Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 16 (2017) 441–455

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Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jasrep

A multidisciplinary study of a burnt and mutilated assemblage of human

remains from a deserted Mediaeval village in England
S. Mays a,b,c,⁎, R. Fryer b, A.W.G. Pike b, M.J. Cooper d, P. Marshall a
a
Research Department, Historic England, United Kingdom
b
Archaeology Department, University of Southampton, UK
c
School of History, Classics and Archaeology, University of Edinburgh, UK
d
Ocean and Earth Science, National Oceanography Centre, University of Southampton, UK

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: This work is a study of an assemblage of disarticulated human skeletal remains from a pit on the Mediaeval village
Received 30 November 2016 site of Wharram Percy, England. The remains show evidence of perimortal breakage, burning and tool marks. The
Received in revised form 13 February 2017 purpose of the study is to attempt to shed light on the human activity that might have produced the assemblage.
Accepted 20 February 2017
The remains are subject to radiocarbon dating, strontium isotope analysis, and gross and microscopic osteological
Available online 2 April 2017
examination. The assemblage comprises 137 bones representing the substantially incomplete remains of a min-
Keywords:
imum of ten individuals, ranging in age from 2‐4 yrs to N 50 yrs at death. Both sexes are represented. Seventeen
Radiocarbon bones show a total of 76 perimortem sharp-force marks (mainly knife-marks); these marks are confined to the
Strontium isotope upper body parts. A minimum of 17 bones show evidence for low-temperature burning, and 6 long-bones
Knife marks show perimortem breakage. The radiocarbon dates centre on ca. 11th–13th century CE, and the remains repre-
Burning sent the residua of more than one event. Strontium isotopic analyses of dental enamel are consistent with a
Wharram Percy local origin. Possible behaviours that may have produced the assemblage include starvation cannibalism and apo-
Revenant corpses tropaic efforts to lay revenant corpses.
Cannibalism
© 2017 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY license
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).

1. Introduction
This paper is a study of an assemblage of disarticulated human skel-
etal remains from a Mediaeval settlement site in England. The remains
show evidence of perimortem tool marks, burning and breakage. The
work uses osteological study, isotopic analysis and radiocarbon dating
in an attempt to shed light upon the human behaviour that might
have produced the assemblage.
2. Material
The study material comes from Wharram Percy, a deserted Mediae-
val village in North Yorkshire, England (Fig. 1). Wharram Percy was a
small, low-status rural agrarian settlement, and in the Mediaeval period
it consisted of two facing rows of dwellings orientated approximately
north–south. The shorter eastern row lay in a valley, together with the
church and its churchyard. The longer western row lay on a 10–15 m
high plateau, separated from the eastern buildings by a steep escarp-
ment (Beresford and Hurst, 1990). Archaeological excavations have
taken place both in the church/churchyard and in areas of domestic oc-
cupation (Marlow-Mann and Wrathmell, 2012).
⁎ Corresponding author at: Research Department, Historic England, United Kingdom.
E-mail address: simon.mays@historicengland.org.uk (S. Mays).
The human remains that are the focus of the current work come not
from the churchyard, but from a domestic context toward the southern
end of the western row of buildings, situated on the plateau. They were
recovered in 1963–4 from a location now known as Site 12 (Fig. 1), but
formerly known as Area 6 (Milne, 1979). The prime purpose of excava-
tion in this area was to investigate an earthwork that appeared to repre-
sent the remains of a large long-house. The human remains that are the
subject of the current study come from features comprising three
intercutting, approximately square pits. This pit-complex consists of a
central pit about 2.1 m wide, flanked to the east and west by two smaller
ones each about 1 m wide. The depth of the westernmost pit was 0.3 m,
the depth of the other two is not recorded. The central pit appears to be
cut by the westernmost one but its relationship with the other is un-
clear. The pit complex lay immediately to the south-west of the long-
house (which was 15th century in date), but predated its construction.
During excavation, all remains were hand-recovered; there was no siev-
ing to retrieve small bones. The pit-complex was not excavated
stratigraphically, but rather numbers were assigned to finds trays as
they entered post-excavation processing. The human remains were
disarticulated when found and bear seven different finds numbers.
These numbers show a relationship to the vertical or horizontal location
within the pit-complex. However, upon examination of the skeletal re-
mains, it became clear that conjoins existed between fragments bearing
all seven finds codes. Therefore, for analytical purposes, the human

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2017.02.023
2352-409X/© 2017 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
442 S. Mays et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 16 (2017) 441–455
Fig. 1. Location map.
remains are treated as a single group. The site report (Milne, 1979)
noted that the pits contained a mixture of Roman and early Mediaeval
pottery, and it is therefore likely that the fills represent reworked de-
posits. The existence of conjoins between human remains from different
locations in the pit-complex supports this. The nature of the site records
means that it is now unclear what finds (other than pottery), if any,
came from these features, and it is not possible to confirm that the
human remains in the site archive comprise all of those that were recov-
ered. The publication on the site (Milne, 1979) contains no osteological
report and mentions no anthropogenic modification to the skeletal re-
mains. The interpretation offered was that the remains were Romano-
British burials inadvertantly disturbed and reburied by villagers in late
Mediaeval times (Milne, 1979: 46). This explanation subsequently
proved untenable when radiocarbon determinations of five (unspeci-
fied) human bones produced dates in the Mediaeval period (Clark,
1987).
3. Methods
3.1. Osteology
For subadult (aged ca. b 18 yrs) remains, age at death was estimated
using dental development and epiphysial fusion, using methods identi-
cal to those for the Wharram Percy churchyard burials (Mays, 2007: 84–
5). A general impression of age was also gained from bone size by
comparison with growth curves constructed for the churchyard burials
which have been aged using dental development (Mays, 2007: Table
26). In adult remains, age was estimated from dental wear, and sex
from cranial and pelvic morphology using identical methods to those
applied to the churchyard remains (Mays, 2007: 85). For the more com-
plete adult mandibles, measurements were taken (Mays, 2007: 131n),
and discriminant functions were generated using mandibles from
churchyard burials whose sex could be determined from pelvic indica-
tors. Both these, and morphological features (Brothwell, 1981: 61),
were used to determine sex, which was only assigned to a mandible
when the two methods were in agreement.
Upon initial examination, it was clear that some of the bones showed
sharp force marks, signs of burning and perimortem breakage. These
features were identified and recorded systematically.
Tool marks, and breaks to bones occurring in antiquity were distin-
guished from recent damage by their weathered edges. Two types of
perimortem sharp force trauma were distinguished: knife-marks and
chop-marks. Knife-marks are made by drawing a knife blade across
bone and are identified as elongated grooves of V- or U-shaped cross-
section; they may show parallel, longitudinal striations within the
main groove (Walker & Long, 1977; Reichs, 1998; Greenfield, 1999).
Chop-marks result from striking bone with a sword or other sharp blad-
ed implement. They may completely slice through bone, tend to be lin-
ear, their edges are generally well-defined and clean, and the surfaces of
the cut edges are usually fairly flat and smooth (Wenham, 1989; Lewis,
 S. Mays et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 16 (2017) 441–455
2008; Kimmerle & Baraybar, 2008: 276). Examination of bones was un-
dertaken under strong, raking light, aimed at highlighting surface fea-
tures. A hand lens and a binocular microscope were used to aid
identification of features. Morphology of marks was elucidated using
scanning electron microscopy as appropriate.
Mechanical properties of fresh bone are characterised by significant
elasticity and plasticity by virtue of its organic content. Due to degrada-
tion of the organic component (mainly collagen), the typical fracture
pattern of dry bone differs from that of fresh bone (Outram, 2002). For
long bone diaphyses, fresh bone tends to break with a curvilinear frac-
ture, dry bone tends to show straight or stepped breaks. In fresh bone,
the broken surface of a fracture is usually smooth with sharp edges,
but in dry bone it has a roughened appearance. The above criteria are
not absolute (Outram, 2002), but they act as a guide to distinguish
breaks that occurred when the bone was fresh, as would be expected
of perimortem anthropogenic breakage. Carnivore gnawing and other
animal damage was identified using established criteria (Haynes,
1980, 1982, 1983; Binford, 1981: 44–77), as were human tooth marks
(Cáceres et al., 2007; Fernández-Jalvo & Andrews, 2011).
Heating of bone causes colour changes which vary (inter alia) with
temperature, and these alterations were used to identify exposure of re-
mains to heat. Upon heating, bones darken in colour to dark brown and
then black, corresponding to charring of the organic component. As the
temperature rises further, the colour lightens until it becomes predom-
inantly light grey or white; this lightening appears to correspond to the
progressive loss of the organic component by combustion (Mays, 2010:
322).
3.2. Radiometric dating
Because of the mixed nature of the deposits in the pit-complex, it
was decided to radiometrically date some of the specimens bearing
sharp force marks and evidence for perimortem breakage, and to com-
bine the results with those of the five (unidentified) human bones
from the pit-complex dated in the 1980s. The aims are to: investigate
whether the remains from the pit-complex are contemporary with the
burials in the churchyard; to estimate the date range encompassed by
the remains; and to investigate whether the anthropogenically modi-
fied remains have dates consistent with one another and hence poten-
tially represent the result of a single event, or else were a result of
repeated behaviours over a period of time. Ten bones (five showing
knife-marks, five showing perimortem breakage) were selected for dat-
ing on the basis that they had sufficient cortical bone to provide a date
without unduly damaging the specimen.
The five samples of human bone dated at AERE Harwell between
1982 and 86 were all pretreated using the standard acid–base-protocol
and converted to carbon dioxide (Otlet and Slade, 1974). One sample,
HAR-4949, was dated by liquid scintillation spectrometry. Following
pretreatment the carbon dioxide was synthesised to benzene using a
method similar to that initially described by Tamers (1965) using a va-
nadium-based catalyst (Otlet, 1977) and dated as described by Otlet
(1979) and Otlet and Warchal (1978). The remaining four samples,
HAR-4948 and HAR-4950–52, were dated in a miniature gas propor-
tional counter. Procedures for gas purification, counter filling, and gas
proportional counting, using the miniature counter, followed Otlet and
Evans (1983) and Otlet et al. (1983).
The ten samples of human bone submitted for dating in 2014 were
sent to the Oxford Radiocarbon Accelerator Unit (ORAU; 5 samples)
and Scottish Universities Environmental Research Centre (SUERC; 5
samples) to provide a degree of cross-checking and ensure the repro-
ducibility and accuracy of the radiocarbon measurements (Bayliss and
Marshall, forthcoming). The samples of human bone dated at ORAU
were processed using the gelatinisation and ultrafiltration protocols de-
scribed by Bronk Ramsey et al. (2004a). The samples were then
combusted, graphitised and dated by accelerator mass spectrometry
(AMS) as described by Bronk Ramsey et al. (2004b) and Dee and
443
Bronk Ramsey (2000). One sample, from a mandible, failed due to a
low collagen yield.
The human bones submitted to the SUERC were pretreated using a
modified Longin method (Longin, 1971). CO2 was obtained from the
samples by combustion in pre-cleaned sealed quartz tubes as described
by Vandeputte et al. (1996), with the purified CO2 converted to graphite
(Slota et al., 1987) and dated by AMS (Xu et al. 2004; Freeman et al.,
2010).
3.3. Strontium isotope analyses
One potential reason for deviant mortuary treatment is that individ-
uals come from outside the community that buried them (Binford,
1971). Analysis of strontium isotope ratios in dental enamel was carried
out to investigate this possibility. Isotopic composition of dental enamel
varies with the location in which an individual lived whilst that enamel
was forming during childhood (Bentley, 2006). Results from material
from the pit-complex (N = 7 individuals) were compared with Mediae-
val burials (N = 9) from the churchyard at Wharram Percy, to test the
hypothesis that those individuals buried in the pit came from outside
the normal catchment area (the parish) for burial in the churchyard.
Samples were removed from M3, or M2 where M3 was not available.
The surface of the enamel in the sampling area was first cleaned by
abrasion with a dental burr. A longitudinal section of enamel was then
removed as a wedge using a diamond cutting disk. The sample was typ-
ically 1 mm thick, representing the complete available growth axis of
the enamel (i.e. from crown to cervix). The Sr isotope analyses of each
sample represent the weighted (by Sr concentration and enamel thick-
ness) average isotopic values over the periods of enamel formation
which are approximately 2.5–8 years for M2 and 8.5–14 years for M3
(AlQahtani et al., 2010). Adhering dentine, which is far more susceptible
to diagenetic alteration, was removed using a dental burr. The sample
was then cleaned in an ultrasonic bath, with multiple changes of MilliQ
18 MΩ water and dried in a vacuum oven at 60 °C.
The prepared samples were then dissolved in 3 N HNO3 prior to
running through ~50 μl Sr-Spec columns to isolate the Sr. The Sr fraction
was dried down and loaded onto an outgassed Re filament with 1 μl of a
Ta activator solution. The samples were analysed on a ThermoScientific
Triton Thermal Ionisation Mass Spectrometer using a static procedure
with amplifier rotation and a 88Sr beam of 2 V. Fractionation was
corrected using an exponential correction normalised to 86Sr/88Sr =
0.1194. NIST987 was run as a standard and the long term average for
NIST987 on this instrument is 0.710249 ± 0.000022 (2sd) on 70
analyses.
4. Results
4.1. Inventorial and demographic data
The remains are rather fragmented, but are grossly in good condition
with little post-depositional erosion of surfaces. They represent a mini-
mum of 100 adult and 37 subadult bones, together with 409.6 g of un-
identified fragments. There were also 24.9 g of non-human bone
Table 1
Skeletal elements with discolouration indicative of exposure to heat.
Number
Burnt Total
Crania 5 6
Mandibles 1 7
Vertebrae 2 15
Scapulae 2 7
Sterna 1 2
Humeri 2 9
Ribs 3 23
Tibiae 1 6
444 S. Mays et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 16 (2017) 441–455
fragments. A full inventory is given in Supplementary Table 1, as is a list
of the alterations due to disease identified in the remains (see also Sup-
plementary Fig. 1).
For the adults, the minimum number of individuals (MNI) is given
by jaw bones. There were six mandibles and a right maxilla with zygo-
matic that did not come from the same individual as any mandible, giv-
ing an MNI of 7. There were a minimum of four adult crania, three
represented only by a partial calvaria, and one by a partial calvaria and
some of the basi-occipital. The incomplete nature of the crania meant
that no mandible or maxilla could be associated with any calvaria. Skulls
and long-bones (of which there were 31) are well represented in the as-
semblage, but bones of the vertebral column and extremities are few. As
regards sex, there were pelvic bones from two females; one cranium
and two mandibles were probably male; one cranium was probably fe-
male. For the mandibles, three were over about 50 years of age, one was
about 40–50 years, and two were about 30–40 years. The morphology of
the maxilla and articulated zygomatic (Brothwell, 1981; White, 1991)
was suggestive of female sex, and the individual was aged about 17–
25. One cranium was adult-sized but showed an unfused spheno-
occipital synchondrosis, suggesting an age in the mid-late teens
(Coqueugniot and Weaver, 2007).
More than half the subadult elements comprised most of the right
hand bones of a single individual, aged about 15–17 years. There were
also paired radii from a child of about 13–14 years, a pair of pelvic
bones from an individual about 10–17 years, and a mandible aged
about 14–15 years. There were cranial elements from two young chil-
dren (approximate ages 3–4 years and 2–4 years). The minimum num-
ber of subadult individuals was three.
Representation of skeletal elements in the assemblage as a whole,
given as a percentage of that expected of complete individuals, given
an MNI of 10, is shown in Fig. 2. Figures for the articulated burials
from Wharram Percy churchyard, expressed as a percentage of those
expected if all burials (N = 687) were complete, are given for compar-
ison (data calculated from Mays, 2007: Table 8). Given that the church-
yard burials were interred as complete corpses, these data indicate the
general patterns of losses of elements that might be expected due to
bone survival and archaeological recovery at Wharram Percy (as with
the pit contents, the churchyard burials were hand recovered on site
with no sieving to aid recovery of small elements). Comparisons
Fig. 2. Representation of skeletal elements, calculated as a percentage of those expected if each of the MNI of 10 were a complete skeleton, in material from the pit-complex (heavy line).
For comparison, representation of elements in burials from the churchyard at Wharram Percy, calculated as a percentage of that expected if all burials (N = 687) were complete, is also
shown (dashed line).
between the two data sets should be made with caution, not least be-
cause of the difference in the way the percentage representation was
calculated. Despite this caveat, Fig. 2 suggests that all elements, other
than the cranium and mandible, are more poorly represented in the
pit-complex assemblage. Among the post-cranial elements, patterns of
representation appear broadly similar in pit and churchyard remains;
an exception is bones from the vertebral column, which are less well
represented relative to other postcranial elements in the pit-complex
material.
The palaeopathological findings comprised degenerative joint con-
ditions, porotic hyperostosis and a case of Paget's disease of bone (Sup-
plementary data). With the exception of this last, these conditions are
commonplace in the churchyard population (Mays, 2007). The
palaeopathological findings therefore offer no evidence that the pit-
complex individuals were consistently singled out for non-normative
burial treatment because of any unusual skeletal diseases.
In sum, the whole collection consists of 137 bones representing a
minimum of 10 individuals: six full adults (two females, two probable
males, two unsexed), one possible female who died in her late teens/
early 20s (above enumerated with the adults), one subadult in their
mid teens, one child aged about 2–4 and one aged about 3–4 years.
4.2. Thermal alteration
A total of 17 bones showed evidence for burning (Table 1), 5 crania
and 12 post-cranial elements. Crania more frequently showed burning
than did other elements (chi-square (with Yates' continuity correc-
tion) = 24.4, p b 0.001). Most of the burnt post-cranial bones were
from the upper body. Of the cranial fragments that could not be
assigned to any individual cranium, 41% by weight showed evidence
for burning. For the unidentified post-cranial fragments, the figure
was 26%.
In all cases, burnt bones show a dark brown/black discolouration. At
Wharram Percy, unburnt bone is characteristically pale yellow in colour
(Mays, 2007), so darkening due to charring was readily distinguishable.
Other than mandibles, there are few facial bones in the collection, so as-
certaining the extent to which burning affected this area is problematic,
but a maxilla of the 3–4 yr old child, and a mandible of an adult showed
burning on their anterior aspects. In the calvariae, burning was most
 S. Mays et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 16 (2017) 441–455
pronounced toward the vertex of the skull, with lower parts less affect-
ed. For example, among three adult calvariae preserving occipital bones,
burning was either confined to superior parts of the squama (two cases)
or was more pronounced there than on more inferior parts (one case). A
fourth cranium, represented solely by a right parietal bone, showed
burning that increased in intensity toward the cranial vertex (Fig. 3).
All discolouration was confined to the ectocranial surfaces, except at
open sutures where it spread a few millimetres onto the endocranial
surface. Areas of blackening were generally surrounded by areas
discoloured dark brown. All crania are fragmentary, but adjoining frag-
ments showed similar degrees of firing. All heat-affected crania showed
exfoliation of the external table to varying extents, and many fragments
of exfoliated outer table could be refitted.
In a group of four cervical vertebrae (C1–C4) belonging to a single in-
dividual, the inferior tip of the neural spine of C3 and part of the inferior
surface of the body and neural arch of C4 are affected by heat (Fig. 4); C1
and C2 are not. The pattern suggests that these vertebrae may have been
articulated when burnt, with the inferior parts of C4 most exposed to
heat. Most of the post-cranial elements showing exposure to heat
showed evidence of discolouration on part of one side only – for exam-
ple a partial tibia showed blackening on the anterior surface only, and a
partial humerus showed brown/black discolouration on its posterior
surface. Post-depositional breaks across burnt areas revealed that
discolouration generally penetrates little into the interior of the bone.
Exceptions occurred among more comminuted fragments where some
endosteal surfaces were browned/blackened. All burnt bones are
adult, save the maxilla referred to above, and a frontal bone, probably
from the same individual (3–4 yrs old), which was discoloured near
the glabella.
4.3. Tool marks
One partial humerus shows two broad chop-marks adjacent to a
weathered break. A frontal bone from an adult cranium shows a
15 × 20 mm subcircular hole. It is bevelled internally, and ectocranially
it is surrounded by eight small indentations. The edges of these marks
are weathered. Given the reworked nature of the deposits in the pit-com-
plex, it is possible that these alterations represent damage from later dig-
ging activities. In addition to the above, there are 76 perimortem sharp
force tool marks located on 17 bones (Table 2, Figs 5-9).
The cut-marks are concentrated in the upper body, with none below
the chest area. Most are fine knife-marks. The only exceptions are three
chop-marks on the occipital bone of cranium A (Fig. 8): three
intersecting blade-cuts with straight, well-defined edges have severed
the basi-occipital from the rest of the left side of the occipital bone
Fig. 3. Right parietal from an adult cranium showing thermal discolouration that increases
in intensity toward the vertex, with some exfoliation of the outer table.
445
Fig. 4. Inferior view of a fourth cervical vertebra, together with the articulating C3. Of a
group of four articulating vertebrae (C1-C4), only the inferior parts of C4, and the C3
neural spine show burning, a pattern consistent with burning after the head was
severed probably with the aid of the knife cuts shown in Fig. 9.
(the basal and condylar parts of which are missing). The lack of frag-
mentation at the margins of the cuts emphasises the sharpness of the in-
strument used. The lower part of the occipital squama also shows three
deep approximately antero-posteriorly orientated cuts that penetrate
the full thickness of the outer table. Three elements (a third and a fourth
cervical vertebra (part of the group of four articulating vertebrae de-
scribed above), and cranium A (which does not articulate with these
cervical vertebrae)) show both cut-marks and evidence for burning.
All cut-marked bones are adult, with the exception of cranium A,
which probably came from an individual in their mid-late teens.
Under scanning electron microscopy (Fig. 10), the knife-marks have
narrow, symmetrical V or U-shaped profiles with flattened bases, some-
times with faint longitudinal scratch marks. These features are typical of
marks from unserrated metal blades (Greenfield, 1999).
4.4. Perimortem breakage
The diaphyses of the following elements show smooth, sharp-edged
curvilinear breaks with smooth broken surfaces indicative of fracture to
fresh bone (Fig. 11): left tibia (distal 20% of bone present), two right
femora (distal 20% of each bone present), femur (midshaft fragment),
left humerus (distal 50% present, bone also shows 6 knife-marks),
right humerus (proximal 10% present), left humerus (midshaft frag-
ments), right humerus (midshaft fragment). The prevalence of long-
bones showing evidence of breakage when fresh is a minimum of 6/
36 (17%). The midshaft fragments listed above show breakage at both
ends and are also split longitudinally (Fig. 12). There were instances of
incipient fracture cracks (i.e. cracks running from fracture lines), and
spalling of cortical surfaces at margins of breaks, each characteristic of
breaks occurring to fresh bone (White, 1992: 137–8, 141–3; Knüsel &
Outram, 2006). There was one possible impact pit (Fig. 13) indicative
of striking of fresh bone. All fractured bones are adult. No clear signs
of animal gnawing or human tooth marks were seen on any element.
4.5. Radiometric dating and dietary stable isotope ratios
The results (Table 3) are conventional radiocarbon ages (Stuiver and
Polach, 1977), and are quoted in accordance with the Trondheim con-
vention (Stuiver and Kra, 1986). The calibrations of these results,
which relate the radiocarbon measurements directly to the calendrical
time scale, are given in Table 3 and in Fig. 14. All have been calculated
using the datasets published by Reimer et al. (2013) and the computer
program OxCal v4.2 (Bronk Ramsey 1995, 1998, 2001, 2009). The
446 S. Mays et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 16 (2017) 441–455

Table 2
Cut-marked bones.

Bone Location of cuts Number of Remarks

cuts

Cranium A Inferior part of occipital squama 8 Unfused spheno-occipital synchondrosis

Basi-occipital 4
Right occipital condyle 6
Mandible 1 Left ramus, lateral surface 3 50+ yrs at death
Right ramus, anterior margin 3
Mandible 2 Right gonium 2 c40–50 yrs at death, probably male
Mandible 3 Left ramus, posterior margin 4 c30–40 yrs at death, left hemi-mandible only present
Second cervical vertebra Anterior surface of body 1
Third cervical vertebra Anterior surface of body 4
Fourth cervical vertebra Anterior surface of body 3
Left transverse process 2 C2–4 are part of a sequence of four cervical vertebrae (C1-C4) from one
individual & do not belong to cranium A
Mid – lower thoracic Left side of body 2
vertebrae (?T9)
Left clavicle Inferior surface 2
Anterior and posterior surfaces adjacent to sternal 2
end
Right clavicle Posterior surface 2 These clavicles are from different individuals
Left humerus Posterior surface 6
Humerus shaft fragment – 1 Probably not the same humerus as above
Right rib Outer surface 2
Right rib Outer surface 4 (?2nd rib)
Right rib Inferior surface, adjacent to articular surface for 4
vertebral transverse process
Left rib Outer surface 7 ?3rd rib. Evenly spaced approx. parallel cuts
Left rib Superior/outer surface 4 10th rib

calibrated date ranges cited are quoted in the form recommended by
Mook (1986), with the end points rounded outward to 10 years or
five years for those with errors b25 years. The ranges in Table 3 have
been calculated according to the maximum intercept method (Stuiver
and Reimer, 1986); the probability distributions shown in Fig. 14 and
Supplementary Fig. 2 are derived from the probability method
(Stuiver and Reimer, 1993).
Carbon and nitrogen stable isotope analysis indicate that the individ-
uals consumed a diet predominantly based upon temperate terrestrial
C3 foods (Schoeninger and DeNiro, 1984; Katzenberg and Krouse,
1989). The radiocarbon results are therefore unlikely to be affected by
any significant reservoir effects (Bayliss et al., 2004). All the samples
gave C:N values within the range normally used to indicate good colla-
gen preservation (2.9–3.6; DeNiro, 1985).
The nine radiocarbon measurements from samples dated in 2014
are not statistically consistent (T′ = 58.1; T′(5%) = 15.5; ν = 9; Ward
and Wilson, 1978) and therefore represent material of different ages.
Even the cut-marked mandibles and clavicles represent individuals
who died at different times as their radiocarbon determinations are sta-
tistically inconsistent (T′ = 14.7; T′(5%) = 7.8; ν = 3).
The dated human remains from the pit represent individuals that
died over a significant period of time. Bayesian statistical modelling
(Buck et al., 1992; Bayliss et al., 2007a), was undertaken using OxCal
v.4.2 (Bronk Ramsey, 1995; 1998; 2001; 2009) to aid estimation of the
date range of the remains. The date ranges from the model are given
in italics to distinguish them from simple, calibrated radiocarbon
dates. This model (Fig. 14) has good overall agreement (Amodel: 85;
Bronk Ramsey, 1995, 429), and suggests that individuals buried in the
pit died over a period of 160–475 years (95% probability; Supplementary
Fig. 3) and probably 230–400 years 68% probability). Given the
disarticulated nature of the material in the pit it is feasible that not all
the dates are independent as the same individual could have been
dated more than once. In addition, assuming that the people who
ended up in the pit died at a relatively constant rate over a period of
time is also questionable. The chronological model is therefore open to
revision but it does indicate the individuals in the pit-complex died
over an extended period of time.
4.6. Strontium isotope ratios
An estimation of the ‘local range’ is required when using Sr isotopes
to distinguish locals from non-locals. There are a number of methods to
constrain the local range which include estimating Sr values from the
local geology, and the measurement of reference samples (sediments,
plants, animals (e.g. Bentley et al. 2004)).
Wharram Percy sits on a small area of Cretaceous chalk geology in
the Yorkshire Wolds. Geological and biosphere Sr maps (Evans et al.
2010; Neale, 1974; Wood and Smith, 1978), and studies for Sr in the re-
gion (Montgomery et al., 2007; Evans et al., 2012), divide Yorkshire into
two 87Sr/86Sr zones; north and northwest being 0.7084–0.7100, and
south and southeast being 0.7073–0.7084. This range is further
constrained by Montgomery et al. (2007) and McArthur et al. (2001)
using soil leachates of the chalk rich soils, representative of those
around Wharram Percy, which yield Sr isotopic values between
0.7075 and 0.7078. Additional bioavailable Sr is provided by rainwater
(with 87Sr/86Sr of 0.7092) so Montgomery et al. (2007) suggest for an
entirely chalk-based subsistence, with a rainwater input would yield a
local 87Sr/86Sr range of 0.7075–0.7092. This range is consistent with
the results obtained from the individuals buried in the churchyard
which are mostly likely to represent individuals local to the parish
(Table 4, Fig. 15).
With one exception (Mandible D, unsexed adult aged N50 yrs) the Sr
isotopic values of individuals buried in the pit are statistically indistin-
guishable from those buried in the graveyard (t-test, P = 0.19). Both
fall within the within the local Sr range, and it is likely that both groups
are ‘local’ to Wharram Percy (i.e. they are consistent with the chalk ge-
ology on which Wharram lies). Mandible D produced more radiogenic
Sr values. Whilst these are unlikely to represent the chalk geology of
the Wolds, strontium isotopic ratios between 0.7092 and 0.7100 have
been found for Triassic and Permian mudstones (Montgomery et al.,
2007) which are found b 30 km to the west of Wharram Percy. So this
‘immigrant’ need not have moved a long distance. However, Sr values
between 0.7090 and 0.7100 are characteristic of large areas of the UK
(Evans et al. 2010), so the individual may have come from further afield.
Without further studies (e.g. with oxygen isotopes) it is impossible to
 S. Mays et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 16 (2017) 441–455 447

Fig. 5. Composite diagram showing distribution of cut marks in the remains. The cervical vertebrae shown in inset come from a single individual, and the cut marks on the occipital bone
shown in inset also occur in one individual (not the same one as the vertebrae).

say more than this individual is unlikely to have spent his/her childhood this is to be expected from a low status, rural, agricultural population,
in the region immediately local to Wharram Percy. but it does contrast to studies at the Anglian (5th–7th century CE) site
The presence of only locals in the graveyard, albeit on a small num- of West Heslerton in North Yorkshire, 12 km to the NE of Wharram
ber of samples, indicates little or no mobility in the population. Perhaps Percy. Here, nearly half of the individual strontium isotope ratios lay
448 S. Mays et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 16 (2017) 441–455
Fig. 6. a, b. Knife-marks on external surfaces of two rib fragments.
outside the local range (Montgomery et al., 2005; Budd et al., 2004),
though it is not clear over what distances immigration occurred because
of the complex local geology (West Heslerton lies just off the Cretaceous
chalk).
Fig. 7. Left lateral view of a mid-lower thoracic vertebra, showing two approximately
parallel, obliquely orientated knife cuts.
Fig. 8. Three intersecting perimortal chop-marks on a basi-occipital.
5. Discussion
The skeletal material from the pit-complex consists of the substan-
tially incomplete remains of at least ten individuals. Among the remains,
compared to other elements, skulls are over-represented and vertebrae
under-represented. The ages at death of the individuals whose remains
make up the assemblage range from about 2–4 years to over 50 years.
Both sexes appear to be represented. The brown/black discolouration
of burnt bones suggest low temperature (b 400 °C) burning, the dark
colours indicating that burning occurred when the bone retained its or-
ganic content. The observations that, for the crania, adjoining fragments
showed similar thermal discolouration and, save at open sutures, alter-
ations were confined to the ectocranium, are consistent with burning
whilst they were intact. Delamination of the outer table was a promi-
nent feature. Delamination has been demonstrated in experimental
burning of cadaver heads (Pope & Smith, 2004), as well as in forensic
cases of corpses suffering burning (Alunni et al., 2014), and has been
stated to seldom occur in burning of dry crania (Curtin, 2008). The pat-
tern observed in the present crania, by which thermal alteration is con-
fined to, or is more pronounced toward, the cranial vertex is also
consistent with burning in the fleshed state: flesh acts as an insulator,
so that areas of thicker soft tissue, such as the lower parts of the occipital
bone, are less thermally altered than the upper parts of the cranial vault
Fig. 9. Anterior view of the fourth cervical vertebra shown in Fig. 4. There are three
approximately transverse knife marks on the anterior surface of the body (arrowed).
There is burning on the lower part of the vertebral body.
 S. Mays et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 16 (2017) 441–455
Fig. 10. Scanning electron micrograph of an impression made from a mandibular ramus.
Two knife marks are visible.
where soft tissue is thinner. This pattern of burning has been observed
in experimentally burnt cadaver heads (Pope & Smith, 2004), and in fo-
rensic cases where corpses were subjected to burning (Owsley et al.,
1995; Symes et al., 2008).
Fig. 11. Lateral view of the distal part of a tibia, showing a spiral fracture through the
diaphysis.
449
Fig. 12. A longitudinally split femur shaft fragment.
Turning to the post-cranial remains, the pattern whereby the group
of articulating cervical vertebrae C1 – C4 show thermal discolouration
only on the inferior parts of C4 and, less severely, on the inferior tip of
the neural spine of C3, may suggest they were articulated with one an-
other but separated from the remainder of the vertebral column when
burnt. The vertebrae showed knife marks. The suggestion is that mutila-
tion preceeded burning – i.e. the head was severed and then burnt. On
long-bones, thermal alteration was mainly confined to the subperiosteal
surfaces. The lack of penetration of heat to the medullary cavities sug-
gests fire of short duration. This suggestion is also consistent with the
pattern of burning seen on the crania, in which thermal alteration was
almost entirely confined to ectocranial surfaces and was less in parts
that would have had thicker covering of soft tissue. The observation
that many limb bones showed thermal discolouration to one surface
only suggests they may have lain on the ground or other surface so
that only one side was exposed to heat.
Sharp force tool marks were confined to the upper body parts and
were particularly concentrated in the head/neck area. Some cut-marked
bones also showed burning or perimortem breakage. Most sharp-force
marks appear to have been made with a fine knife drawn across the
Fig. 13. Anterior view of same partial tibia as in Fig. 11. The arrow denotes a possible
impact pit lying on the main fracture line, with an incipient fracture crack radiating
from it.
450 S. Mays et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 16 (2017) 441–455

Table 3
Radiocarbon and carbon and nitrogen stable isotope results.

Laboratory code Sample reference Material δ13C (‰) δ15N (‰) C:N Radiocarbon age (BP) Calibrated date (95% confidence)

OxA-30234 Clavicle 1a Human bone, clavicle −19.8 8.9 3.2 869 ± 23 cal 1050–1220 CE
OxA-30235 Clavicle 2a Human bone, clavicle −19.6 10.2 3.2 895 ± 23 cal 1040–1215 CE
P36541 Mandible 1a Human bone, mandible Failed due to low yield
OxA-30236 Mandible 2a Human bone, mandible −19.9 10.1 3.2 916 ± 23 cal 1030–1185 CE
SUERC-53434 Mandible 3a Human bone, mandible −20.2 10.8 3.2 1003 ± 28 cal 980–1120 CE
SUERC-53435 Humerus fragment 1b Human bone, humerus −20.1 10.7 3.2 969 ± 28 cal 1010–1160 CE
SUERC-53436 Humerus fragment 2b Human bone, humerus −20.4 8.8 3.3 973 ± 30 cal 1010–1160 CE
SUERC-53437 Humerus fragment 3b Human bone, humerus −20.1 8.9 3.2 1109 ± 28 cal 880–1000 CE
OxA-30284 Femur fragmentb Human bone, femur −19.9 9.8 3.3 946 ± 28 cal 1020–1170 CE
SUERC-53438 Right femur fragmentb Human bone, right femur −20.3 8.8 3.2 970 ± 28 cal 1010–1160 CE
HAR-4948 103093/1 Human bone −20.8c 650 ± 100 cal 1200–1450 CE
c
HAR-4949 103093/2 Human bone −22.3 1060 ± 100 cal 710–1190 CE
HAR-4950 103093/3 Human bone −23.1c 640 ± 80 cal 1220–1440 CE
HAR-4951 103093/4 Human bone −22.2c 1000 ± 100 cal 770–1250 CE
HAR-4952 103093/5 Human bone −24.1c 1110 ± 100 cal 670–1160 CE
a
Cut-marked.
b
Perimortem breakage.
c
Harwell δ13C were used to correct for fractionation when calculating the radiocarbon ages and are not comparable to those more recently obtained Oxford and Glasgow measurements
on IRMS, and are not suitable for dietary reconstruction.

bone. The only evidence for chop-marks was in the base of cranium A;
given their location in the basal part of the occipital, it is likely that
these injuries were inflicted upon a severed head. Indeed, the knife-
marks at the occipital condyle and squama of this cranium may be asso-
ciated with separation of the head from the vertebral column. The knife-
marks on the mandibles are confined to the rami and are approximately
transverse in orientation. Marks of this sort have been associated with
disarticulation of the mandible in archaeological and anthropological
cases of trophy heads (Tung, 2008; Bonney, 2014), and may be associat-
ed with efforts to remove the masseter muscle and other flesh from the
cheek area (Kanetake et al., 2008). However, they may also occur as col-
lateral damage in post-mortem decapitation using a knife (Reichs,
1998). Transverse cuts to the anterior aspect of cervical vertebrae
have been identified in forensic cases of death by throat-cutting
(Kimmerle & Baraybar, 2008: Fig. 6.4; Ozdemir et al., 2013). However,
one of the cut-marked cervical vertebrae from Wharram Percy also
shows more vertically orientated cuts on a transverse process, which
would seem difficult to attribute to throat slitting, and horizontal and
oblique knife marks have also been found in forensic cases where de-
capitation using a knife was part of post-mortem dismemberment of
the corpse (Reichs, 1998). The clavicular cuts may be associated with
dismemberment (Kanetake et al., 2008), as may the cuts on the upper
ribs (Pietrusewsky et al., 2007).
Unlike the tool marks and the thermal alterations, which predomi-
nantly affected the upper parts of the body, perimortal breakage of
long-bones involved upper and lower limbs to a similar extent. Howev-
er, it is only the larger long-bones (humerus, femur, tibia) that are
affected.
Radiometric dating indicates that the study material comes from the
late Mediaeval period, with dates centering around the 11th–13th
centuries CE. The Wharram Percy, churchyard was used for burial
throughout the later Mediaeval period, beginning in about the mid
tenth century CE (Bayliss et al., 2007b), so the pit-complex material is
contemporaneous with the use of the churchyard. The remains repre-
sent people whose deaths span more than a century. The evidence for
burning, cut marks and breakage in the perimortem period indicates

Fig. 14. Probability distributions of the radiocarbon dates from remains from the Wharram Percy pit-complex. Each distribution represents the relative probability that an event occurs at a
particular time. For each radiocarbon date, two distributions have been plotted: one in outline which is the result of simple radiocarbon calibration, and a solid one based on the
chronological model used. The other distributions correspond to aspects of the model. The large square brackets down the left-hand side of the diagram and the OxCal keywords
define the overall model exactly.
 S. Mays et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 16 (2017) 441–455 451

Table 4 save for interments at battlefield or massacre sites (Fiorato et al.,

Results of the Sr isotopic analyses on the teeth from remains from the pit and the cemetery 2000; Loe et al., 2014; Wallis, 2014), executed felons in burial grounds
at Wharram Percy.
associated with the place of execution (Buckberry & Hadley, 2007), or
Sample ID 87
Sr/86Sr ± 2 SE Tooth sampled occasional finds of infant burials in settlements (Rahtz, 1969;
Cemetery Chapman, 2010), archaeological evidence for burials or other deposits
NA004 0.708339 ± 0.000014 M3 of human remains outside formal cemeteries is rare (Daniell, 1997:
NA006 0.708207 ± 0.000013 M3 104; Gilchrist & Sloane, 2005: 73). At Wharram Percy, a total of three ar-
EE003 0.708353 ± 0.000014 M3
ticulated inhumations (an infant and two adults) were recorded from
NA178 0.708289 ± 0.000017 M2
NA033 0.708635 ± 0.000015 M3 domestic contexts. They come from various locations in the northern
NA121 0.708401 ± 0.000016 M3 part of the site, some 220–340 m distant from the pit-complex. None
NA088 0.708207 ± 0.000013 M3 has been shown to be contemporaneous with the churchyard burials
WCO144 0.708167 ± 0.000016 M3 (one is 7th century CE, two are undated (Richards, 1992: 84;
EE018 0.708929 ± 0.000014 M3
Wrathmell, 1989: 15; Rahtz et al., 2004: 11–15)). A literature search
Pit failed to reveal assemblages of human remains from late Mediaeval En-
Mandible A 0.708296 ± 0.000012 M3 gland that bore close parallels with that from the Wharram Percy pit-
Mandible D 0.709655 ± 0.000014 M2
complex.
Mandible 3 0.708617 ± 0.000015 M3
Maxilla A 0.708481 ± 0.000013 M2 Victims of battle (Novak, 2000) or smaller scale acts of violence
Mandible B 0.708444 ± 0.000012 M2 (Stroud, 1993) in the Mediaeval period generally show sharp force trau-
Mandible 1 0.708322 ± 0.000014 M2 ma, and in an example where the building where the slaughter took
Mandible2 0.708659 ± 0.000013 M3
place was set ablaze, there was also some charring of remains (Falys,
2014). However, in such cases, sharp force trauma is normally in the
form of chop-marks from swords or axes; the paucity of chop-marks,
that they are the product of more than one event rather than of a single and the evidence for postmortem processing in the form of knife-
episode of activity carried out on material of different ages. The lack of marks and breakage of long-bones in the current material is inconsis-
animal gnawing suggests that the bones were not exposed on the sur- tent with these explanations. Occasionally, Mediaeval funerary practice
face, but were curated or perhaps more likely, given the residual pottery involved postmortem removal of the heart or other organs for separate
found in the pit-complex, buried elsewhere before being deposited in burial, and this might potentially leave knife- or chop-marks on the
the pit. bones. However, this treatment was restricted to high-status individ-
The churchyard at Wharram Percy acted as the usual burial place for uals, and in such instances physical remains were deposited in
those who died in the parish, the limits of which lie within the consecrated ground (Gilchrist & Sloane, 2005: 80). The remains from
chalklands of the Yorkshire Wolds (Bell, 1987; Wrathmell, 2012). The the pit-complex predate the mid-16th century statute making witch-
strontium isotopic data from the dental enamel of the churchyard craft a capital offence (and a sentence that was sometimes carried out
burials are consistent with individuals who lived in the immediate lo- by burning) (Stoyle, 2011), and they are earlier than the widespread
cale during childhood. In general, the strontium isotopic data from the burning of heretics in that same century (Cavill, 2013). They are also
remains from the pit-complex resemble those from the control burials too early in date to represent residua of disposal of medical dissections
from the churchyard. (Richardson, 1988: 30–51). In any event, none of the above scenarios
could account for the full gamut of modifications seen in the current
6. Interpretation remains.
Accounting for the totality of features of the human remains from
The strontium isotopic data provide no support for the suggestion the pit-complex is difficult, but the nature of the evidence, together
that the individuals buried in the pit were non-locals and hence no sup- with historical documentary sources for the period suggest two possible
port for the hypothesis that those whose remains were found in the pit- scenarios: starvation cannibalism and attempts to lay the revenant
complex were accorded deviant mortuary treatment because they were dead.
of non-local origin. Alternative explanations need to be sought.
In the late Mediaeval period, some groups, including suicides and 6.1. Cannibalism
felons, were theoretically excluded from churchyard burial. However,
In the Mediaeval period, poor harvests were a cause of famine and
consequent elevated mortality (Dyer, 1998). Between 1066 CE and
1300 in England, chroniclers recorded at least 12 famines worthy of
note (Kershaw, 1973). The soils at Wharram Percy are thin and prone
to nutrient exhaustion (Hayfield, 1988: 25). Its harsher climate conse-
quent upon its upland location in northern England would have made
Wharram Percy more vulnerable to weather-related crop failure than
more southerly or lowland settlements. It is therefore likely that the
community would have experienced repeated famine episodes during
the Middle Ages. Western European Mediaeval texts provide occasional
reference to cannibalism prompted by starvation, but reports are gener-
ally presented in a stereotyped manner, with parallels to the Biblical
siege of Samaria or to the siege of Jerusalem in Flavus' War of the Jews,
a work widely known in the Middle Ages. Mediaeval chroniclers' refer-
ences to cannibalism may therefore be a kind of shorthand to convey
the severity of a famine using cultural reference points that would
have been familiar to their readers; they cannot be taken as factual
Fig. 15. Strontium isotope results from molar teeth from the Wharram Percy graveyard
accounts of actual events (Jordan, 1996: 148–50; Marvin, 1998;
and pit remains. Error bars are smaller than data markers. The local range is estimated Vandenberg, 2010). Although reliable Mediaeval accounts of it are elu-
from published soil leachates and rainwater Sr isotope values (Montgomery et al., 2007). sive, starvation cannibalism is clearly possible, given both the frequency
452 S. Mays et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 16 (2017) 441–455
of famine in the Middle Ages, and the abundant evidence from different
cultures from around the world that cannibalism may be resorted to in
such situations (Petrinovic, 2000).
The signature of cannibalism in skeletal remains is highly variable,
but potentially some or all of the following alterations may be present:
tool marks from bladed implements used to dismember the body or re-
move flesh; burning or pot-polish from cooking by roasting or boiling
respectively; fracturing of long-bones to extract marrow; under-repre-
sentation of vertebrae and other trabecular bone-rich elements due to
them having been crushed to yield fats; and resemblance of bodily
treatment with that accorded to faunal remains of comparable sized
mammals used as food within the same culture (White, 1992;
Kantner, 1999; Turner & Turner, 1999; Hurlbut, 2000; Knüsel &
Outram, 2006).
In the adult, fatty yellow marrow is present within the medullary
cavities of long-bones (Outram, 2002). The intentional breakage of
long-bones in the human remains from the Wharram Percy pit-com-
plex is consistent with opening of the medullary cavities to liberate
marrow. In starvation, bone marrow is one of the last fat sources to be
mobilised, so even in individuals dying of hunger, fat reserves would
likely be present in the bones (Outram, 2002). The pattern seen at
Wharram Percy, with breaking open of the marrow cavity and produc-
tion of longitudinally split shaft fragments is characteristic of faunal re-
mains where marrow is used as a fat resource (Outram, 1999, 2002),
and has been observed in human remains in presumptive archaeologi-
cal cases of cannibalism from the US Southwest (Turner, 1993; Turner &
Turner, 1995; Billman et al., 2000). In these latter cases, there is also a
paucity of vertebral elements, which has been interpreted in terms of
crushing of these elements for bone grease (Turner, 1993); the paucity
of vertebrae in the Wharram Percy pit-complex might be viewed in a
similar light.
The Wharram Percy remains do not show pot-polish, but the alter-
ations due to burning might be consistent with controlled use of fire
in roasting. Remains from presumptive cannibalism sites in the US
Southwest resemble the current remains in showing brown/black ther-
mal alteration and, in skulls, exfoliation of the ectocranial table (Turner,
1993; Novak & Kollmann, 2000; Lambert, 2014).
Turning to the cut-mark evidence, the distribution of cuts varies
widely between different cases of cannibalism, depending upon the
ways in which corpses were utilised. Perhaps the most relevant com-
parisons are with documented instances of starvation cannibalism
where corpses were processed with sharp-edged metal tools. At Co-
lonial Jamestown, USA, there are contemporary accounts of starva-
tion cannibalism relating during the winter of 1609–10 (Herrmann,
2011). Disarticulated human remains recovered recently from the
site include a cranium and mandible with knife- and chop-marks.
There are severe chop-marks to the rear of the cranium; if one ac-
cepts that cannibalism occurred at this settlement (and the veracity
of contemporary accounts is disputed (Herrmann, 2011)), then their
purpose may have been to extract the brain so that it could be con-
sumed (Stromberg, 2013). During the ill-fated 1845 Sir John Franklin
Arctic expedition, corpses appear to have been dismembered,
cooked and eaten, with processing of remains for marrow extraction
(Woodman, 1991; Brandt, 2011: 364–388; Mays and Beattie, 2016).
In skeletal remains from that expedition, knife-marks were present
on approximately 23% of elements (Mays & Beattie, 2016), confined
to the post-cranial skeleton, and particularly concentrated around
the joints and (puzzlingly) the hands and feet (Keenleyside et al.,
1997). At Wharram Percy, knife-marks are fewer (occurring on 12%
of bones). In addition they do not cluster around major joints in the
appendicular skeleton. Groups of cut-marks running oblique or
transverse to the long axis of shafts of ribs and long-bones have
been interpreted in archaeological human remains as filleting
marks (e.g. Bello et al., 2016). The groups of transverse knife-marks
observed on a humerus and some ribs in the current material
might be viewed in this light. However, in a case of starvation
cannibalism in 1874 in Colorado, where meat was apparently cut
from intact corpses with no disarticulation or bone breakage for mar-
row, knife marks were concentrated at muscular attachments and
involved all areas of the body, save the head and neck (Rautman &
Fenton, 2005). In the light of the above cases, the concentration of
knife-marks in the head/neck region in the Wharram Percy material
is difficult to explain within a cannibalism scenario, as is the lack of
cuts below the chest area.
Approximately 1–2% of faunal remains from the settlement at
Wharram Percy contemporary with the pit-complex human bones
show burning (Pinter-Bellows, 2000; Richardson, 2004, 2005). For
sheep and pig remains, 1–3% show knife marks and 1–6% show chop
marks (Richardson, 2004, 2005). Breaking of bones for marrow extrac-
tion was not normally practised (Richardson, pers. comm., 2015). The
human remains from the pit-complex thus more often show breakage,
burning and knife-marks than do the faunal remains. In the faunal re-
mains, most cut-marks were associated with reduction of the carcass
for food (Richardson, 2005), but the even balance between chop- and
knife-marks contrasts with what was observed for the human remains
from the pit-complex, indicating a difference in approach.
6.2. Revenant corpses
A revenant is a re-animated corpse that arises from its grave. Belief
in revenants was widespread in Mediaeval northern and western Eu-
rope. Revenants were usually malevolent, spreading disease and physi-
cally assaulting the living (Gordon, 2014). Textual accounts of revenants
in England are known from the 11th century onward (Blair, 2009), but
they may represent more ancient folklore (Simpson, 2003). Clerics were
able to accommodate beliefs in revenants within Christian theology,
considering that it was Satan who animated these corpses, but the pre-
dominant view seemed to associate revenants with the individual
whose corpse it was: reanimation arose as a result of a lingering life-
force in individuals who committed malign, evil deeds and projected
strong ill-will in life, or who experienced a sudden death leaving energy
still unexpended (Caciola, 1996). Methods of dealing with the undead
involved physical and/or spiritual means, with an emphasis on the for-
mer (Simpson, 2003). The most usual way was to dig up the body and
subject it to mutilation (particularly decapitation) and burning
(Oldridge, 2007: 67). For example, in the late 12th century, William of
Newburgh, a Yorkshire monk, relates that, in Berwick, a revenant corpse
roamed at night, and these visitations only ceased when local youths
dug up the offending body, dismembered it and burnt the pieces in a
fire (Stevenson, 1861: V: 23). In Mediaeval texts, the revenant is a
fleshed corpse rather than a skeleton, it is only in the liminal period be-
tween death and the decay of the flesh that the body poses a threat
(Caciola, 1996). Mutilation and burning represent efforts to destroy
the integrity of the corpse. In the Wharram Percy remains, the burning
was insufficient to affect very greatly the integrity of the skeletal
remains but it would doubtless have removed, or rendered
unrecognisable the fleshy parts. As discussed above, the knife marks
can be interpreted in terms of dismemberment or other mutilation of
the body, and those in the head/neck area may be associated with de-
capitation. The breakage observed in some of the long-bones might ap-
pear superfluous if it was the fleshed corpse that was feared, but there
are instances of revenants being tackled by breaking the legs of the
corpse (Martin, 1979). In some cases (e.g. Stevenson, 1861 V:24[7];
Bartlett, 2002: 197), Mediaeval sources report that the heart was cut
from the revenant corpse as part of actions to stop it from wandering.
Ablation of the heart may leave sharp-force marks on thoracic skeletal
elements. However these tend to be located on the sternum, ventral
parts of thoracic vertebrae and toward the sternal extremities of the
ribs (Mafart et al., 2004; Tiesler & Cucina, 2006; Klaus et al., 2010),
areas that do not show tool marks in the current assemblage. Written
sources usually fail to specify the final fate of the remains after the trou-
blesome corpse has been mutilated/burnt, but disposal of remains in a
 S. Mays et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 16 (2017) 441–455
domestic context within a settlement could be argued as inconsistent
with the idea that the corpses were feared. Revenants reported by Me-
diaeval chroniclers are invariably adults and mainly men (Mays, 2016).
This may in part reflect that men were more likely to have led the kinds
of lives, or died the kinds of deaths, associated with restless corpses
(Caciola, 1996), and the violent physicality of the Mediaeval revenant
may be more readily associated with males. The fact that women and
children are well-represented in the Wharram Percy pit-complex re-
mains may argue against the revenant explanation. However, surviving
textual accounts of revenants are selections, often made by clerical
writers for use as exempla, from tales that were circulating at the time
(Mays, 2016). Therefore, the extent to which the textual sources reflect
the full gamut of folk beliefs is unclear.
7. Conclusions
There are considerable difficulties in interpretation of the human re-
mains from the pit-complex at Wharram Percy. The depositional history
of the remains is unknown. The presence of pottery of different dates
within the pit fill suggest that the contents were redeposited from else-
where, but it is unclear why the human remains ended up together in
this particular pit, especially given their different dates. The remains
are substantially less than would be expected from a minimum of 10 in-
dividuals; it may be that the rest of the remains of these individuals
were disposed of in such a way as to leave no trace archaeologically or
else were interred in some unexcavated part of the site.
Despite these difficulties, two principle scenarios may be advanced
to account for the remains, cannibalism and attempts to combat the
threat of revenant corpses. The case for cannibalism is supported by
the fracturing of long-bones, which would be consistent with marrow
extraction, although, alternatively, this could represent part of a spec-
trum of actions intended to combat a revenant corpse. The treatment
of remains differs from that accorded to medium sized animals used
as food at Wharram Percy, which may count against a cannibalism sce-
nario. The burning observed could be consistent with either destruction
of the flesh in the case of treatment of revenants, or roasting in cases of
cannibalism. The patterning in knife-marks appears more consistent
with decapitation and dismemberment, as documented as means of
dealing with cases of reanimated corpses, but the balanced age and
sex ratio conflicts with textual accounts of revenants. The evidence
does not permit arguments to be advanced decisively in favour of either
scenario, but it may be more consistent with attempts to lay revenant
corpses than with starvation cannibalism.
Acknowledgements
Thanks are due to John Vallender, Historic England, for help in pre-
paring Fig. 5, to Poly Baker and Fay Worley, Historic England, for discus-
sion of sharp-force marks, and to Stuart Wrathmell and Ann Clark
(Wharram Research Project) for finds and context information from
the Wharram Percy excavations. We are grateful to reviewers whose in-
sightful comments that have improved this paper.
Appendix A. Supplementary data
Supplementary data to this article can be found online at http://dx.
doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2017.02.023.
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