A-bar Movement

We will consider two types of A-bar

movement, Wh-movement and
Topicalization.

Wh-Movement

• Wh-movement takes place in wh-

interrogatives.

• A wh-phrase moves to specifier of CP.

• Matrix wh-interrogatives also have T-

to-C movement.

(1) What will they think?

Basic order: they will think what

T-to-C mvt: will they t think what
Wh-mvt: what will they t think t
 Wh-Movement, cont’d.

CP

NP C'

Prn C TP
what will
NP T'

Prn T VP
they t
V'

V NP
think t
 Embedded Wh-movement

In embedded wh-interrogatives, there is

wh-movement but no T-to-C movement.

(2) I wonder [what they will think].

Basic order: …they will think what

Wh-mvt: …what they will think t

Wh-mvt. T-to-C
matrix ¸ ¸
Wh-Interrogatives
embedded ¸ ˚
Yes/No matrix ˚ ¸
Interrogatives embedded ˚ ˚
Declaratives ˚ ˚
Imperatives ˚ ˚
Grammatical relation of the wh-phrase

(3) a. What will you read t today?

Direct object

b. When will you read that book t?

Adjunct

c. Who will t read that book today?

Subject

d. What should we catch frogs with t?

Complement of P
 GR of the wh-phrase, cont’d.

CP

NP C'

Prn C TP
what will
NP T'

Prn T VP
you t
V'

V' AP

V NP A'
read t
A
today
 CP

AP C'

A' C TP
will
A NP T'
when
Prn T VP
you t
V'

V' AP
t
V NP
read
D N'
that
N
book
 CP

NP C'

Prn C TP
who will
NP T'
t
T VP
t
V'

V' AP

V NP A'
read
D N' A
that today
N
book
 CP

NP C'

Prn C TP
what shall
NP T'

Prn T VP
we t
V'

V' PP

V NP P'
catch
N' P NP
with t
N
frogs
 Syntactic category of the wh-phrase

Different categories of XP can undergo

wh-movement.

(4) a. Which book did you read t?

NP

b. How old are you t?

AP

c. How fast can you run t?

AP

d. In which city did they play t?

PP
 Local vs. long-distance wh-movement

Local wh-movement from matrix clause

into matrix CP:

(5) a. Which exam did you miss t?

b. Which professor did you tell t

[that you missed the exam]?

Local wh-movement from embedded

clause into embedded CP:

(6) The professor wondered

[which exam you missed t].

Long-distance wh-movement from

embedded clause into higher CP:

(7) Which exam did you tell the

professor [that you missed t]?
 Locality in wh-movement

• Multiple questions: two or more wh-

phrases have matrix scope
semantically, but only one can move:

(9) Who do you think [t bought it]?

(10) What do you think [she bought t]?

(11) Who do you think [t bought what]?

(12)*Who what do you think [t bought t]?

Wh-movement obeys locality: closest

(highest) wh-phrase moves to spec-CP.

(13) Who do you think [t bought what]?

(14) *What do you think [who bought t]?

 Wh-movement in Relative Clauses

(15) We hired the woman who you met t.

NP

D N'
the
N' CP

N NP C'
woman
Prn C TP
who
NP T'

Prn T VP
you
V'

V NP
met t
 Topicalization

A contrastively focused topic can also

undergo A-bar movement to spec-CP:

(16) [Beans], I like t (…but not peas).

CP

NP C'

N' C TP

N NP T'
beans
Prn T VP
I
V'

V NP
like t
 Topicalization, cont’d.

There is no T-to-C movement with

Topicalization in English, unlike wh-
movement:

(17) a. [Beans], she will eat.

b.*[Beans], will she t eat.
c. [Which beans] will she t eat?

Various different categories can undergo

Topicalization:

(18) NP: [Beans], I like t.

AP: [Charming], she wasn’t t.
PP: [On the table], I put the book t.
VP: [Teach syntax], he can t.
 XP movement

XP, but not X’, constituents can undergo

Topicalization.

(19) a. [NP Tall women], he likes t.

b. [NP The tall women], he likes t.
c.*[N’ Tall women], he likes the t.

(20) a. [NP Men], she met.

b. [NP Men with beards], she met.
c.*[N’ Men], she met t with beards.

X0 constituents cannot undergo

Topicalization.

(21) a. [NP Students], I met t.

b.*[N Students], I met t of physics.
c. [NP Students of physics], I met t.
 Constituency

Only constituents can undergo movement.

VP

V'

V NP
met
D N'
a
N' PP

N with a beard
man

(22) a. [A man with a beard], she met t.

b.*A man, she met t with a beard.

(23) a. [Which man with a beard] did she meet t?

b.* Which man did she meet t with a beard?
 Constituency, cont’d.

VP

V'

V' PP

V NP on Tuesday
met
D N'
a
N
man

(24) a. A man, she met t on Tuesday.

b.*A man on Tuesday, she met t.

(25) a. Which man did she meet t on

Tuesday?
b.*Which man on Tuesday did she
meet t?
 Constituency, cont’d.

(26) She watched a man with a telescope.

NP-adjunct: man had telescope

VP-adjunct: watched with telescope

(27) a. A man with a telescope, she

watched t.
b. Which man with a telescope did
she watch t?

NP-adjunct, *VP-adjunct

(28) a. A man, she watched t with a

telescope.
b. Which man did she watch t with a
telescope?

VP-adjunct, *NP-adjunct
 Movement interactions

(29) Who will they say [was hired]?

Base order
C they will say [__ was hired who]
[Q, WH]

NP-movement
C they will say [who was hired t]
[Q, WH]

T-to-C
will they t say [who was hired t]
[Q, WH]

Wh-movement
who will they t say [t was hired t]
[Q, WH]