Candidates who wanted to project authority and safety advertised
themselves as “tough on crime” because people tend to have little sympathy towards criminals
and deviants. Stevenson noted that this is especially common in states where judges have to be
elected; “Each judge competes to be the toughest on crime. The people financing these elections
are largely unconcerned with whatever modest differences exist between candidates on crime,
but punishment gets the votes,” (70). This shift in legislation created a large uptick in arrests and
led to America’s unusually high incarceration rate, which in turn made prison conditions much
worse as they became overcrowded and resources were spread thinner and thinner. Because of
this problem and the money that could be made by “fixing” it, prison sprang up at an alarming
rate as the 20th century came to a close, creating the “prison-industrial complex” which “made
imprisonment so profitable that millions of dollars were spent lobbying state legislators to keep
expanding the use of incarceration to respond to just about any problem,” (260). While crime
must be taken seriously and often cannot be dealt with gently, Stevenson thinks America resides
too far on the other end of the spectrum; the focus on punishment and profit is so large that it
eclipses the collective humanity, which is why Stevenson finds it so disturbing “how easily we
condemn people in this country and the injustice we create when we allow fear, anger, and
distance to shape the way we treat the most vulnerable among us,” (14).
Galata 3
Stevenson spent his career fighting the various kinds of injustice that occur in the
criminal justice system based upon several different factors that affect how it treats a defendant.
One of the most prominent of these is race. Because of the deep, divisive history of racism in
America, it has been able to pervade both the minds of justice officials and the institution as a
whole. As Stevenson put it, “The extreme overrepresentation of people of color, the
disproportionate sentencing of racial minorities…can only be fully understood through the lens
of our racial history,” (301). Stevenson himself has experienced this firsthand, as he details being
stopped and questioned at gunpoint by police officers outside of his own apartment seemingly
just because he was black. However, this became less suprising when Bureau of Justice statistics
revealed to him that at the time, black men were four times more likely to be shot by police, a
statistic which has improved only marginally over time. Race also plays a strong role in
sentencing. Stevenson points to the study conducted for the Supreme Court Case McCleskey v.
Kemp, which showed that capital punishment was eleven times more likely to be handed out
when the victim was Caucasian rather than black. Because of the racist sentiments in various
parts of the nation, specifically the South, black people were much more likely to be suspects in
violent crime cases, especially if the victim was a woman, and the use of all-white juries
Similarly, maltreatment of the poor is widespread and difficult to combat. Their lack of
resources does not allow them to hire well-trained and educated lawyers, meaning that they must
make do with the poorly compensated and therefore generally less motivated public defenders.
When initial trials were thought to be unfair, the families of the incarcerated often could not
afford the legal fees for appeals, making injustice difficult to fight. An example of such a
dilemma is provided by the case of Walter McMillian, which is one of Just Mercy’s main
Galata 4
subjects. When McMillian, a poor black timber farmer, was arrested for a homicide he did not
commit, he was sentenced to death largely because his freely-provided public defender was
incompetent and failed to fully investigate and argue the case. Despite his obvious innocence,
his odds of freedom were small because his family could not afford lawyers for appeals, and the
only reason he was eventually proved innocent and freed was because Stevenson’s Equal Justice
Initiative was federally-funded and did not charge the McMillians. The EJI was essentially
formed for cases just like this, and Stevenson would represent many more poor defendants
Stevenson’s work also helped illuminate the fact that the American legal system is
discriminatory towards those who are least able to understand it: the mentally-disabled and
juvenile offenders. Generally, the mentally-disabled cannot understand the full scope of their
actions due to their diminished cognitive faculties, which makes committing crime much easier
due to lack of situational awareness and defending one’s actions much more difficult. According
to Stevenson, juveniles are not much different, as “neuroscience and new information about
brain chemistry help explain the impaired judgment that teens often display,” (269). Because of
this, society restricts their abilities to operate and live on their own and, especially in the case of
children, deems them too irresponsible for certain rights such as voting and gun ownership.
Only in the court of law are these two subsets of people equated to the fully-functioning adults
around them. Because of most people’s failure to completely understand mental disabilities and
the legal system’s lack of appropriate protections, mentally-disabled defendants can still receive
life sentences or the death penalty. The same applied to children until only recently when
Stevenson got the Supreme Court to agree that applying these sentences to children despite
diminished decision-making abilities was unconstitutionally “cruel and unusual” in 2010 for
Galata 5
non-homicide crimes and 2012 for homicide. Again, Stevenson felt the need to protect these
people against the seemingly predatory legal system since they were proved to be unable to
protect themselves.
The multiple forms of bias and injustice Stevenson helped to reveal should not seem
shocking once put within historical context. Many components of the contemporary justice
system are simply echoes of past attitudes and institutions. Lynching, for example, was a
common white supremacist tactic used across the South in the post-Reconstruction era to
suppress black freedom after the abolition of slavery. This vigilante approach was based upon
the ideas of vengeance and anger against those who were seen as “out of place” according to
popular racial sentiment. Likewise, Stevenson argues, “America’s embrace of speedy executions
was, in part, an attempt to redirect the violent energies of lynching while assuring white
southerners that black men would still pay the ultimate price,” (299). Even lesser sentences have
similar roots. Oftentimes in prison, work conditions were forced, dangerous, and degrading, as
proved by Louisiana’s Angola prison. Prisoners did backbreaking labor, such as picking cotton
for hours upon hours each day, under brutal conditions that made lost limbs and fingers
somewhat common and expected. The liberal use of other punishments or sentence extension
made their odds of ever getting out of prison shrink exponentially, making their condition seem
inescapable. Upon understanding this, its hard to differentiate between this modern practice and
the institutions of slavery, debt peonage, and convict leasing that were once legal but now
formally condemned. Angola itself was once a slave plantation, and despite the passage of about
150 years, little has changed; the powerful profit from the work of those who get little or no
compensation with little regard for their physical or psychological health. While society might
pride itself on “doing away” with these abhorred and abusive treatments, the contemporary
Galata 6
criminal justice system shows a deep connection to them and makes this change seem much less
Stevenson ends with his book with the phrase “the work continues” (316), and given the
current state of the justice system in America, its obvious that we still have much work to do if
we truly want it to represent the ideals with which it was created. Our practices of mass
incarceration and merciless punitive action only illustrates society’s ambivalence and contempt
towards the lower social castes while spending valuable resources on retribution and anger. The
factors upon which these punishments seem to be heavily based- race, social class, mental
ability, and age- are disproportionate given the almost complete lack of control individuals have
over these components of their identity, and until steps are taken to fix this, the American justice
system will continue to be ironically named. However, as Stevenson shows throughout Just
Mercy, society is not without hope. Redemption is not only possible, but has happened, and
many real people have worked and will continue to work towards the noble goals of fairness and
impartiality. The way society treats the lowest of its social groups reflects the society as a
whole, so by continuing to make the American justice system more fair and reasonable, the
country and its people will see marked improvement among themselves.