98 THEMUNDALANGUAGES
CHAPTER THREE
is divided into two parts - the first dealing with phonology and morpholory,
although not named as such, and the second with syntax. The conditions under
which the four checked consonants are changed to their corresponding voioed coun-
terparts are discussed in the section'of the permutation of letters'. Santali verb
morpholory is of the great€st complexity, and Skrefsrud's realization of it can be
seen from the range of discussion; while the entire phonology and morpholory have
been discussed in 40 pageg the verb is discussed in 250 pages
F.T. Cole attempted inhis Santali Primer (1906)'to clear up some of tle difficulties
experienced by beginnen in their frst efforts to acquire their difficult and idiomatic
language'. The verb morphology is discussed in detail with the remark, 'The wonder-
ful intricacy of the verbal system is a marvel to the student and considering the mental
caliber of the Santals of the pr€sent day, one is all the more surprised to flrnd such a
complex, and yet perfwtly regular, verbal system.'To some extent it is a simplilied
version of Skrefsrud.
G.A. Grierson (1906) in his Linguistic Sumey of India, Vol. IY discussed the
sounds and grammatical features A skeleton grammax of Santali was also given,
in which nouns, pronouns, 'conjugational bases', ' inflexional bases', and negative
particles are entered. He recognized locality-based differences in the language, and
those have in recent years given rise to differences in the languages spoken in the
east where most loanwords come from Bengali of the west which chiefly borrows
from Bihari, and the south where the influence of Oriya is felt.
P.O. Bodding's Materials for a Santali Gramrnar Parts I and ll (1922, 1929) is the
first monumental and the most authentic of the grammars written in the first half of
the twentieth century, and still remains unsurpassed. The soundg stresg syllabifica-
tion, and euphonic harmony are described with minute observations In the part of
morphology (named Mostly Morphological) 'much syntactic matter has come in,
partly because omission would make it more diffrcult for the student to understand
the peculiar working of this agglutinating language'. The verb made unnecessarily
complicated by Skrefsrud is made simple and accessible Had Bodding not died early,
he could have completed the proposed part of syntax- Yet the work done by him in
the field of Santali linguistics is still unsurpassablg and future scholars will remem-
ber him with reverene. His I Santali Gronrnar for Begiruers (1929) is a concise and
simplified version of his Materials for a Santali Grsnrnar.His A Santql Dictionary
Vols l-5 (1929-1936) remains a thesaurus of the Santali language. His Santali Folk
TqlesYols l-3 (1925) is still the best Santali text collection.
In the very prefaoe of his Introduction to Santal, (1983), R.M. Macphail submitg
As its name implieg this book does not pretend to be a full grammar. Such a work
already exists, in Bodding's "Materials for a Santali Grammal," parts I and II; but
that is not an easy book for the beginner, and the need has been felt for something
simpler. This is an attempt to meet that need.'It is actually meant to help the new
learners of ttre language to find easily how the different forms and functions are
formalized. A. Campbell's Santali-English Dictionary (1953) and English-Smnli
Dbtionary (1954) deal with common Santali words and their use.
Three works have been done recently, two of them in the last quarter of the last
century Ghosh (1994) and Suryakumari (1991), and one in the beginning of this
century Neukom (2001). Ghosh has dealt with the morphology of the language.
Suryakumari and Neukom have dealt with phonology, morphology, and syntax.
While Ghosh and Suryakumari have analysed data collected through a field survey,
Neukom's data are mostly drawn from Bodding. Muscat (1989) is basically meant
for pedagogical purpose.
MUNDARI*
Toshiki Osada
r INTRODUCIION
Mundari is mainly spoken in the state of Jharkhand, which was recently set up by
the Government of India on 15 November 2000, and in the adjoining states of
Orissa and West Bengal in India. Mu4Qa means 'village-headman'in Mundari. But
the language name mwyQdri is given by the neighbouring peopleg the indigenous
name is hoSo jagar 'human language' or mu4Qa jagar'Munda language'.
As Gregory Anderson shows us in the Introduction of this book, Mundari
belongs to the Kherwarian group of the North Munda branch. According to the
Census of India 1991, the number of speakers of Mundari is 861,378. The same
Census reports the number of speakers of Munda as 413,894. The names Munda
and Mundari seem to confuse. It is likely that the oensus oflicer did not have perfect
criteria for naming the languages in India. There is actually no difference between
the Munda language and the Mundari language linguistically. Thug the total
number of the speakers of Mundari is likely to be more than one million. From
a linguistic point of view, the designation Munda is used for the language family.
Mundari, on the other hand, refers to an individual languagg namely the language
of Munda people.
As Hoffmann reported inthe Encyclopaedia Mmdarica, Vol.l, page (6), Mundari
has four dialects; that iq Hasada ftom hasa-da?'(literally) land water (place name)'
in Mundari, Naguri ftom naguri (place name), Tamaria ftom tama;-ia'language
of Tamar (place name)', and Kera ftom kcra? (perfect ending, instead of keda n
another dialect). Munda (1980:kha) has proposed the name Latar dialer,t (latar
means'low') instead of Tamaria. I do not adopt this term here because I have never
heard htar jagar in Mundari.
The Hasada dialect is considered as the standard variety among Munda peoples
Hasada speakers are located on the eastern side of Ranchi-Chaibasa Road while
Naguri speakers are situated on the western side. The Tamaria dialect is distributed
in the Panchpargaaa area (Bundq Tamar, Silli, Baranda and Rahe). Further, Kera
is mainly spoken by the inhabitants of Ranchi city and the adjaant area, who ethni-
cally belong to the Oraon tribe. Aocording to Pinnow (1959:2), Ho should be consid-
ered as a dialect of Mundari from a linguistic point of view.l Wg however, regard the
Ho language as a separate language on the basis of the ethnic identity of its speakers
(see the chapter on Ho and the other Kherwarian languages in this book).
The study of Mundari started in the nineteenth century; for example, Haldar
(1871), Whitley (1873), Nottrott (1882). These works are neither comprehensivg
nor reliable from a linguistic point of view. For examplg the glottal stops wer€ not
dcscribed in these work* Linguistically oriented grarnmars have been written by
Hoffmann (1903), Cook (1965) (his data are collected not by him but by Hoffmann),
Sinha ( I 975) (his dcsctiptions contain a lot of self-contradiction and some data ane not
IOO THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MUNDARI 101

reliable), Munda (1980) (this is written in Hindi and contains reliable data but is not
comprehensive), and Osada (1992) (the section on syntax is very poor); phonology
by Gumperz with Biligiri (1957) and Sinha (1974) (the data are not reliable; the same
as Sinha 1975); verbal morphology by Langendoen (1966, 1967) (his data are based
on the Naguri dialect; he applied Mundari data to the standard theory by chomsky
but unsuccessfully as I show in section 3.2), Munda (1971) (this paper is focussed
on aspect but incomplete); morpho-syntax by osada (19p/9,2007'). A dictionary of
Mundari has been compiled by Hoffmann (193G-1978), Bhaduri (1931), Prasad
(1973,1976) (in these dictionaries she missed a description of the glottal stops), and
Mundu (1995). The most influential work is Hoffmann's Mudari Granvnar (=MG)
and Encyclopaedia Mundorica (=EM). The descriptions in MG and EM differ in
dialect. MG is mainly based on Naguri while EM mainly on Hasada. The data in
EM are more compr€hensive and reliable than those in MG. In addition to EM,
Munda as a native speaker has given us reliable data. Thus I utilize the data from
EM and Munda (1971, 1980).
2 PHONOIOGY
2.1 Phonemic inventory
Mundari has a five-vowel system as shown in Table 3.1 . Vowel length and nasalization
are not phonemic. It i$ however, very important to make the distinction phonetically.
As regards vowel length, an open and-monosyllabic lCYlis realized as two mora€;
for eiamplg lrul'to beat a drum'[ru:].2
Vowel nasalizations are found in the following circumstances:
Mundari has 23 consonants (Table 3.2) including l0 stops: p, b, t, d L 4 c, j, k, C,
one sibilant: s: three liquids: r f, l; fwe nasals: m, n, 4, fi, n; two glides: w, y; and
two glottals: h, ? g;ven in the consonant inventorychart. All stop consonants except
the two glottals h, ? appar in word-initial and word-medial position. In word-final
position, the distinction between voiced stops p, t, k and voiceless stops 6, d, g is
neutralized and realized as checked consonants b, d and a glottal stop ? except
in recent loanwords. The retroflex stops f, d in word-final position only occur in
loan words from adjoining Indo-Aryan languages; for example, haaT'market'from
lJindi hQ The two stops c,7 are phonetically realued as affricates ltf,$land ooour
in word-final position in recent loanwords; for examplg dc'f7ame'from Hindi 6c,
kagoj'papr' fromkngazlkngoz nPersian ttrrough adjoining Indo-Aryan. The sibilant s
appears in all positions but occurs in word-final position only for loanwords; for exam-
plg 6es'good'from Dez in Persian (through adjacent Indo-Aryan). The two liquids r
and / can oocur in all positions while anotlrer liquid 6 can occur only in word-medial
position. Two nasals m andn can appear in all positions But among nasal conso-
nants, 4 occurs only in inter-vocalic position and Z oocurs only in word-final position.
The palatal nasal fi appearc only in one word; that is, aft'l (lst person sin$ar)'. afi
is realized as [ai7] or [ai7] when used independently but as [ap] before genitive suf-
frx -a?, uia? 'my' . The frequency of aft is very high, so I recognize /i/ as a distinct
phoneme. The two glides u ), never occur in initial position.
As far as the differences among dialects are con@rned, the Hasadq on which my
description is based, and Tamaria dialects have no aspirated stops while the Naguri
and Kera dialects have them. The same goes for intervocalic ft. Another difference
among the dialects is that 6 in Hasada corresponds (Table 3.3) to d in others.

(i) (C)VrUV(C/ for examplg lce4el 'bird'[tJ&t6], la4e?l 'to pour out a liquid'
[iir$?], etc.
(ii) /CNV/ (CN means a nasal consonant) TABLE 3.} MI.'NDARI CONSONANTS
for example, lmul'r.o*' lm0;zl, lnul'to drink' [nii: ] Consonant inventory

(iii) /jv/ (optionally) labial dental retrolex palatal velar glottal

for examplg ljil'smell'ld3itl,li"l'any'Id56:] or [d5ar], but ljol'fruit'Id3crl. stop voicelers p t t c k ?
stop voiced b d 4 j c
(iv) toet,loal,tual (optionally)forexamplg llcoel'beggat'[k5E] llaasil'fog' lricative s h
[k6iisi], lcual 'to o(tract a liquid by fire'[tJfl6] or [tjua]. nasal m n ,l n 0
flap r r
lateral I
Ifexpressives are considered, nasalization becomes (very marginally) contrastirre. semivowel w v
We nbte the following minimal pair in the expressives soe soe'sound of boiling
water'and s66 s6E 'to sit in a slovenly fashion'.

TABLE 3.1: MUI\DARMWEIS TABLE 33: MUNDARI DIALEC'T COMPARISON

Vowel inventory Dilferenccs among dialects
Front Ccntral Back gloss Hasada Naguri Tamaria Kera
HiSh i u 'flowcr' lwt tuha bu balw
'polo' kunta khu41a kunla khu41a
Mid e o
t 'riwr' gogl gda gda g@a
Low
102 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MI.JNDARI IO3

2.2 Checked consomnts we now Iist all the possible combination of c and v in the syllable structure of a
phonological word, as seen in Table 3.4.
The most peculiar featune of consonants is the so-called checked consonant series
The stop phonemes lbl andldl are realized as checked consonants in morpheme-final
position. TABLE 3.4: MLJNDARI WORD CV STRUCTURE
The phonetic description of these checked consonants is as follows: first the glottis is Monosy'labic
closed and the tongue or the lips simultaneously form an oral closure The tongue or lip vc ub'haar'
position is the same as that of the corresponding normal stops Then the glottal closure
cv 7b'fruit'
is release4 which is optionally followed by nasal release and voicing. Ttr"C ttry, t?a.'].
cvc Jb? 'to sweep'
It is mentioned that nasal release after the glottal release is optional. In my
observation, whether nasal release o@urs or not is determined by the syllable Disyllabic
structure of the morpheme. There is no nasal release in polysyllabic words but only v.v ar,t'brng'
in monosyllabic ones. For examplg v.cv uht'bide'
vcvc u&tb'te11'
lubl 'hair'1u?bn1 but lu&tbl 'to tell'[udu\];
cv.v bai'make'
lridl 'to grind'[ri?d."] bnt lbiridl'to stand up'[biri?{]. cv.cv bulu'thigh'
Gumperz (1957) considers checked stops in word-final position as allophones of
cvvc nm'live'
the voiceless stops /p/ and ltl. But I treat these checked consonants as allophones cv.cvc bu@'salt'
of voiced stops /D/ ar,d ldl as Hoffmann did. The following morphophonological vc.cv egga'mother'
change is very clear: ldub-ol (/a/: rNo) 'will sit' ldubal not ldupal and lbirid-al 'will vc.cvc wtbul'shade'
stand up'[birida] not [birita]. cvc.cv Qo4Qo'fool'
Glottal stops are also regarded as checked consonants because these are allophones cvc.cvc sqgel'fire'
of lgl and lyl. Glottal stops are followed by echo-vowel release in monosyllabic Trisyllabic
morpheme but never in polysyllabic morphemes For instancg lragl 'to call'[ra?a], v.v.cv a;ri'aotyet'
but lramg!'to pull'[racal; lpoyl 'to rinse'ltukuyl'to saw'[tukuil.
[pc?e], 6,tt v.vcvc ao.sart'bring about an improvement' @M)
Recent loanwords in Mundari allow morpheme-final g. Thus the following vcv.v apia'thr*'
minimal pair can be found: v.cv.cv aradi'feel ennui'
[neg]'religious feast' v.cv.vc ale-a?' ottr' (Xthtral and exclusive)
v.cv.cvc qerag'qarrel'
[ne?e]'here take it' (interjection) vcvc.cv asandi'marriage'
I phonemicize the first word as neg and the second one as ne?.ln addition to this vcvc.cvc oko4Qo'hft the head whilst hing down'@M)
fnal lgl,I describe final lyl as i? or e?. cv.v.cv baila'deaf'
cv.v.cvc sattalt'ertil'
cvcv.v balae 'diffrclulty'
2.3 Sylleble structure ed phonotac{ics
cv.cv.cv rasika'rejoice'
A phonological word in Mundari can be syllabified by a simple rule due to the cv.cvvc balae-n'worry'
simplicity of consonant clusters There are only three types of syllable boundary, cv.cv.cvc uuhm'cold'
that is, (a) between two successive vowelq (b) between a vowel and a following cv.cvc.cv salt1gi'tall'
consonant, and (c) between two consonants which form a @nsonant cluster. cv.cvc.cvc lusaggar'live coal'
The middle vowels in trisyllabic words can optionally be deleted. It seems to me that vc.cv.v e1ga-o'mother also'
a phonological word in Mundari has a tendency to keep two mora€. We have aheady vc.cv.cv o4Qoka'fulm,an sacrifi ce'
seen the examples of monosyllabic words in the form of CV, CVb, CVd, CV?, and vc.cv.vc inlat-a2'lhen'
CVy in sections 2.1. and 2.2.}Iencr, we discuss here only monosyllabic words of the vc.cv.cvc 2'hislher mother'
eg ga+ e
remaining forms which may be counted as having two mora€. In most Ctl/Czwordq vc.cvc.cv anba4la 'rather'@M)
C2iseitheraliquidoranasalif itisnot/6, dlotl?l.DenotingamoraboundaryW%, cvc.cvcv htmbuAt'thief'
we have san [si7om] 'chicken', dulfduo/.ll 'to pour'. We have exeptions in the following
cvc.cv.cvc nlrwunge 'enough (for food)'
loanwordg for example, Des [bdlosl 'good', soj lstr/dgl 'straight'. Wc considcr that thc cvc.cvc.cv panplad 'butErfly'
consonants which oeur as C2 in all thcsc cascs conctitutc ono mors.
IO4 THEMUNDA LANGUAGES MTJNDARI IO5

2.4 Intonationlstress (ii) In an interrogative senten@ a falling-rising intonation is assigned to the final
syllable of the sentenoe
Mundari is not a tone language, unlike some Mon-Khmer languages in the other
branch of Austroasiatic. Among Munda languageg Korku, which forms the North ioml-kC-d-d-ko\ r'
Munda language group along with Kherwarian languages (including Mundari, eat-coMPL-TR-nu-3pl
Santali, and Ho), has a tonal contrast (Zide l96/J.,1966).3 Mundari does not have 'Did they eat something?'
stress but pitch acoent. Previous studies have mentioned only stress (Cook 1965: 100,
(iii) When sentence particles occur in sentence-final position, the sentenoe intonations
Langendoen 1963: 14-15, N.K. Sinha 1975:39).
are different from the pattern of (ii).
Word aocent in Mundari can be described in the following manner:
(a) In sentences with the question marker ci, ci is always high level pitch.
(i) Word accent is not phonemic because it is predictable. In each phonological
word an accent is assigned to only one syllable which is marked by a high iott/-kd-d-d-t<dt cl
pitch. courr-rn-rNo-3ru q
(iD The accent patterns ar€ as follows: 'Did they eat something?'
(a) A monosyllabic phonological word is always accentuated;a for example, (b) In sentences with question marker ci + negation marker ka, ciis not marked,
lbal 'flower'lbadl or lb-aol, dd'water' l&?al or lfu?al. b8 ka has a marked rising intonation.
(b) Aocent is normally assigned to the second syllable in disyllabic words; for
examplg bulil'thil!h', bulil4 salt' , seXgEl 'fre' . *a,t
iomt -kd -d-d -t<d cP
(c) Exceptions to this rule are the result of syllable weight. When the first syllable 'I wonder whether they ate something or not.'
in a disyllabic word is heavier than the second syllable, the accent normally (c) A sentence with the negation marker ka is charucterized by a falling
falls on the first syllable. When a syllable boundary is located between the contour.
nasal and homorganic stop sequenceg the acoent is assigned not to the first
syXable but to the second syllable; for examplg sinma'sky, year', gdmke iomt-kC-d-d-kd ka\
'lord' but dondo 'to lift' , cwnpd'a kind of flower'. 'Did they eat something?'
(d) Further, in a trisyllabic word, accent is never assiped to the first syllable
(iv) Negative and declarative sentences have the same pitch patterns as (i). Furthea
even if the first syllable is the heaviest. The second syllable in a trisyllabic
negative and interrogative sent€nces have the same pirch patterns as (ii).
word cannot be aocentuated unless the element in the last syllable is a
sulfix. An unaccented vowel in the second syllable can optionally be kat=kot jony'-td-a-d;
deleted; for examplg p ampaldcl'butterfly', ayanfr 'marriage', apl-a'three', 'They didn't eat something.'
kwtb(u\il 'thief'.
(e) A quadrisyllabic word is divided into two bisllabic phonological words kd =leot jomt -*d a-d >,,t
Aocent is allocated to each phonological word; for examplg akdtlsdd'to 'Didn't they eat something?'
feel astonished'.
As far as senten@ intonation is concerned, the major role of intonation is to provide 2.5 Morphophonologr
contrast between several sentence types which may be marked by the distinctive use
Mundari has a kind of phonological restriction, which divides vowels into two
of patterns of pitch. Furthermore, intonation functions as a signal of grammatical distinct subsetg that ig high vowels and mid-vowels which do not co-occur within a
structure such as the marking of sentenoe boundaries Moreover, intonation conveys
morpheme. This phenomenon is well-known as vowel harmony.
paralinguistic features, that iq information about the speaker's emotion, attitude,
These distinct subsets can be described by their distinctive features (Table 3.5).
social background, etc. However we do not discuss these features in detail here. We
mainly discuss the terminal contour.
I
Thc subsets and 2 cannot co-oocrr within a morpheme while 3 can co-occur
with I and 2. This rule can be extended beyond a morphane boundary within a
Word acoent also keeps its high level pitch at the sentence level. Besides high-level
pirches, falling /\/,ising Lt I and falling-rising /\ y'/ contours play a major role in
sentence intonation. As for level-pitches there are three; highl, middle2 and low3.
(i) In an affrrmative (declarative) sentence a falling intonation is allocated to the TABLE35: MUNDA"RIHARMOI{Y
FEATURESETS
frnal syllable.
#
l. [+hish]
iomt-l<d-d-d-tco>, 2. [-high. -low]
eat-coMPL-TR-mo-3pr. 3, [+lwl
'They ate something.'
106 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES ML'NDARI IO'I

phonological word. For instance, ih 'that' + &o (plural marker) = inku'those ones
(animate)'; ni'this'+ ko (plural marker) = n*u 'these ones (animate)'.
lnterestingly, not all phonological words can be generated by the rule. Hence it
seems that only personal pronominal suffxes, including dual and plural suffxes,
undergo the vowel harmony rule beyond a morpheme. Moreover, this rule can be
adopted in a newly borrowed word. Thus szri < English sony.lnthis case regressive
assimilation has occurred, whereas progressive assimilation has occurred in the case
of personal pronominal suffxes
In the verbal morphology morphophonological changes frequently occur. The
transitive marker d becomes ? with the first and third pcrson singular object. At
the same time the completion aspect marker /re becomes ki. Thus,
(l) bin cokz=? jom-ja-?-i-a.
snake frog=3sc:suBJ eat-rNcn-rn-3sc:oBJ-rND
'The snake is eating the frog.'
(2) biX cokc=? jom-ki-?-i-a.
snake frog=3sc:suBJ eat-coMpl-TR-3sc:osJ-rND
'The snake ate the frog.'
3 MORPHOLOGY
3.1 Word class
For Mundari there has been a lengthy discussion of the dilliculties in categorizing
words into classes in terms of the traditional definitions of the parts of speech since
Hoffmann (1903:xxi) declared the following:
Thus the same unchanged form is at the same time a Conjunction, an Adjective
a Pronoun, an Adverb, a Verb, and a Noun, or, to speak more precisely, it may
become a Conjunction, an Adjective, and so on, but by itself alone it is none of
them. It is simply a vague elastic word, capable of signifying, in a vague manner,
several distinct concepts, that is of assuming a variety of functions"
This means that a prototypical lexical verb [ke jom'eat'can be used as a noun
without any morphological changg while a prototypical noun like buru'mountair'
can only be verbalized by attaching verbal endings For example,
(3) buru=ko bai-ke-d-a.
mountain=3pt :suu make-corupr-TR.-rND
'They made the mountain.'
ln (3) buru is used as an argument, with the meaning 'mountain', while in (4) it is
used as a two-place predicate with the meaning 'heap up'. To illustrate the other
direction of deployment, in (5) the wordjoz is used as a two-place predicate with the
meaning'eat', while in (6) it is used as an axgument with the meaning'food'.
Nicholas Evans of Melbourne University and I published a paper titled
'Mundari: the myth of language without word classes' in Linguistic Typology in
2005. We introduced three criteria for establishing lack of word class distinctionq
that iq equivalent combinatorics (members of both classes should have equivalent
combinatorics), compositionality (the semantic results of using a member of one
putative class in a constructional slot prototypically associated with the other
putative class should be derivable through strict compositional principles) and
bidirectionality (members of X should be deployable in the environments associated
with Y and members of Y should be deployable in the environments associated
with X). Further, tlese three criteria should be exhaustive across the lexicon, that is,
the same test should yield the same results for all lexemes in the putative class, not
just for a few well-chosen ones. In our paper, we have seen that applying these three
criteria decisively demonstrates that Mundari is not a monocategorial language.s
Thus I describe nouns and verbs as follows: nouns can be morphologically
marked for certain grammatical categories such as noun class (animate/inanimate)
and number (singular/duaUplural). Verbs can be marked for grammatical features
such as aspect and mood. Second, they can take affixes for voice and transitiv-
ity which are related to grammatical functions such as subject and object. The
verb agrees with subject and object in person and number which are marked by a
personal suflix.
In addition to noun and verb we set up the following word classes:
Pronoun, adjectivg postposition, adverb, numeral, conjunction, particle, interjection,
and expressive.
3.2 Nominal morphology
3.2.1 Noun class and ruunber
Nouns are divided into animate and inanimate in terms of a systern of concord
between subject, object, and verb. Animate nouns refer to human beings and animals
In fact most grammatically animate nouns denote human beings and animals. Besides
them the following nouns are considered animate:
(i) Heavenly bodies: ca4Qu?'moon', siX gi'sun', ipil'star' .

In relation to heavenly bodies the following verbs can be coded by animate marking:
(4) saan=ko buru-ke-d-a. gama'to rain', hoyo'to blow (the wind)'.
hrewood=3pr:sunr mountain-coMpl-rR-rND
'They heaped up tle firewood.' (7) gama-ja-d-a-e?
rain-nrcn-rn-rNn- 3sc: susJ
(5) ma4Qi=ko jom-ke-d-a.
'It is raining.'
food=3pr:sus eat{oMPr,-TR-rND
'They ate the food.' (8) hoyo-le-&a-e?
wind-tsr-rn-nro-3so susJ
(6) jom=ko nan-ke-d-a.
'It had blorvn.'
:

food=3pusuu get-crDMPL-TR-rND
'They got the food.' (ii) Supcrnatural boingo: bogga 'sgiril', slg bogga'supreme God',
I
108 THEMUNDALANGUAGES MI.JNDARI IO9

As for gender distinction, some animate nouns can be divided into female and In addition to two arguments a postpositional phrase or adverb denoting location or
male nounq marked morphologically by the endings i and a, resp€ctively under the time can be inserted in any position before verb. We can illustrate this in (ll).
influence of adjoining Indo-Aryan varieties For instancg
(ll) seta?-re seta-l<a rna4Qi=ko jom-kc-d-a.
fufi 'woman' l<ofa 'mar' morning-roc dog-rr food=3pl:susJ eat-ooMpL-TR-D.rD
kaki 'aunt' kaka 'uncle' '[n the morning the dogs ate the food.'
In order to exprcss a distinction of sex in Mundari, a following modifier is preposed Case relations in Mundari are mainly marked by postpositions. Thug instrumental
to the noun: eXga (oignally means 'mother') is used for female while sc4di (originally is expressed by the postposition te following a. noun or pronoun. Comitative is
means'c,ock') is used for male. Thug expressed by postposing h? after a noun or pronoun. Benefactive is expressed by
the postposition nangen following a noun or pronoun. There are several dialectal
euga serq 'bitch' sa44i seta 'dog' variants; nagenlnatinlnaten. Sotrce is expressed by postposing ate in Hasada and
eAga sim 'hen' sa44i sim 'rooster' Tamaria dialects or ete in Naguri and Kera dialects after a noun or pronoun.
As far as kinship terminology is concerned, laTa may be used for male and kugi for The possessive is expressed by the suffxes -a?, -rea?, -ra?, and, -ren.Tlte possessive
female. For instancg suffx -a? denotes alienable possession by an animate noun, while -rea?l-ra?, aad -ren
indicate alienable possession by an inanimate noun. The distinctionbtwan-rea?l -ra?,
hon-te l<ofa 'his/her son' and -ren is made on aocount of the animacy of the head noun. We demonstrate it in
child-his/trer man Table 3.6 as follows:
hon-te kufi 'hiJher daughter'
child-his/her woman
TABLE 3.6: MUI\DARI GEMITYE
bola-fr lQp la;a 'my younger brother'
Possessor Possessed
younger sister/brother-my man
Animafe Inanimatc
bola-ft kuti 'my younger sister' animate -a? 4?
younger sister/brother-my woman
inanimate -ren -rea?l-ra?
The number marking system for nouns in Mundari has three tiers, that ig
singular-dual- plural. Singular is unmarked, and the dual and plural markers are
kin and ko, respectively. Count nouns are marked for number irrespective of their
animacy. 3.2.3 Pronouns

hon'achild' hon-kin 'two children' hon-ko'children' Personal pronouns exhibit a 3 (First, Second, and Third) x 3 (Singular, Dual, and
Plural) system (see Table 3.7).
ipil'a star' ipil-kin'two stars' ipil-l<o 'stars'
We have found abin as a variant of second person dual and akiy as a variant of
kitab'abook' kitab-kin 'two books' kilab-la'books' third person dual. I used this variant akiy in my previous works as Munda (1971)
lija? 'a piece of cloth' lija?-kin'two pieces of cloth' liia?-l<o'pieces of cloth' did. The form akin, however, is more common. Thus I, henceforth, ttsr- akin for the
third person dual.
The possessive pronoun is formed by adding the genitive suffrx -a? to a pronoun.
3.2.2 Case Further, the Mundari equivalent of the independent possessive in English such
as 'mine, yours', etc. is expressed by postposing the genitive suffix -a? to the
Mundari NPs do not inflect for case: both the subject and object of a sentence are
possessive pronoun. The independent possessive is found only in the singular system.
morphologically unmarked. The subject and object of a sentene are determined by
word order. The unmarked word order is as follows: S + O + Verb.
Examples are given as in (9) and (10). TABLE 3.7: MUITIDARI PRONOUNS

(9) pusi-kin seta-l<o=kin hua-kc-d-leo-a Full form Short form

cat-Dl dog-n=3ol:susJ bite-colvlpI--rn-3pL:osJ-rNp Singular Dual Plural Singular Dual Plural
'The two cats bit the dogs.'
l (inclusive) ufl ala7 abu -fl -,lq -bu
(10) seta-lco pusi-kh=ko hua-l<c-d-kh-a. I (exclusivc) alQ ale 'lio -le
dog-n cat-or,=3pr;suu bite-coupl-rr-3ou:ou-hlo ) utn den ope +n len -pc
'The dogs bit the two cats' .! ue7 -kh -ko
IIO THE MUNDA LANGUAGES

Thug the possessive pronoun and independent pronoun can be described as

follows (Table 3.8): TABLE 3.1t MU]\IDARI DEMONSTRATTVES - II
Proximate Intermediate Remote
TABLE 3"8: MUNDARI POSSESSM PRONOUNS -I Demonstrative adjectives
Fossessive pronoun Independent pronoun Unmarked neJni- in-len- hit -llpn-
Marked no- ilt- hur-
Singular Duat Plural Singular
Demonstrative pronouns (animate)
I (inclusive) ail-a? alaO-a? abu-a? afl-ag-a? Singular
..2
1 (exclusive) ali7-a? ale-a2 Unmarked nif ,m' hini?
2 un-a? aben-a? ape-a? an-ag-a? Marked rul o# hqri?
3 ay-a? akin-a? ako-a2 oy-ag-a? Dual
Unmarked nikin inkin hinkin
Marked nakin okin hailkin
Plural
Furthermore, we have an old system of possessive pronouns (Iable 3.9). This is
Unmarked niht it*lt hinlat
performed by the reduced pronominal suffrxes which follow the genitive marker -ta. Marked naka aka hn*a
In colloquial Mundari, this system has been almost completely replaced by the Demonstrative pronouns (inanimate)
construction, pronoun + genitive suflix -da though the language of poetry in Unmarked ,Ea emt hena
Mundari still retains this system. For instance, we have dismr-tabu (disunt'country') Marked tuya ana hou
'our country' in poetry but abu-o? distnn'ortr country' in colloquial speech. Definite demonstratives
Adjectivals
Unmarked nimhlnimm iminlimw
'this much' 'that much'
TABLE 3.9: MUIIDARI POSSESSIVE PRONOIJNS-II
Marked twnialnantm aninlatrun
Fossessive pronouns 'this much' 'that much'
(more than one's expectation)
Singular Dual Plural Nominals
I (inclusive) ta-fr ta-la! n-kt Unmarked nimirun/nimunag/ iminan/imuanl
I (exclusive) ta-lil ta-le nimiru/nimunug iminuy/imunug
2 ta-m ta-ben ta-pe 'this much' 'that much'
3 n-e? ta-kh ta-lca Marked ruminag/aonunan/ aminag/anrunap/
rwminug/natmnutr aminug/amtru4
'this much' 'that much'
(more than one's expectation)
Emphatic
3.2.4 Demonsttotives
Unmarked nilnryrug/ninptuq/ impurug/impirug/
Demonstratives in Mundari make a 3 x 2 cotlrast set (Proximate: Intermediate: ninpiran/ninpinan tmpira4/impinq
'this so much' 'that so much'
Remote x marked: unmarked) as follows Clable 3.10):
The variants neJni-, e-li-, and heJhi- are defined by the vowel harmony rule.
Marked nampurug/nanpirug/ ampuruy/ampirug
rumpira/rumpinan ampiran/ampina4
The demonstratives have a rich derivational system. I illustrate thern in Table 3.1l. 'this so much' 'that so much'
Apart from the demonstrativeg we have interrogative and indefinite pronouns as (more than one's expectation)
word classes. These three have a similar word process Demonstrative adverbials
Adverbs of place
Unmarked nerg nete, neate ewe, ente, enate hewe, hcnte, henate
'here, there from here' 'there, thither, 'yonder, to yonder,
from there' from yonder'
TABLE 3.10: MUIiDARI DEMONSTRAIwES -I Markcd natg tatg naate enre, ente, enate
'herc, hither. from here' 'there thith€r, hove, hofie, houte
Proximate Intermediate Remote
from there' 'yonder, to yonder,
Demongtrative bases from yonder'
Unmarked ncJnl- l-le- hl-lhe- (Table 3.II continue{
Markcd ,IG o- ,u-
II2 THE MUNDALANGUAGES MUNDARI II3

TABLE 3.ll: CONIII\UEI) (13) oka-e do hiju?-aka-n-a.

Proximarc Intermediate Rernote wpsr-3sc ToP come-coNT-ITR-IND
Adverbo of time 'Someone has come (but not all).'
Unmarked nimtan/nimtug imta1/imtuA
'this time' 'that time' The indefinites ja and jeta, which are nearly synonyms, have the same syntactic
Marked namtag/tmmtun @rta0/antuA function but the indefiniteTete implying emphatic is more frequently used with the
'this time' 'that time' negative. We should pay attention to the semantic distinction between a (more than
(against one's expectation) (against one's expectation)
one's expectation) and i/e Qess than one's exp€ctation) here. I think that the semantic
Adverbs of manner
Unmarked neka
feature'negative'may be related to 'less than one's expectation'.
enka henka
'like this' 'like that' '!ike yonder' Demonstrative, Interrogative and Indefinite pronouns have a similar word forma-
Marked noka nka hanka tion process We summarize it here in the following way:
'like this' 'like that' 'like yonder'
(against one's expectation) (i) Adjectivals
DB(=per.rstrative bases), INTB(=[algrregative bases), INDB(=Indefinite
bases) + -n. For examplg cq-n'what a kind of', ja-i 'any kind of'.
There are four interrogative bases (Iable 3.12):
(ii) Pronoun (Animate)
DB, INTB, INDB + Cn-) + -el-i? (for singular), -kin (for dual), -ko/-ku (for
TABLE 3.12: MUI\IDARI INIERROGATIYES
plural). For examplg ol<o-kin 'who (dual)', ja-n-ku 'any persons'.

oko 'which' (iii) Inanimate

ca ar'd ci 'what' DB, INTB, INDB + -(z)- + -a. For examplg ca-n-a'whichthings', ja-n-a'any
ciJika 'how' things'.

(iv) Possessive pronoun (Animate)

The interrogative ci-lika can be derived from the other interrogative base ci plus DB, INTB, INDB + Gn-) + -el-i? (for singular), -ktn (for dual), -kol-ku (for
lekq'like'. The interrogatives ca and ci may be related to the demonstrative bases a plural) + a? (Genitive). For example, ca-n-kin-a?'whose (&lal)', jeta-n-ku-a?
and i. These four interrogatives are derivational bases These derivational formations 'of any persons'.
are identical to the demonstrative ones. The interrogative bases o/so and cilika can (v) Possessive pronoun (Inanimate)
be used independently while ca and ci can act only as a derivational base. The DB, [NTB, INDB + Cz-) + -a- I -rea?l-ra? (Genitive). For example, olco-a-
interrogative o&o functions as a modifier whereas cilika as an adverb of manner. rea?'of which thing', ja-n-a-ra?'of any things'
Mundari has three indefinite bases (Iable 3.13):
(vi) Definites
DB, INTB, INDB + -(i)- + -minlmm- + -(a41ry). For examplg. ci'min'aX'how
TABLE 3.13: MUI\IDARI II\DEI'IMTES much'.
&o 'some'
ja 'ar.y' (vii) Emphatic definites
jeta 'any' DB, INTB, INDB + -(i)- + mpurun/mpiru4/mpira4/mpina4/mpintq/mpuruty.
For example, ci-mpurun'how much exactly'.

(viii) Adverbs of time

The distinction between interrogative oko and indefinite o/ro is somewhat dependent
DB, INTB. INDB + -(i)- + -mtaX/mtu4.Fot examplg ci-mtaX lrhen.'
on the context. They, however, have at least one distinguishing syntactic criterion.
The indefrnite oko can be followed by the topic marker do but the interrogative ofro (ix) Adverbs of place
cannot. For instance, DB, INTB, INDB + -(z)- + (sa?, tafl + re, te, ste.For example, oko-sa?-te'to
which side'.
(12') oko-e hiju?-aka-n-a.
rwrrn-3sc come-coNT-ITR-IND (x) Adverbs of manner
'Who has come?' DB, INTB, INDB + -(i)- + -lekalka. For example" ja-leka 'any ways'
114 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MI.]NDARI I15

(a) DB = Demonstrative bases Distributive numerals are expressed by reduplication of the cardinal numerals.
Proximate Intermediate Rsmote Distributive forms are a partial reduplication of cardinal forms for the numeral
neli
unmarked eli heli forms for 'one'to 'six' and 'ten', while complete reduplication is required for the
marked rw a ha numeral forms 'seven', 'eight', and 'nine'. These coincide with the distributive form
of Santali numerals.
O) INTB = Interrogative bases
ca-lci- 'what' tu-turi-a'six each'
mi-miyad'one eanh'
ol<o- 'which'
ba-bar-ia 'two each' ee-a ee-a 'seven each'
(c) INDB = lndefinite bases ayapi-a 'three each' iral-ia iral-ia 'eight each'
ol<o- 'some' up-uptm-ia 'four each' are-a are-a'nine each'
ja- 'any' mo-mo4e-a 'five each' ge-gel-ea'ten each'
jeta- 'any'
Ordinal numeral forms are as follows:
(d) Semantic features
i/e unmarked or less than expected sida'ftrst'
d more than expected e7a?'wond'
The following variant forms are notable:
3.2.5 Nurnerals
(i) milmo'one' in mi-sdmo-sa'once' (c.f. bar-sa'lwice', api-sa'three times', etc.)
Table 3.14 presents Cardinal numerals (ii) mu 'one'in mu-stl'one day' (c.f. bu-si4'two days', api-ma 'thtee days', upun-rrut
As we have seen beloq Mundari has a vigesimal counting system. According 'four days', etc.)
to Norman Zide (1978:l), 'presumably Proto-Austroasiatic as well as old Indo-
Aryan and Dravidian (old and modern) lacked vigesimal counting systemq but As Emeneau (1956/1980: ll5) has pointed out, numeral classifiers are an Indian
both Munda and modern Indo-Aryan use them. Whether the Indo-Aryan vigesimal areal feature. Mundari uses io6o 'person', oSa? 'housr-', boo? 'head' as classifiers
syst€ms "come from Munda" - as has been claimed - is questionable'.
Thuq
The following short forms are used for the modifier of a head noun:
api hoTo hon-l<o 'three children'
midlmod'one', bar'two', api'thta',uptot'fotJr',mo4e'ftye', turui'six', ee'seven', three person child-pt
iral' eigfrt', are'rarirre', gel'tnn' .
The word janljon (from Indo-Aryan) is also currently used in Mundari. However,
The counting forms consist of the addition of -ialea in postconsonantal position or janljon always co-occurs with Indo-Aryan numerals. For examplg
a in post-vocalic position to the short formg as is shown below.
tin joiljon hon-la
three Numeral Classifier child-pr
TABLE 3.14: MUNDARI NLIMERAIS 'three children'
miadlmoyod 'one'
bar-ia 'two'
3.2.6 Postpositiotu
api-a 'thee'
uptn-ia 'four' Postpositions can be placed in a postnominal position and can form a postpositional
mo4e-a 'five'
phrase which may be used as a complement standing in a functional relationship
turui-alruri-a 'six'
ee-a 'seven' with the verb.
iral-il 'eiSht' The main postpositions can be divided in the following way:
(re-a 'nine'
geka 'ten'
(i) re 'in' te'to,by' atelete'from'
gel miadlnroyod '10+1=11' (ii) sa?'on the side' ta?'vicinity' lo?'v/ith'
modlmid hisi 'lx20=20' (iiD &o'approximate'
mo dl mid his i miadl moyod 'lx2o+l=zt'
bar hisi '2x21=40' The postposition rco does not appear independently but with (i) or (ii) and following
qihisi '3x20=@' (i) and (ii). Compound postpositions can be formed in the following order:
mo4e hisi or modlmld san '5x20=100 or lxlfl)=1fl)' (ii)+(iii)+(i)
116 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MUNDARI II7

The process is detailed as follows:

The other nominalizing aflixation is the possessive sullix -a?following a postpositional
sa?'on the side' ta?'vianity' phrase which consists of a verb and the instrumental postposition -/e. Thug
lo2'with'
re'in' sa?-re'in the side' ta?-re'in the place' lo?-re'with' o/'to write' -+ ol-te-a?'an instrument for writing: pen, pencil, etc.'
te'to' sa?-te 'to the side' ta?-te 'lo the place' jom'to eat' -+ jom-te-a? 'an instrument for eating: spoon, chopstick, etc.'
te'by' sa?-te'by the side' ta?-te'by the place' lo?-le'along' &tb'to sit' + dub-te-a?'an instrument for sitting: chair, stool, etc.'
ate'from' sag-qte'from the side' tag-ate'from the place'
l<o-re'rrear in' sa?-ka-re ta?-l<o-re lo?-la-re'with' 3.2.8 Adjectite
'near the side' 'near the place' 'shortly before'
lca-te'near to' sa?-ko-te ta?-ko-te lo?-ko-te'along' The distinction between verbs and adjectives is problematic. It seems to me that
'near to the side' 'near to the side' 'shortly after' Mundari is a typical adjectival-verb language; that is, 'the usual verbal equivalent
of a p,redicate adjective is a predicate verb in a non-relative construction while the
Other postpositions will be illustrated below. usual verbal equivalent of a modifying adjective is a verb in a relative construction'
(i) (Schachter 1985: 18-19). Thus moraX 'big, gxeat' when used predicatively can be
naXgen 'for'.
marked for aspect, mood, voice and (in)transitivity like a predicate verb. It might b€
The semantic functions of this postposition are benefactive and purpose. said that one word class covers two sernantically different classes, that is, adjectives
and verbs For examplg
(ii) jaked, habi?llwmi?'until, up to'.
(17) en narctA hogo
This may refer to location as in the following example: that great p€rson
(14) Rmci-joked (lwbi?lhwni?)=lgo sen-kc-n-a. that great person'or
Ranchi-up to=3sc:sunr 'that person who will be great'
go-coMpl-rrR-rND
'They went up to Ranchi.' en jom hoyo
It may also refer to time as in the following instance:
that eat person
'that person who will eat'
(15) sombar-jal<cd (habi?lhami?) Ranci-re=ko tai-n-a. (18) en hoTo trutrq-a.
Monday-until Ranchi-roc=3pr:susJ stay-rrn-nro that person grcat-rND
'They will stay at Ranchi until Monday.' 'That person will be great.'
Moreover, it may refer to quantity as follows:
en hogo jom-a.
(16) ne leEa api-h$-jaked(habi?llwmi?)-e gonoX-o?-a. that person eat-rND
this buffalo three-twenty-upto=3sc:suru cost-pAss-tryD
'That person will eat.'
'This buffalo will cost up to 60 rupees.' ln my book I wrote 'the definition of the adjective is rather notional' (Osada 1992:
123). I have however, introduced one morphological criterion: infxation possibilities
3.2.7 Derivation distinguish verbs and adjectives Th€re is an infx <pID as a reciprocal marker which is
iltustrated in section 3.2.7. A number of adjectives take a formally identical marker but
We have already discussed the lexical semantic ambigurty involving the distinction they do not acquir€ the reciprocal meaning'each other', which is but natural as these
between nouns and verbs in section 3.0. This distinction should be maintained adjectives are one-place words Instead, they acquire the intensive meaning'very'. This
because of the fact that a noun can be derived from a verb by a morphological ic the sole test justifying the setting up of adjectives as a distinct word class It is inter-
procesq namely, infi xation: esting to note that a head noun modified by an adjective with the infrx <plD takes the
plural marker though it may be either singular or plural in meaning:
(C)vc(vc) + (C)V<nV>C(VC)
dub'lo sit' -+ du<nu>b 'a meeting, (19) en tnarct1 hoSo
rakab'to i*' -+ ra<na>kab'a slope' that great person
o/ 'to write' --) o<no>l'the writing' 'that great pcrson'
e[e?'lokgSn' + e<ne>le? 'an origin' (20) en ma<pq>rq hogo-l<o
tebs?'toarrive' i te<ne>ba?'arrival' that great<rNrENs> person-PL
tukui?'lo *w' -+ tu<nu>kui?'the scwing' (8) 'thet \cry glcat person'
tagoe?'to chow' -+ ta<tu>goe?'the molar teeth' (b) 'thorc vGry Srrat pcrsons'
II8 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MTJNDARI II9

At least seven adjectives denoting sizg shape, and the like take the intensifying infir" nimir 'nowaday'
because of semantic limitations on intensification. We contain seven adjectives in kalom 'nextyear'
Mundari in terms of this derivation: sotom 'two years later'
In addition to the adverbs given abovg adverbs of time can be expressed by a
(21) + ma<pa>ruA'very big, great'
maraX'big, greal' postpositional phrase. For instance, seta?-re 'in the morning', sombar-ate 'from
huTin'small' -) hu<pu>7in'verysmall' Monday', etwor-jakcd'until Sunday'.
jiliX'long' + ji<pDliX 'very long' Adverbs of location must always be orpressed by a postpositional phrase. For
salaAgi'tall' -+ sa<pa>langi 'very tall' examplg Ranci-re'in Ranchi', oSa?-te'to the house', lwtu-ate'from the village'.
4iAgae'short' -+ Qicpi>Xgae'veryshort' Several local semantic functions are orpressed mainly by postpositional phra.ses
csksr'itde' -+ ca<pa>kar'verywide' The postposition le (instrumental) can be used for adverbs of manner; for examplg
mo[o'fat' -+ mo<po>to'very fat' rasika-te Joyfully', mani-te'slowly', eskar-te'alone'.

It is noteworthy that some pronouns: demonstrative (e.g. narninuX, etc. 'this much
more than one expects'), interrogative (citnwruX, etc. 'how much'), and indelinite 3.3 Verbal morphologr
(jaimunuy, etc. 'to any extent" whatever be'), when modifying an intensive adjective
also acquire the infx Oy way of a kind Langendoen (1967) tried to describe Mundari verb conjugation based on Chomsky's
of 'pleonastic agreement'):
standard theory. He confessed the following in a straightforward manner.
(22) naminun mora1 hoSo-ko ka=fi lel-aka-d-l{o-a.
thismuch big person-pI,Nrc=1sc:su'nr see-coru-rn-3pl:oBJ-rND The reader who is convinced of the effrcacy of morpheme order charts for
'[ have never seen such big person(s).'
displaying the facts of a complex morphological system are advised to attempt
to formulate such a chart for the Mundari data presented in this paper. I
(23) narn<p>inun ma<pa>ra1 ho6o-la ka=fi am reasonably convinced that no such formulation will be a match for the
generative-transformational statement given here (inadequate as it is at various
thismuchcN-rsN9 bigcnrrrNP person-pI,NEG=lsc:suBI
points) for displaying the intricate interconnections among the various patterns
lel-aka-d-ko-a. found in the Mundari verb conjugation. And really it must be admitted that
see-coNr-rn- 3 PL: oBJ-IND
the morphology of the Mundari verbal form is not nearly as complex as that of
'I have never seen all so big (but more than one's exp€ctation) person(s).' many languages (Langendoen 1967 :57)

(24) cim<p>wtuy hu<pu>7ig tai-lce-n-a. I aim to present in this chapter not a theory-oriented but a data-oriented
howmuch<rrrnNs> smallcn'rBNs> remain-coupl-rrR-rND dcscription. The basic verbal structure in Mundari may be described in terms of an
'How small was it?' order element formula as given in Table 3.15.
A verbal base is formed by affrxing to a verbal stem. Verbal bases can be simple
(25) jaim<p>wug jicpi>lin-re-o ka=fi suku-a. or complex; complex bases are formed by reduplication or serializing of the verbal
whatever<nreNs> long<nrrrNs>roc-also Nec=lsc:suu like-nrp stcm. Verbal stems may be either transitivg or intransitivg or labile (i.e. transitive-
Anything that is too long I don't like.' intransitivg like the English 'break'). Intransitive verbs are few in number (here
belong, inuX'to play', oA'to dawn', Qo4Qo'to be foolish', and the like). The intran-
sitive or transitive use of labile verbs is distinguished by means of intransitive and
3.2.9 Adverbials transitive suffixeg -nand -d respectively.
Adverbs can function independently as verbal complements. Expressions for adverbs
of location can be made by constructing postpositional phrases. The number of TABLE 3.15: MUNDARMRB TEilIPLAIE
adverbs is rather small.
Verb base + (Aspect marker) + (z) + a (=$u!j;
Now I illustrate the following adverbs of time: + (d/a(+ ob,
gapa 'tomorrow' Notes
tistA a z: intransitive marker, d: transitive marker, with variant ?.
'today'
b thc transitirc marker and the intransitive marker only appear
meyaA 'the day after tomorrow' when an aspect marker ie prescnt.
honder 'some days ago' c thc gulfix -o (indicative marker) ie used to indicate the main
naa? 'now' rmb of tho otauro exccpting cortain imperative forma
120 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MUNDARI 121

3.3.1 Subject element gets marked on the verb like an animate transitive subject NP. This is called
animatization. For examplg
The subject and object agrcement element can be marked only when the subject NP
and object NP are classified as animate nouns. Table 3.16lists personal pronominal (31) gofa buru=i? bai-ke-d-a
suffrxes which are used lior subject--object agreement: river mountain=3sc:suw make-coupr-TR-IND
'The river made the mountain (by carrying the sands).'

TABLE 3.16: MLJI\DARI AGREEMENT MARXERS (32) gafq hon-ko=e? idi-ke-d-ko-a.

sG. DL PL river child-pl=3sc:sus, take-coupl-rn-3pl:ou-rNo
'The river took away the children.'
lst
Inclusive -n -lq -bu
Exclusive -tu -le Among inanimate nouns, only natural foreg for examplg hoyo 'wind', garna'rain',
Znd -m -ben -pe etc. can be animatized.
3rd -el-il-e?l-i? -kin -l@ It is very easy to identify animate transitive subject NPs subjects because
an animate subject is always marked on the verb. Apart from this principle,
subjecthood and objecthood can be defined by a syntactic test, which I discuss
The same forms are used for subject, object and indirect object, but occupy in section 3.2.2.
different slots. The subject agrcement elernent is attached either to the end of the
verb or as a clitic to the preverbal NP, which may be not only the subject but also a j.3.2 Object types
non-subject. For example
As shown earlier, the same pronominal suffx is used for subjeo and objeo agreement.
(26) hon-la=la dub-aka-n-a. But the object agreernent element occupies the slot just before the indicative marker -a
child-pr=3pr.:suru sitcoNr-rrn-rNo in the indicative sentene or the slot just before the second person pronominal suffx in
'The children have sat.' the imperative sentence or the slot just before the optative marker -ka-. For instancg
Q7) tna4Qi=ft jom-ta-n-a"
(33) Soma hon-ko=e? lel-ka-a.
food=-1sc:susJ eat-PRoc-rR-rND Soma child-pr=3sc:sunl see-3pl:osJ-rND
'I am eating the food.' 'Soma will see (take care) the children.'
(28) gapa=ka senog-a. (34) Soma hon-l<o lel-l<a-me.
tomorrow=3PL:suBJ go-rND Soma child-pl see-3pl:oaJ-2sc
'They will go tomorrow.' 'Soma, please see the children.'
Munda people belonging to the younger generation tend to place the subject (35) Soma hon-ko lel-l<o-ka-e?.
agr€ement element at the end of the verb. Soma child-pr see-3pr:ogJ-opr-3sc:susJ
As I have pointed out earlier, the subject agreement elernent can be marked only 'May Soma see the children.'
when the subjcct NPs are classified as animate nouns In addition to this principle,
transitive subjcct NPs arc basically animate nouns. Thug the following sentenoe is 'fhe above sentences are unmarked for aspect marker and transitive/intransitive
not grammatical bocause the transitive subject is inanimate. marker. We can differentiate transitive sentences from intransitive sentence by the
transitive/intransitive marker, as in the following:
(29) *tna4Qi hon-la bisi-ja-d-l<n-a.
food child-pt poison-ncn-rn-3pr:osJ-trro (361 Soma hon-lca=e? dub-ke-d-ka-a.
'The food has poisoned the children.' Soma child-pr=3sc:susJ sit-coupr-rn-3pr:osJ-rND
'Soma made the children sit.'
Instead, it is plaed in instrumental function by adding the instrumental postposi-
tion -te, in a type of passive construction: (37) hon-lo ote-re=l<o dtb-lcc-n-a.
child-pl ground-roc=3pl.:susJ sit<oupl-rrn-rxp
(30) ma4Qi-te hon-l<o=l<o bisi-ja-n-a. 'The children sat on the ground.'
food-by child-pl =3pl:suu poison-rNcn-rrn-rNo
'The children have been poisoned by the food.' (3t) pulis-lco kumbugu-kin=ko sab-ja-d-kin-a
Some inanimate nouns denoting natural objectl which are capable of automatic policc-nr. thief-u =3pL:suBJ catch-INcn-rn-3pl:osJ-tND
locomotion, can oocupy the transitive subjoct slot. In that casg thc subjccf agrcemcnt 'Thc polioomcn havc caught the two thieves'
122 TTTE MI'NDA LANGUAGES MUNDARI 123

(39) kmbu;u-kta hola=kin sab-ja-n-a.

(45) sida s@rurc susun-te=ko rasika-le-n-a.
thief-pr previous time dance-by=lp1;51;3v bejoyful-en-r-rrR-IND
lesterday=Jp1'sgqr catch-rNcR-rrR-hiD
'Two thieves have been caught yesterday.' 'In the previous time they had experienced joy through dancing.'
(46) susun bese rasika-ke-d-l<o-a.
Note that the verb dub'to sit'acquires causativity in the transitive sentencg whereas
dance very bejoyful-cnurr,-rn-3pr.:osJ-rND
the verb sab'to catch' acquires a passive sense in the intransitive sentence.
'The dance made them experience joy.'
In ditransitive sentences, the benefactive marker -a is used in the following:
Recall that transitive subject NPs are basically animate nouns. If we assign the NP
(40) qn seta-ko=fi om-a-m-ta-n-a. to grammatical relations by the morphological marking system, as for (zl4) and (46),
2* dog-n =lsc:suBJ give-rrx-2sc-pRoc-rrR-rND the subjects are either nothing, or inanimate nouns and the objects ate ft'me'in (44)
'I am giving the dogs to you.' and lro'them'in (46). As I have discussed the grammatical relations abovg these cri-
teria will be kept throughout this chapter. I give here a new analysis of experiential
(41) iln seta-ko=ft om-kc-d-l<o-a. verbal constructions
2sc dog-rr =lsc:sunr give-couru-rn-3pr,:onr-rxp The new analysis adopts the term'experiencer'and 'stimulus'. The experiener
'I gave the dogs to you.' denotes the human experiencer of sensory mental, emotional, physical, and biologi-
cal states expressed by the experiential verbs, whereas the stimulus is the source or
It is very interesting that only one object, for examplg atn )ou' or seta-ko 'dogs' cause of experience.
can be cross-referenced. Thus tlre sentence (42a) is ungramrnatical. Further, if you Further, I adopt the notion of'experiencer-subject'from Croft (1991,1993) for
want to encode the beneficiary on the verb in the completive sentence the comple- a typological analysis of mental verbg where experiential verbs assigrr the experi-
tion aspect marker /ce should change to the'cislocative'or suspended aspect marker encer to the subject position in (a3) and (45). In (4a) and (46), on the other hand,
a as in (42b). Thus, the experiencer is assigned to the object position. I, thereforg consider it as the
cxperiencer-object construction. This analysis is useful, because it enables us to keep
(42) (a) *arn seta-ko=ft om-a-m-ke-d-la-a. the criteria for subject-object assignment.
2sc dog-m=lsc:suu give-rrN-2se.coupl-rn-3pl:oBl-rND Now I give a new analysis of the experiential construction. In general I regard
'I gave the dogs te you.' an experiential verb as an intransitive verb (see (43) and (a5)). Then I consider the same
o) arn seta-kp=ft om-a-d-me-a. experientialverb asacausativizedformof anintransitiveverbintheobject-experiencer
2sc dog-r =lsc:surr give-sus-rn-2sc:oBJ -rND construction (see (44) and (46). This analysis fits Croft (1991:215)'s crossJinguistic
'I gave the dogs to you.' lindings that 'experiencer-object verbs are causative'.
The stimulus occurs with the instrumental postposition -re in the orperiencer-subject
As I mentioned in the previous section, inanimate NPs cannot normally occupy the oonstruction shown in (43) and (45), and as a subject in the experiencer--object con-
transitive subject slot. But with some verbg inanimate NPs can do this The semantic rtruction shown in (a4) and (46). Arc the NPs nc baa'this flower' n (44) and sustot
range of these verbs is restricted to the following:6 'dance' in (4Q really subjects? And are the NPs fi tn (4) and la in (46) really objects?
$b can make a syntactic test for subjecthood and objecthood by using relativization,
(a) Sensory and mental experiences
(b) Emotional experiences.
u in the following:
(c) Physical and biological experiences l47l maja sowan-le-n-baa goso?-ja-n-a.
I call these experiential verbs This semantic range almost corresponds interestingly
good smell-lNr-rrn-flower wither-rNcn-rrn-rNp
'The good-smelling flower has withered.'
with dative subject predicates in Indo-Aryan (Klaiman 1986). There are two types
of sentence in experiential verbal constructions in Mundari, as followq in ong the (48) ne baa maja sowanJe-d-(ho7o)=la seno?-ja-n-a.
experiencer is the subject (43, 45) while in the others it is the objecr. (M, 46): this flower good smell-ar.rr-rn-(People)=3p1't sJ go-INGR-rrR-IND
'The people whom this flower made experience a good smell have gone.'
(43) balbal-te=ft sowqt-ta-n-a.
sweat-loy=15635u, smell-pnoc-rrn-no (19) bese rasika-le-n-rusm nimir caba-ja-n-a.
'I am experiencing a smell of sweat.' rcry bejoyful-coun-rrn-dance recently flrnish-nrcn-rrR-[.rD
"The vcry joyful dancc has finished recently.'
(+4) ne baa moja
soworja-?-fi-a. (t0) Jrrr,rf bese rasika-lct4-(hogo)=lq marag-ja-n-a
this flower god
smell-nrcn-rn-lsc:osJ -rND
dane vsry bc joyful-coun-rn-(people)=3pr:sus grow-rNGR-rrR-rND
'This flower has made me experience a good smctl.'
'Tho pcoplc whom thc danoc made joyful have grown up.'
I24 THEMUNDALANGUAGES MUNDARI 125

As the intransitive marker -n- appears in (47) and (49), the NPs baa and susun are (58) ne hqi-kin=ift suku-ako-n-a.
subjects On the other hand, the transitive marker -d- occurs in (48) and (50) the this girl-or=lsc:sunr like-crcNr-rrn-rND
NPs (ho7o)-ko are objects My new analysis can be supported by this syntactic test 'I like these girls'
of relativization.
I add an important note here. The stimulus is always an inanimate noun. In other Examples (57) and (58) have two-place constructiong but include the intransitive
wordq transitive subject NPs in the object-+xperiencer construction are inanimate marker -n. We, thereforg consider them semi-transitive; that is, they are two-
nouns. For instanog the following senten@s are not aoceptabl€: place, but intransitivg they harrc a subjoct and an indirwt object. Furtheq there are no

(51) *ne kuyi maja=e? sowan-ja-?-fi-a.

experiencer-objec't constructions paired with (57) and (58) in Mundari. This is a great
difrerene betvrcen Indo-Aryan and Mundari with r€spwt to experiential constructions
this girl good=3sc:suur smell-rNcn-rn-1sc:onr-rNp
In sum, object types in Mundari are three; patient-object in the unmarked
'This girl made me experience a good smell.'
transitive construction, experiencer-object in the experiential construction, and
(52) *susun kuyi bese=? rasika-ke-d-l<o-a. experiencer-indirect object in the benefactive construction.
dance girlvery=3sc:sunr bejoyful-cor"rpr-rn-3pr:osJ-rND
'The dancing girl made them experience joy.' 3.3.j-3.i.4 Tense and aspect

The tense system is divided into future (unmarked) and non-future (marked).
In order to equivalent sentences of (51) and (52) in Mundari, these should
say the
The future tense implies the habitual aspect like used to in English. In this case the
be replaoed by (53) and (54), respectively.
iterative verbal base is usually used. Further, the future tense also indicates universal
(53) ne kuyr-a? sowan maja sowan-ja-?-ff-a. truth. For example,
this girl-cex fragrance good smell-rNcn-rn-lsc:onr-nip (59) ui?-jilu ka=k jo-jom-a.
'This girl's fragrance made me experience a good smell.' cattle-meat Nnc=lpr.rx:suRl eat-[ER-tr{D
'We (excl.) never eat beef.'
(54) susun kry=ko lel-ki-?-i-ci bese
dane girl=3sc:suur see-coMpl-TR-3sc:oan-coxr very (60) seta? singi=? rakab-a
rasika-ke-d-la-a. morning the Sun=3sc:suu rise-rxo
bej oyfulouru-rr- 3pl:oeJ-hrD 'The sun rises in the morning.'
As they saw the dancing girl she made them experience a joy.'
Prcsent and past tenses are expressed by the aspect marker following the transitive
or intransitive marker. Thug
I, thereforg rewrite the constraint for subject--object assignment here.

(55) (i) Present

Transitive subject NPs are animate nouns except for the object-+xperiencer
construction. (61) ma4fli=ft jom-ta-n-a.
food=lsc:suru eat-PRocFrrR-rND
As illustrated above, an experiential verb in Mundari is considered as an intransitive. 'I am eating the food.'
That is to say, in the experiencer-subject constructionq only the experiencer assigrred
to intransitive subject occurs, and the stimulus occurs with the instrumental postposi- (ii) Past
tion -re. However only a few experiential verbg for examplg s*u'to feel happy, to (62) ma4Qi=ft jom-ke-d-a
like', kairao 'to feel angry, to get an angry' , giu?'to feel ashamed, to shame', can act food=lsc:suar eat-coMPL-TR-rND
as transitive verbs In that casg the animate NPs can oocupy the transitive object slot 'I ate the food.'
not as stimuli, but as beneficiaries I show the general benefactive construction in (56)
and the experiencer--subject and beneficiary--object construction in (57) and (58). Tlre aspect markers are classified into perfective and imperfective sets We will look
rt thc perfective flrrst. The following perfective aspect markerg for example, a, ltc, le,
(56) ma44i atn=ifi om-a-m-ta-n-a. ,/o rre involved in the verb morphology of Mundari.
food you=lsc:suru give-erN-2sc:oBJ-pRoc-rrR-rND
(il a.
'I am giving you the food.'
Thir is not frequently used. Nobody exoept Munda takes this aspect marker
(57) ann=ifi giu?-a-m-ta-n-a. lnto consideration. Munda regarded it as a'cislocative'aspect which implies 'an
you=lsc:sunr shame-ssN-2sc:oBJ-pRoc-rrR-rND rction which ie complctcd and suspended for an indelinite period of time'(Munda
'I am feeling shame at you.' l97lt29), Thc 'ciclocative'a can bc followed by both the intransitive marker z and
126 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MI'NDARI IN

the transitive marker d The following examples indicate the relationship between
(70) tna4Qi=ko jom-ja-d-a.
a-n and a-d:
food=3pl:susJ eat-rNGR-TR-rND
'They have started eating the food; they are eating the food.'
(63) diku=ft itu-a-d-ko-a.
Hindi=lsc:sus teach-sus-rn-3pl:oru-wp Within the broad domain of imperfectivity 'a distinction is made between the
'I have taught Hindi to them.' terms "progressive" and "continuoug" the former being a situation of the latter
(rrogressiveness is the combination of continuousness with non-stativity)' (Comrie
(g) diku=fi itu-a-n-a. 1976:12). The following imperfective aspect markers have been treated here:
Hindi= lsc:sus teach-sus-rrn-nro
(v) ta.
'I have been taught Hindi; I have known Hindi.'
This aspect marker is labelled'progressive'based on the Comrie's definition; that ig
We have used the term suspended for the aspect marker c. the combination of continuousness with non-stativity.
(ii) te. (i) ak".
This aspect marker indicates the completion of an action without reference to any This aspect marker is labelled'continuous', on the other hand, slightly different from
other action. the progressive aspect according to the definition as follows: 'durative without the
habitual' (Comrie 197 6:26).
(65) ma4fli=ft jom-lee-a. The distinction between the aspect markers ta and akc is based on the contrast
food=lsc:susJ eat-coMPL-trYD between a telic and an atelic situation. Telic refers to an event where the activity has
'I will finish eating the food (without waiting for anything).' a clear terminal point while atelic, where the event has no such natural end-point.
For instance,
(66) Rsnci-te=fi sen-l<e-n-a.
(71) dab-ta-n-a-la.
Ranchi-to=lsc:sugJ go-coMpl-rrR-rND
sit-pnoc-rrn-nm-3pr :suu
'I went to Ranchi.'
'They are in the process of sitting.'
(iii) Ia (This action will have a terminal point when they sit down.)
This aspect marker sipifies the completion of an action in relation to some other (72) &b-aka-n-a-la.
action. We call it current relevance of anterior, or simply an anterior. We will com- sit-crcNr-rrn -rxp- 3pl: suql
pare le wrth kc as given below. 'They are sitting.'
(They have already sat down. They can stand up or continue sitting. It does
(67) du6mt-le-n-a-e?.
not matt€r.)
sleepaNr-rrn-no-3sc :suu
'He/she had slept first (then has already got up).' Hence we will consider the aspect marker aka as continuous in an atelic situation.
Unlike English, the stative verb in Mundari has both progressive and continuous
(68) duyum-kz-n-a-e?. forms Furthermore, transitive verbs with a continuous aspect correspond to the
sleep-cotur-rrn-n rD 3sc: suBJ cxperiential perfect in English.
'S/he slept.'
(73) Rqnci do=fi lel-aka-d-a.
(iv) ja. Ranchi top=1*'au , soo- clcNr-rR-rND
This aspect marker indicates the completion of an action which is relevant to a 'I have seen Ranchi; I have been to Ranchi.'
current situation; in fact it refers to its inception. According to Comrie ( I 976: I 9), 'the (74) Rurci-te=ko sen-aks-n-a.
other perfect forms of the same verbs can in fact be used to indicate the beginning Ranchi-to-3pr.:suru go{)Nr-rrR-rND
of a situation (ingressive meaning)'. In other words, this aspect marker is used for 'They have gone to Ranchi (and have not yet come back).'
ingressive aspect.

(69) seno?-ja-n-a-leo.
3,i.5 Mood
go-rNGR-rrR-rNr> 3pr:2w Thcrp arc thrae moods in Mundari: indicative (unmarked), imperative, and optative.
'They have startcd going; thcy hevejust gonc.' lmpcrativc mood is marked by dcleting the indicative marker a in an indicative
 128 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MUNDARI 129

senterce. Negation of imperativg that is, prohibitivg is marked by preposing a/o to a (i) Completion
verbal base. Optative mood indicates the attitude of the speaker: ii expresses wishes
and is markedby ka which precedes the pronominal sufIix. Although Munda (1971) (79) jom-kc-m.
called it subjunctivg we adopt the term optative as Hoffrnann (1903), cook (1965), 'Eat up; if you dont eat it you wont get a chance to eat later.'
and N.K. Sinha (1975) did. Negation of optative is marked by alo + ka, which aie
preposed to a verbal base. The modal intensifier la? canbe added to imperative and (ii) Progressive
optative sentences. It implies politeness.
The basic structures are as follows: (80) jom-ta-m.
'(You should) Eat (it); our life is not immortal. So you should eat it'.
(i) Imperative
second -mlme singalar (iii) Anterior
VB (+ AM) (+ OBI) * personal -ben d:ual
suflix -pe plrtral (81) jom-le-m.
'Eat (it) first (and then).'
(ii) Optative
YB (+ AM) (+ OBJ) + NEG /ra personal suffix (iv) Ingressive

(iii) Prohibitive for second person (82) jom-ja-m.

second -z 'Eat (it) along (while on your way to doing something else).'
alo person VB (+ AM) (+ OBJ) + -a
sufftx -pe (v) Continuous

(iv) Prohibitive for first and second persons (83') jom-aka-m.

alo ka prsonal suflix VB (+ AM) (+ OBI) + -a 'Eat (it) (continuously).'

The sentence examples are given below:

3. 3. 6 Oricntationl directionality
('15) rna4Qi jom-e-me
food eat-rpnN-2sc Not investigated in this study.
'Eat the food.'

(76\ ma4Qi jom-e-ka-ka. 3.3.7 Yalencelvoice

food eat-spEN-opr-3pL
There are three means of decreasing valency; that ig reflexive, reciprocal, and
'May they eat the food.'
passive.

(77\ olo=pe jom-a.

Reflexive is expressed by the suffx -en after consonants or -n after vowels For
ysc=2pr cxamplg
eat-rND
'Don't eat.' (&4) Soma=e? lel-en-ta-n-a.
Soma=3sc:susJ see-RFrxv-pRoc-rrR-rND
(78) alo-kq=l@ jom-a.
'Soma is looking at himself,'
src-opt=3pr eat-rND
'They must not eat.' The reflexive -enl-n is highly productive but the following verbs do not take the
rcflexive suffx: dnD 'to sit', kami'to work', giti?'to lie down', ajom'to feed'. The
we note that all aspect markers except the suspended aspect marker a can follow rcllexive refers to 'a verb where the subject and the object relate to the same entity'
a verbal base in the imperative s€ntence. The semantic difference between aspect (Crystal 2003). Causative verbs cannot be reflexivized; for example, ajom'to feed'.
markers can be shown below.
lnterestingly, the class of intransitive verbs which can be causatiyized is also not
 I3O THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MI,NDARI I31

reflexivized. Thtrsb dub 'to sit'is intransitive but can take the transitive marker to add Conjugation change alfects labile verbs For convenience we shall consider the
causativity, as in the following: transitive use of labile stems as causativization as I have shown above in (85) and
(85) &tb-aka-n-a-e?. (86). Thus,
sit<prrr-rrn-rNo-3sc :surr (93) (a) dub i. 'to sit'(with the intransitive marker -n)
'He has sat, that iq he is still sitting.'
O) ii. 'to cause to sit'(with the transitive marker -d)
(86) hon-la=e? ifub-aka-d-ko-a.
child-pr=3sc:surr sit-oNr-rn-3pl:oBr-rND (93a=85) dub-aka-n-q-e?.
'S/he has caused the children to sit down.' sit-coNr-rrn -rro- 3sc: susJ
'He has sat, that ig he is still sitting.'
The reciprocal marker <pv> is monosemous and never attached to non-verbal
stem* The reciprocal decreases verb valency. Thus the reciprocal verbal base takes (93b=86) hon-la=e? dub-aka-d-ko-a.
only the intransitive marker -n even with ditransitive verbs For instance, child-pr=3sc:suru sit-cour-rn-3pL:oBI-rND
(87) Soma seta hon-ka=e? om-ki-?-i-a. 'S/he has caused the children to sit down.'
Soma dog child-pr,=3sc:susJ give-coun-rn-3sc:onr-nio The benefactive su{Iix -a (always followed by the beneficiary agreement marker)
'Soma grue the dog to ttre children.' indicates not only a beneficiary argument added to two-place transitive but
(88) seta-lw=le o<po>m-ta-n-a. also (optionally) the indirect object of ditransitives, and in this case both forms
dog-rl= I rI-.e><:surr givecnrcrr>give-pRocrrrR-rND may coincide. Although the benefactive suffix increases valency when added to
'We arc giving the dogs to each other.' a two-place transitivq the benefactive verbal base takes the intransitive marker -z only.
This may be the reason why reciprocals cannot be derived from the benefactive.
Passive verbal bases can be formed by suffrxing -o? to a verbal stem. The passive Compare:
suIlix can be attached to either transitive or intransitive verbs The passive may
imply the sense of possibility, that iq a 'passive potential', as is common in other (94) (a) daru=m ma?-ke-d-a.
Munda languages tree=2sc:sunr cutcoupr-rn-np
'You cut the tree.'
(89) (a) ayum 'to hear' + aywn-o? 'to be audible' O) daru=m mag-a-ft-kc-n-a.
O) lel 'to see' t lel-o? 'to be visible' tree=2sc:sunr cut-ssN- I se.coMpL-ITR-rND
(c) dupm 'to sleep' + daryn-o? 'to feel sleepy' 'You cut the tree for me.'
Fgrther, passivity in Mundari implies non-volitionality. Unlike Mundari, passive in
Hindi (Pandharipande 1978) and Bengali (Klainman 1986) makes crucial referenoe 3.3.8 (Non-)finiteness
to the semantic notion of volitionality. For instancg we may look at the following Non-finite verb forms can be made by the deletion of the indicative marker a, and
Mundari senten@s: are used in the formation of relative clauses They are of the following type:

(90) dugwn-o?+a-n-a-e?. Verbal Base (+ Aspect Marker + Transitive/tntransitive Marker).

sleep-mss-rnoo.rrn-nr>. 3sc: suu
The aspect markers and transitive/intransitive markers can be deleted in the
'S/he is feeling sleepy (by a non-volitional cause)., future tense. Aspect markers are obligatorily followed by the transitive/intransitive
(91) marker -dl-n in relative clauseg although aspect markers without transitive/
kug-o?-ta-n-a-e?.
intransitive markers can be used in the finite verbal systern. Thuq
cough-rass-rnoc-rrn- 3 sc: suaJ
'He is beginning to cough.'
(95) jom-hoyo
eat-person
Thus, the fo[owing verbs cannot be passivized due to their implication of volitionality.
'the man who will eat'
For examplg co?'to kiss' )*cog-ol, dulaya 'to love, )*duiaTa-o|.
The means of increasing valency are causativg conjugation changg and (96) jom-ke-d-ho7o
benefactive. eatoupl-rn-person
Causative is expressed by the unproductive prefix a-: 'the man who ate it'
(92) (a) jom 'toeat' , a-jom 'tofoed' rjom-ke-ho6o is not grammatical, although jom-l<c-a=e? (eat-ouru-rxo=3sc:sunr)
(b) nu 'to drink' + a-nu 'to givc to drink' 'He/she will havc eaten the food'is completcly acoeptable
132 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MUNDARI I33

The non-finite form can be followed by a noun or pronoun in a relatiw clause and by The partial reduplication may indicate either:
a posposition in a subordinate clause I discuss these clauses in sections 4.4 and4.5.
(i) Repetition, implying an emphatic action.
(ii) Customary act, implying a universal fact.
3.3.9 Negation For instance,
The negative markers in Mundari arc ka and alo. (100) alo=m ktmtbupt-a da-dal-s-l{o.
&a is highly productive for lexical and sentence negation in indicative sentences" Nnc=2sc thief-nrp strike-rrrn-rN>'3pl:susJ
It is a morphologically bound form. alo is used for the negation of imperative or 'Dont steal it. They strike you repeatedly.'
optative sentences.
Basically &a is 'No' in polar (yerno) questions It also functions as a s€ntence (l0l=59) uri?-jilu ka=le jo-jom-a.
negation marker, and is then Iixed in preverbal position, followed by the subject cattle-meat NEG=lpL.Ex:sIrBJ eat-rrrn-nrp
agreement element. If the subject is inanimate the negation marker ka is put in pre- 'We (r"x.) never eat beef.'
verbal position as a free form. For instancg
The following particial reduplication is lexicalized:
(911 Rotci-te=m seno?-ta-n-a ci. (102) tasad tu-tud-aka-n-a.
Ranchi-to=2sc:susJ go-pRoG-rrR-rND a grass pickup-rren-coNT-ITR-IND
Are you going to Ranchi?' 'The grass is ready to pick up.'

(98) ka, ka=il senog-4. (103) uli-joo jo-jom-aka-n-a.

NEG NEG=ISG:SURI go-rND mango-fruit eat-rrER-coNT-IrR-IND
'No, I dont go.' 'The mango fruit is ready to eat up.'

In addition to the above meaning, we have the meaning of action of limited duration,
(99) ne Saft Rstci-te ko senog-a.
just in full reduplication.
this cax Ranchi-to NEG go-rND
'This car will not go to Ranchi.' (104) tqgi-taAgi-kc-n-a-le.
wait-wait-corrapr-rrn-rNp- I pr. p<
As is shown in the section on Mood (section 3.2.5), alo functions as a prohibitive 'We (excl) waited for a little while.'
marker in imperative sentenceq and indicates the negation of hope and desire in
optative s€ntence& I describe full reduplication formation later, in the section on serial verb constructions
In
sentences with an auxiliary verb we use special forms for negation. These are (section 32,12). vLL-e (,, i{" " '. & ('a }! "'
bano? for inanimates, boggai? for first person singular and third person singular and 3 aLa
^6-' [''i a ')'' r
ban for animate other than first person singular and third p€rson singular. I discuss , i'til,'&l R' ; '
these in detail in section 3.2.11. 3.3.11Copula
The equivalent of the verb'to be'has two forms in Mundari:
3.3.10 Derivation
(i) The existential copula mena?. This refers to the subject's location in space.
Verbal derivation in Mundari is a type of partial reduplication. It is not productivg (ii) The identity copula lan. This refers to the subject's identity.
and is only applied to closed monosyllabic words Beside partial reduplication, we
Both are irregular verbs The animate subject of the existential copula mena? is
have full reduplication. This formation is productive. For examplg
encoded in the rrcrb morpholory while the inanimate subject is not encoded. Thus,

Verb Partial reduplication Full reduplication ( 105) Sotna oga?-re mena?-i-a.

sab'tocatch' sa-sab sab-ssb Soma house-loc crop3sc-wp
jom 'lo eat' jo-jom jom-jom 'Soma is in the house.'
tud 'lo pick' tu-tud tud-tud
goe?'tokill' go-goe? goe?-goe? (106) Sotu tan-i?.
ta1gi 'to watt' ta1gi-tqgi Soma cop3sc:suu
rakab 'to i*' raleb-mkab 'It is Soma.'
I34 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MI.'NDARI 135

Both the copula mena? arid tan are defective verbq occurring only in the present. In Indo-Aryan languageg there are two types of verb-verb constructions; one
These forms merge into tai'to stay'in the past and future (the past form tai-ke-n,
is a verb with a conjunctive participle and another is a compound verb with an
the future forn tai-n). For instance,
'explicator'verb. For examplg in Hindi a conjunctive participle is the so-called -ftar
construction whereas a compound verb is the combination of a main (polar) verb
(107) Soma oSa?-re=? tai-ke-n-a. and an explicator (vector, operator, or intensifier) which indicates completion,
passivity, permission, etc. of the action or process expressed by the main verb. Thus,
Soma house-Loc=3sc coreMPL-rrR-rND
we consider this type as an auxiliary verb construction.
'Soma was in the house.'
In Mundari there are two types of the serial verb construction:
(108) Soma=e? tai-ke-n-a.
Soma=3sc:sunr coFCoMPL-ITR-rND (i) Main verb + Main verb. Its meanings are similar to the conjunctive participle
'It was Soma'or'Soma was there.' construction in Hindi, that iq they are perfective and simultaneous
(109) Soma oXa?-re=? tai-n-a. (ii) Main verb + Explicator. Unlike other South Asian languages, most of the
operators retain their original meaning.
Soma house-r.oc=3sc:suBJ clcFrrR-IND
'Soma will be in the house.'
I illustrate the following examples in (i) here:
(ll0) Soma=e? tai-n-a.
Soma ooP-rrR-IND (a) Pair action
'Itis going to be Soma who will be there' or
'Soma will be there.' (115) hatu-re=hA jom-nu-ke-d-a
village-in= lol.rx eat-drink-coupl-rR-rND
Negation in copula senten@s is slightly more complicated' The negative of mena? .\Me
two (orcl) ate and drank in the village; we two took dinner in the village.'
has three variants. For example,
(lll) These are pair actions bke seno?-hiju?'to keep company wfih', isin-bosaX'to cook
Soma osa?-re bangai?-i-a
and boil, that isi to make food', etc.
Soma house-in cop xpo-3sc-u.tp
'Soma is not in the house.' (b) Sequential action
(112) parkom o1a?-re bano?-a.
bed house-l,oc coP NEG-IND
( I 16) ne sa(m sasima-cetaX-te=bu dondo-rakab-e-a.
A bedstead is not in the house.' this firewood roof-over-to-lpr.wc lift-goupit-nro
'We will lift this firewood and take it up to the roof.'
(ll3) hon-ko o6a7-re baX-ko'a.
child-pl house-roc copNEG-3pL-IND This class of serial verbs are go?-ader 'to carry (something) on the shoulder and take
'Children ar€ not in the house.' it into the hous€', dul-pere?'to pour and fill up', etc.

The negative of tut is formed by just adding to the negative marker ka before tan (c) Result
as in a regular verb.
(l 17) ne hon=le asul-maran-ki-?-i-a.
(l 14) Soma ka tan-i?. this child=lpl.pcsunr feed-grow-coupr-rn-3sc:onr-wn
Soma NEc cop-3sc 'We (excl) fed and raised this child up.'
'It is not Soma.'
Eramples of this type of serial verb aret sen-nqm'to go and meet (somebody)', nir-
The identity copula tan may be related to the progressive aspect marker ta. The dis- hga'lo run and get tired', etc.
tinction between the existential copula and the identity copula may be considered to
be an Indian areal featureT (d) Cause

3.3.12 Auxiliary or serial verb constructions (ll8) af-a? hon-kin banda-re=kh Quntbui?-goe?-ja-n-a.
Serial verb constructions have attracted the attention of linguists who are concerned
my child-u- pond-mc=3ol:suar bedrown-die-rNcR-rrR-rND
'My two children have died by drowning in a pond.'
with South Asian languager Ever sinoe Masica (1976) considered compound verbs
with the 'explicator verb'as a t)rpological areal featurg studies on compound verba in
Ohor oxamplos are: ma?-goe?'to kill with an axe' , haka-goe? 'die by hanging', etc.
South Asian context have been scriously attcmptod.
136 THE MI,INDA LANGUAGES MUNDARI 137

(e) Simultaneous action or events Basic meaning Mundari verbs Semantic function SeriaUAuxiliary verbs
EAT jom self-benefactive giti?-jom 'to lie down for
(119) ne gafa po[opo[iale=lto har-parom-ke-d-a. one's benefit'
this river motorbike-by=3pl:suu drive+ross<pMpl-rR-IND nan-jont 'to get for oneself
'They drove the motorbike and crossed the river.' FULL pere? completion om-pere?' to give completely'
lel<a-pere? 'to count completely'
MAKE bai carefully lel-bai' to l@k carefully/atrcntively'
This class of serial verbs are: dub-hape'while sitting to keep a silence', &raX-au'to ayun-b ai' to listen carefully'
come along singing', etc. PLUCK god for a moment ayrn-god'to hear for a moment'
The second type (ii) Main verb + Explicator is a common feature in South Asian (a fruit) lel-god 'ta see for a moment'
languages. The verbs meaning 'come'and 'go'are common explicators in Indo-Aryan PLUCK sid to stop j agarsid' to stop talking'
(a potherb)
and Dravidian languages (Kachru and Pandharipande 1980:115). In Mundari the sayad-sid'lo stop br€athing'
equivalents of these verbs are never used as explicators, and never appear as the
second member of serial verbs either. U.N. Singh et al. (1986) listed the equiva- The following verbq when used as second verbs of the serieg can act not only as
lents of the following eighteen vectors (=explicators) for their analysis for classifying modal and aspectual auxiliaries but also as adverbials:
polar verbs in selected South Asian languages
Basic meaning Mundari verbs Semantic function Serial verbs

FINISH caba perfective om-caba 'to finish giving'

TAKE, GIYE, GO, DIE, RISE, SIT, COME, THROW le l+aba' to fi nish seeing'

KEEP, MOVE, SEND, SEE, KILL, COME-OUT, BEGIN 4e? inchoative j om-e1e?' lo start eating'
ol-e1e?' to start writing'
BRING-OI-N, HOLD BRING. WIN d4 carl ol4agi'to be able to writr'
leldagi'to be able to see'
Among them the following verbs can be considered the second member of serial DO rika causative ol-rika'to cause to write'
verb constructions in Mundari. bai-rika 'to cause to make'
RETURN rura again, back lel-ru1a'to see again'
English gloss Mundari verbe [\i[ganing as a s€cond Serial verbo jom-nqa 'to eat again'
verb of the series lad
EXCEED exoessively dufiifir- lod' a sleep excessively'
TAKE ia motion onward nir-idi'ta run away' j omJad' to eat excessively'
or a\rray kuli-idi'to go on asking I.RONT AW ahead seno?-ayar'to go ahead'
continuation a qu€stiotr' nir-ayar'to run ahead'
DIE goe? to the last rasikn-goe?'to rejoie BACK tayom later jom-tayom 'to eat later'
degree excessively' sen-tayom 'to go later'
laada-goe?' a be convulsed
with langhter. Every serial verb can be marked by allixation for mood on the basis of semantic
raca?-rakab'to pull up'
RISE rakab motion up
nir-rakab'to run up'
and grammatical constraints operable on the second verb. In the Main verb *
Main verb construction, reciprocal infxation of <pV> is applied to each of the
THROW CV' to exceed laga-gi1i'to get tired
excessively' main verb,s; for examplg dondo-rakqb 'to lift and go up', do<po>nda-ra<pa>kob
pere?-gi1i'ta firll to excess' 'to lift and go up each other'.
SEND htl to send ra?-lai'to s€nd to call' Verbal intensifiers follow a verbal base This construction is similar to a serial verb
kitt7-k tl 'ta send to buy' constructioq but the second ele,ment is not a free form but rather a bound form. Unlike
COMEOUT u7u1 motion out of apir-qqt'to fly out' lndo-Aryan, the system of verbal intensifiers is nery rich in Mundari. For instancg
the plaoe dttl-ufu7'to pour out'
BRING au motion from nb-au'ta come running (i) Y-bailtab 'V quickly'
a given point this way'
jom-au'to go for taking
(120) ma4Qi jom-ba?-e-mc.
towards the
speaker (to Ibod, and thea food eat-quickly-it-2sc
and fro) come back' 'Eat the food quickly.'
(ii) Y-bapadlgorue?'V by all means'
We will illustrate below the second verbs of the series whose meaning is slightly
different from their basic meaning as main verbs, that iq the ones that have been
(l2l) en kugi au-bapad-i-me. (EM)
Oartially) grammaticalized.
that girl bring-by all means-3sc-2sc
'Marry the woman by all mcans'
138 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MUNDARI I39

3.4 Eryressives
(iii) Y-bayalbalay'Y here and there'
Mundari has a rich system of expressives. The term 'expressive'was suggested by
(122) asandi-naXgen=la sen-baEa-ta'n-a. Dilfloth (1976:26T2@) and adopted by Emeneau (1980:7) in the South Asian con-
marriage-for=3pl:susJ go-here and there-pnoc-'rrR-IND text in the following:
'They are going here and there for a marriage.'
'@)xpressive'is the most inclusive term for a form class with semantic symbolism
(iv) Y-co[e?'almost V' and distinct morphosyntactic properties; 'ideophones' are a subclass in which the
symbolism is phonological; 'onomaptoetics' are ideophones in which the reference
(123) kaji-co[e?-ke-d-ci=ka seno?-ja-n'a of the syrrbolism is acoustic (i.e. imitative of sounds). Since the ideophones may
say-almost-coMpl-TR-coNJ=3pr:susJ go-INGR-ITR-rND have reference not only to soundg but to any other objects of sense, including
'They began saying and stopped in the middle, then have gone.' internal feelings as well as external perceptions (sight, tastg smell, etc.), and
since the Indo-Aryan/Dravidian items already examined have this very wide tlpe
(v) Y- gara7'intensified Y' of reference, the broadest term 'arpressives'seems appropriate.
(124) kakala-garaX-i?-me. I have already writrcn about Mundari expressives in my grammar (Osada
shout-loudly-3se'2sc 1992:l4Fl44). However, I could not touch the syntactic and semantic properties of
'Shout at him/her loudlY.' expressives Thus I will discuss here (l) morphology (2) syntax, and (3) semantics
of orpressives
(vi) Y-hantaya 'engage in V'
3.4.1 Morphology of expressives
(125\ jom-hantafa-e-me
eat-engage in-it-2sc Expressives can be divided into the following types on the basis of their word
'Be engaged in eating it.' formation pattern:
(vii) Y -ka teI kuca'V repeatedly' o Full reduplication
o Partial reduplication
(126) mogQi=ka iom-kuca-ke-d-a. o Vowel mutation
food=3sc:susJ eat-repeatedly-colrpl-rn-u.lD-3Pl
'They ate it repeatedly.'
(viii) V-no?'V a little (while)' 3.4.1.1 Full redaplication

This type of expressive should be distinguished from verbal reduplication, which is

(12'l) samsn go?-no?'le-m.
clearly derived from the verbal base. It is a salient feature that a basic unit of the
luggage carry on the shoulder-a little-axr-2sc
reduplicational element has no meaning. Thug
'Carry it on the shoulder for a while.'
Expressive form Meaning
(ix) V-torsa'V along'
cakob cakab 'to eat noisily'
(128) hiju?-torsa-me. lugum lugurn 'to mumble (something)'
come-along-2sc hayarn hayam 'to talk in whispers'
'Come back at once.'
gusu gusu 'an inactive character'
suwa suyull 'lean and small (person)'
(x) Y-tuka 'V and return8' kase kqse 'to look askance at (a person)'
mondor mondar 'a smell of rice beer'
(129) idrtukt-fi-ka-e?. mogo mogo 'a smell of flowers'
take-return- I se.ovr-3sc kata kata 'to roar with laugh by many people'
'He/she may take me and return.' mugui? mugui? 'smiling cheerful'
(xr) Y-utar Y entirely'
3.4.1.2 Partial re&rplication
(130) Ranci-te=la seno?-utar-ia'n-a.
Ranchi-to=3pL:suBJ go-entirely-mon-rrn-nqo-3so Partial rcduplication can be formed by two elernents The second element is a par-
'They went away to Ranchi for ever.' tid rcduplication of the first element. We can subcategorize this tlpe according to
140 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MI,JNDARI I4I
the exact formal pattern. So far it has been impossible to find sommon meanings (iv) CVX kVX
associated with each partial formal type:
Expressive form Meaning
(i) CYx pvx Qale kale 'negligent (of taking care)'
ha[i ku[i 'to do the opposite action'
Exprssive form Meaning (v) CVXgYX
riti piti 'very small leaves as those of tamarind'
Exprcssive form Meaniry
ristrsi pisttTi 'the act of showing the teeth again and again'
rain gain 'good or bad principles of conduct'(EM)
rasa pasa 'a continuous rustle of dry leaveg paper, or straw as
mane gaile 'want of punctuality in starting dilatoriness'(EM)
produced by the gliding of a snake or the passage of
a rat or other small animals' (vi) CVX cYX
la6apala 'to make a stew thick, pasty' Exprrssive form Meaning
hlar pa[ar 'a mixture of truth and lies wherein one does not know repo cepo 'shrivelled'
what to believe' dukur cukur 'uneasiness of mind'
leden pedeX 'so fat that in walking he has difficulty'
leco peco 'connoting several recurvationq or twisting of the mouth (vii) CYx jYx
to the right and left' Exprrssive form Meening
loso poso 'a loosely limbed body with soft or flabby muscles' renge jeyge 'the condition of getting bothered or being subjected
to trouble or annoyance'
(iD cvx bvx hauSu jausu 'desultory talk or conversation, passing from one
subject to another without order or natural connection'
Exprcssive form Meaning runu Junu 'to go or walk with difficuhy due to a handicap,
kaubau 'to do uncomfortably or uneasily'
kered bered 'a quarrelling and flrghting disposition' (viii) CYX dVX
cere bere 'chattering and twittering of numerous birds' Exprrssive form Meoning
cali bali 'trickiness' rawa dawa 'opportunity to do someting reprehensiblg because there
hda bada 'the thuds of things soft, as mud, falling in sucession' is nobody to interfere'
ladi badi 'to put things in a disorderly manner, morc or less one over
another'
(ix) Cvx tvx
sador bador 'the act of letting bits fall while eating of strewing bits all Expressive form Meaning
around by pecking' ribui? tibui? 'the act of fat people, walking with the buttocks rubbing
rada bada 'onomatopoeia of hail, dry fruit or other hard and dry against each other'
thinp falling all about in rapid succession, also of rather roka toka 'quickly'
numerous drops of water falling all about' (x) CVX sVX
(iii) CvX mvx Exprrssive form Meaning
rahot sahan 'the use of dresg furniture, plate and utensils by more
Drprcssive form Meaning civilized people'
cebX meloX 'naughty boy' boro soro 'cowardice'
ceXgol meXgol 'shamelessness' (xi) CVX rVX
jqksnokl 'shining with a flashy dress (sari with gold)'
jikimiki 'shining with leather' Exprcssive form Meaning
rigt migi 'a cloth variegated with parallel lines or squashes of tiri rirt 'the sound of a flute'
various colour' (i). (ii), and (iii) are very common.
kcoy meog 'a feeling of loneliness and fear in the middle of the forest'
ka4Qumo4Qu 'indigestion and pain in the pit of the stomach after eating 3.4.1.3 Vowel mutation
or drinking something acid or sour or unripe'
seled tneled 'mixture of different kinds of grain, etc.' 'this type of expressives are dividcd into six on the basis of vowel
mutational
gefo mero 'a shamed face or a crying faoe' p8tterns
I42 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MUNDARI 143

(i) (c)act(c)a(c)l (c)uc(c)u(c) 3.4.2 Sytax of expressives

Expressiveform Meening The syntax of expressives has never been described. Expressives can occupy
Qala flulu 'a fat and short Person' any place, that iq in a predicate, complement, or argument slot. As the head
lada ludu 'a fat child' of a predicatg expresives can take derivational suffrxes, for examplg passive,
ladar ludur 'a wrinkled old Person' reflexivg benefactive, and aspect markers. Expressives can also form serial verb
61gar qtgur 'to look around restlessly' constructions. Thug
ba? bu? 'holes here and there'
.the
caba? cubu? splashing sound made by repeated poking with a stick (l3l) busu?-re seta-hon=e atul-putul-ta-n-a.
in water or mud' straw-Loc dog-child=3sc:su'nr ExpR-pRoc-rrR-rND
tqpa? tupu? 'babY tries to walk' 'The puppy is playing in the straw then the straw is shaking.'
tagam tugum 'a fat person who cannot walk swiftly'
lado lufu 'a fat babY' (132) nir-nir-te=? a1got-saAgot-gi7i*ka-n-a.
(ii) Cacla(C)(a)l Coclo(CXo)I run-run-to=3sc:suBJ Dpn-throw away-c1)NT-ITR.-rND
'S/he is running and running then s/he is totally getting out of breathe.'
Expressive form Meening
sat sor 'to eat away with a savage aPPetite' Some expressives require an experiencer object like in the experiential constructions.
karae? l<oroe? 'a gurgling breathing of one being strangled' For instance,
ktl kal 'abtuzingof the ears'
ragara rogoro 'soil mixed with stones so large that it cannot be ploughed' (133) rua-te alae-bqlao-ki-?-ft-a.
rakaya rolago 'the rattling of something in a box or in a bottle or the like' fever-to ExpR-coMpL-Tn-lsc:onr-rNo
4at 4ov 'a deep and big hole' 'I got a trouble by a fever.'
pagad pogod 'a swollen state of the whole body'
6arad [orod 'a sound of frog' An expressive alone or an expressive with the progressive aspect marker ta and the
(iii) CaClaCl Ciqicl intransitive marker -n can occupy in the complement slot as an adverbial phrase in
the following:
form
Expressive Meaning
patadpilid 'the act of shining in various places' (134) kata-kata=e landa-tq-n-q.
par pir 'the act of disPersing' expn=3sc:suru smile-pnoc-rrn-rNo
(i9 'S/he is laughing uproariously.'
CaCt(C)aCI CeC(C)eCI
Exprcssive form Meaning (135) iPirt2-tu-n=(e)-m landa-ta-n-a
pangad peyged 'a glitter of light appearing and disappearing now here, ExpR-pRoc-rrR=npsN-2sc:susJ smile-pnoc-rrn-np
then there' 'You are smiling like you are mocking somebody.'
ca? ce? 'used for the cry of babies'(EM)
An expressive can oocupy in the argument slot to modify a noun or noun phrase.
(v) CiCa(C) CoCo(C) For examplg
Expressive form Meaning
kidar kador 'a rooster with a long upright comb and long wavy
( 136) ini? do janao ako?-bako? ho;o-ge.
feathers on the neck and tail'(EM)
that person rop always nxrn person-EMpH
'S/he is always a stupid person.'
kigaX ko;oX 'a tall and lean pe'rson'
gida godo 'semiJiquid things'
An expressive can occupy in the head of noun phrase in the following instance:
pica poco 'to empty a soft or pasty substance by compression'
(vi) CiC CoC (137) ini?-a? isigi-sikigi ka=ft suku-a.

form Meaning
that person-cEN ExpR. Nsc=lsc like-rxo
Eryrcssive 'l don't like her coquettish laughing.'
bir bor 'tall and straight'
lir lor 'a long and weak saPling' As is secn above. expressives have a reduplicated form. Although the single form has
The formal analysis of expressives has bccn done. urually no meaning some single forms which are followed by the completive aspect
144 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MUNDARI 145

marker lec and intransitive marker ,, occupy the complement slot as an adverbial bijir
bijir 'lighting'
phrase: jilabjolob 'glimmering with a firefly'
jolob jolob 'glimmering with many hreflies'
(138) tii=? cadla-codla-kc-d-a. jaraX jaron 'glittering in the sun'
hand=3sc:sus, clap:nxrn-coupL-rR-IND pangad peXged 'a glitter of light appearing and disappearing now herg then there'
'S,/he clapped her/his hand.' pifipt@ 'glimmering on the sand'
pakd pilid 'the act of shining in various plaas'
(139) cadla-ke-n=e? tabyi-li-?-i-a. pilid
pilid 'twinkling with stars'
clap-couru-rrn=3sc:suu slapexr-rn-3sc:oBJ-IND
'S/he slapped himlher like clapping.' 3.4.3.1 Sowd symbolism

As far as sound synbolism is concerned, 'it is often said that if vowel quality is used
3.4.3 Semantics of expressives
for size symbolism, [d will symbolize smallness, and the loucr vourels, especially [a], will
Nobody has ever described the semantics of expressives in Mundari. Hoffmann symbolize largenesq with degrees in between'(Diffloth 1994:107). Diffloth, however,
has just described the several expressive forms as variants in EM. For examplg the has suggested a countir+xample Q: big a: small) from Bahnar, which also belongs to
following thirteen forms are the sole entry for'a smile to smile etc.': the Austroasiatic language family.
In Mundari, it seems to me that i symbolize smallness while a symbolize largeness
mo goe ?, mo go e ?-mo go e ?, me r go e ?, mer go e ? -mer go e ?, merloX, mer loX -mer loX,
in the following:
mirluX, mirlun -mirluX, moe ?-mo e ?, mugui?, mugui?-mugui?, musui?, musui?-
musui?. sata sata 'a passing rain for a long time'
According to my informarts some forms such as mogoe?-mogoe?, mirhq-mirluX,
silisili 'a passing rain'
ja;wt jaTam 'a heary rain (the water in the river is full)'
moe?-moe? are not known by them because of dialectal differences. They, however,
jifvn jiyt 'a heavy rain (the water in the rice-flreld is full)'
can differentiate meanings in the following:
kaca kaca 'to scold somebody with action'
mergoe? mergoe? 'smiling in mouth' kici kici 'to scold somebody only by mouth'
merloy merloX 'smiling by children or aged-persons who have no teeth'
The following c:rses should be taken into consideration in our future study:
mugui? mugti? 'smiling cheerful'
musui? musui? 'smiling in eyes shyly' baya baya 'lo acllazily'
Apart from these, there are a lot of expressives to express the action of laughing, etc.
buyu buyu
'to act, especially walk lazily (more lazy that baya-baya)'
pisir pisir 'to drizde (not enough to get wet, even without an umbrella)'
I demonstrate the semantic field of laughing, smiling and chuckling below.e
pusur pusur 'to drtzzle (but to get wet)'
hada hada 'to roar with laughter successively'
kata kata 'to roar with laughter (less than lndo-hada) by many people' 4 SYNTAX
ka? kd? 'to laugh like a hen's clucking'
ke? ke? 'to laugh like a jackal's howling' 4.1 Syntax of the simple sentence
kete? lcete? 'to laugh innocently (by children)'
kae koe 'to laugh without sound' As we have seen in section 3.2.2,the subject and object of a sentence are determined
kcre kete 'to laugh while talking' by word order. The unmarked word order is as follorvs: S + O + Verb.
isrft isryt 'to ridicule one's action or talk' The word order is not fixed for subject NP and object NP. Subject and object
istgi s*ifi 'to laugh coquettishly' agroement, thereforg is very important for the signalling of grammatical relations.
fft-( ,tll 'to laugh like a mock at' But in some cases ambiguity cannot be excluded. When the subject NP and object
NP have the same person and number, the sentence is ambiguous For instance,
I give another example of expressive for light reflection in the following:
( 140) Soma seta=e? huq-ki-?-i-a
joka jsks 'shining with gold' Soma dog=3sc:suur bite-corrlru-rn-3sc:ou-n'lo
jaka tnaka 'shining with a flashy dress (sari with gold)' (a) 'Soma bit the dog.'
jiki miki 'shining with leather' (b) 'The dog bit Soma.'
caka maka 'shining with steel or silver'
jili mili 'shining with building' On pragmatic groundg meaning (a) may be less likely. But if pusi'cat' is placed in
jilib jilib 'dazzle with elcctric light' the first pocition instead of Soma, the sentence k totally ambiguous
146 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MI.JNDARI 147

(141) pusi seta=e? huo-ki-?-i-a.

(iii) Oblique + S + O + V or S + Oblique + O + V or S + O + Oblique + Y
cat dog=3so,rrnr bite-coupl-rn-3sc:osJ-rND (146=143) (a) seta?-re seta-l<a ma4Qi=ko jom-ke-d-a.
(a) 'The cat bit the dog.' morning-roc dog-ru food=3pl:susJ eatffMpI.-rR-rND
(b) 'The dog bit the cat.'
O) mo44i seta-l<o seta?-re=leo jom-l<c-d-a.
One construction in which subjects and objects are distinguishable is in relative food dog-n morning-roc=3pl:suBJ eatoMpL-rR-rND
clause constructions The head NP in relative clauses can be a subject or an object
(c) ma4Qi seta?-re seta-l<o=l<o jom-ke-d-a.
in Mundari. But the transitive marker and intransitive marker can be used to distin- food morning-rcc dog-nr=3r:surr eat-coMpl-rR-n{D
guish the subject head NP from the object head NP: the intransitive marker is used 'In the morning the dogs ate the food.'
when the pivot is the subject. Thug (iv) Noun Phrase + Postposition
hua-ke-n-seta=e? For examplg oSa?-re'at home'
OaD @) pusi goe?-ja-n-a
cat bite-coupl-nR-dog=Js6'rrB die-rNGR-rrR-rND (v) Genitive + Noun Phrase
'The dog who bit the cat has died.' For example diri-rea? oSa?'a stone house'
O) pusi htn-kc-d-seta=e? goe?-ja-n-a
(vi) Adjective * Noun
cat bite-coupl-rn-dog=3*t.* die-rNcn-rrn-no
'The dog whom the cat bit has died.' For example maraX oya?'a big house'
(vii) Demonstrative + Noun
The subject and object agreement elements can be marked only when the subject NP
For example, ne o1a?'this house'
and object NP are classified as animate noun&
In addition to two argumentg a postpositional phrase or adverb denoting location (viii) Numeral + Noun
or time can be inserted into any position before the verb. In this case the orders of For examplg baria o1a? 'two houses'
NPs and PP are rather free except the last position, which is reserved for the verb. (ix) Relational clause + Head Noun
We illustrate this in (143).

(143) (a) seta?-re seta-ka ma4Qi=l<o jom-ke-d-a.

(147=142) (a) pusi hua-ke-n-seta=e? goe?-ja-n-a.

morning-loc dog-n food=3pr:susJ eat-coMpl-rR-rND

cat bite-coupr-rrn-dog=ls6'3,rru die-mcn-nn-rNp
'The dog who bit the cat has died.'
(b) ma44t seta-ko seta?-re=leo jom-ke-d-a.
fooddog-n morning-r.oc=3pL:suw eat{oMpL-rR-rND O) pusi hua-kc-d-seta=e? goe?-ja-n-a.

(c) ma44i seta?-re seta-ko=la jom-lce-d-a. cat bite-crrupl-rndog=3sc:suru die-rNcn-rrn-nrp

'The dog whom the cat bit has died.'
food morning-rcc dog-rl=3el:sr-inr eat-coMpL-TR-rND
'In the morning the dogs ate the food.'
(x) Degree word * Adjective
For example, bese tnarq'very big'
4.2 Typological features (xi) Final position of polar question particle
I list the constituent order below:I0 (148) Sorna ma4Qi=? jom-kc-d-a ci.

(i) S+o+v Soma food=3sc:suu eat-coMpl-rR-rND a

'Did Soma eat the food?'

(144) Soma ma4Qi=? jom-l<c-d-a. (xii) First position of interrogative in content questions
Soma food=3sc:suar eat-coupr-rn-rxp
'Soma ate the food.'
(149) ol<o-e hifu?-aka-n-a
who come-coNT-rrR-rND
(ii) S+O+VorO+S+V 'Who has come?'

(xiii) Clause + Adverbial subordinator

(145=141) pusi seta=e? hua-ki-?-i-a.
cal dog=3*,a,ru biteoupl-rn-3sc:osJ-rND ( 150) ma4Qi jom-tayom-te=leo senoga.
(a) 'The cat bit the dog.' food eat-after-roc=3pl:suBJ go-rND
(b) 'The dog bit the cat.' After eating the food they will go.'
I48 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MI'NDARI 149

4.3 Complex scntenoe structure (v) mendo'btt'

4.i.1 Coordinstbn This coordinating disjunction mendo can be analyzed into men'to say' and the
particle do. This can connect two sentences.
Coordination is expressed by the following particles: (157) ma4Qi jom-mone-ja-?-fi-tai-ke-n-a. mmdo ka-fi
(i) oSo?lad'and' food eat-want-rNcn-rn-lse.cop-coMpl-rrR-rND but NEG-lsc
nam-kc-d-a.
This coordinating conjunction can conjoin not only noun phrases but also clauses.
get{oMPL-TR-rND
(a) Noun Phrases 'I wanted to eat the food, but I have not got it.'
(151) ara? sim o7o? hendemerom (i) karedo'otherwise'
red fowl and black goat This consists of the negator kothe postposition -re and the particle do. This connects
'red fowl and black goat'
two s€ntences, especially an indicative s€nten@.
(b) Clauses (158) ma4Qi jom-le-m. karedo loyon-te=bu senog-a.
(152) jom-kc-d-a-e? ahe? seno?-ja-n-a. food eat-first-2sc otherwise ricelield-to=lpulNC go-rND
eat-GoMpl-TR-nro-3sc and=3sc:suBJ go-rNcR-rrR-rND 'Eat the food first, or we will go to the rice-field.'
'He/She aG and went away.'
4.3.2 Relative-type clauses
(ii) ci'or'
I have already illustrated the non-finite form in Mundari. The non-finite form can
This coordinating conjunction can connect not only noun phrases but also clauses be followed by a noun or pronoun in a relative clause. For instance,
(a) Noun Phrases (159) Ronci-te sen-ke-n-ho7o=e? hiju?-ruSa-ja-n-a.
(153) arq? sim ci hende merom Ranchi-to go-coMpl-rrR-person=3sc:sunr come-I€turn-INGR-rrR-IND
red fowl or black goat 'The person who went to Ranchi has just returned.'
'red fowl or black goat'. ( 160) Ranci-te sen-ke-n=i? hiju?-ruSa-ja-n-a.
(b) Clauses Ranchi-to go{oMpl-mR=3sc:sus come-rcturn-INcR-rrR-IND
'The one who went to Ranchi has just returned.'
(154) haga-m Ranci-te-? seno?-ja-n-a ci hatu-re mena?-i-a.
(16l) abu jom-lcz-d-sim-do=e? sibil-ge-tai-ke-n-a.
brother-your Ranchi-to-3sc go-rNGR-rrR-rND or village-roc oop-3so.nrn
'Your brother has gone to Ranchi or he is at home.' lpr-.rNc eat-coMpl-TR-chicken-rop=3sc:sunr tasty-EMpH{op-coMpl-mR-rND
'The chicken that we (INC) ate was tasty'.
(iii) cc'or'
ln a relative clause the following points can be noted:
This coordinating conjunction is not used to connect two noun phrases but to con-
(i) The head noun can be the object (161) or the subject (159) of the non-finite
nect two clauses
verb. It is very clear that the object follows the transitive marker d and the
(155) Soma htiu? ca=e? seno? kt-fi itu-a-n-a subject follows the intransitive marker n. As was shown abovg this is a symtactic
Soma come or=3sc:susJ go NEG-rsc:suBJ know-sus-rrr-np tcst to distinguish objecthood from subjecthood.
'I dont know whether Soma comes or goes' (ii) Thc hcad noun can be omitted; in this case the third person singular form which
follows is =r? rather than=e?.
(iv) ci-a?ci 'becaus€' (lll) The personal pronoun other than the third person cannot be allocated in the
According to Hoffmann in EM, 'this conjunction was introdued into the transla- post\rerbal position as a head noun in a relative clause. T\ns, rjom-kc-d-pe'yotr
tion of the Bible made by the first Lutheran Missionaries'(p. 843). It has been made who atc it' is ungrammatial (-pe is second personal plural suffix). If we change
by the calque of Hindi kydki or cflci. 'one'to 'you'in the sentence (160), we should paraphrase it with two sentences
(156) Ranci-te nida=le tebq?-ke-d-a. ci-o?ci bas (162) Ranci-te=m sm-ke-n-a. eno-te=m
Ranchi-tonight=lru.rxsuar reach-coupr,-rR-rND because bus Ranchi-to=2so:suru go{oMpL-rrR-rND that-by-2sc:surr
bagSao-le-n-a. hlfu?-ruga-Ja-n-a.
be.broken-err-rR-rND comc-rct urn-coMPL-lrR-lND
'We (excl.) arrived at Ranchi at night, becausc thc bus was out of order.' 'You wont to Ranchi and (thcn) you havc just r€turned.'
150 THEMUNDALANGUAGES MUNDARI I5I

4.3.3 Subordinate clauses (172) ma4Qi=m jom-lce-d-re-do pii[i-te=laX senog-a.

food=2sc:suu eat-coupr-m-rroc-rop market-to=lol.rNc:suBJ go-rND
The non-finite form can be followed by a postposition or a question marker in 'If you finish eating the food let us go to the market.'
a subordinate clause. The postposition re and the question marker ci are most
frequently used. The dilference between re and ci is complicated. The basic mean- Instead of re, sido-re 'before' and, tayom-te can be used in the subordinate clauses:
ing re is 'in that time'while ci is 'while'. The usage of the aspect marker is also
complicated. I give an example of each below: (173) ma4Qi jom-sida-re=la seno?-ja-n-a.
(163) ma4Qi jom-ta-n-ci=la jagar-ta-n-a. food eat-before-roc=3pr:su*r go-pRoc-rrR-rND
'Before eating the food they have gone.'
food eat-pRoc-rrR-coNr=3pr:susJ talk-pnoe.rrn-rNo
'While they are eating the food, they are talking simultaneously.' {174) rna4Qi jom-tayom-te=ko senog-a.
(164) ma4Qi jom-ta-n-re=lco jagar-ta-n-a. food eat-after-roc=3pr:sugr go-rND
food eat-pRoc-rrR-roc=3pl-:susJ talk-pnoo-rrn-rNp 'After eating the food they will go.'
'When they are eating the food they are talking at that time.'
The following examples denote supposed reality. In this sentence te-ra? or honaX
(165) hoTo-la ukula jagar-ta-n-ci=ka should be added:
people-rr. backbiting talk-pnoe'rrn-coNr=3pl:sr.rB,
aywn-lec-dJig-a
(175) ini?-b? aTandi-ja-n-re-do naa?-lo?-do=fi
that person-with marry-rNcR-rrn-roc-top now-with-top=lsc:srrBJ
hear-coupl-rn- I pr.nrcou-wo
'While we two were backbiting, people heard us' buyia-ja-n-te-ra?.
old-ntcn-rrn-rNs-cEN
(166) ma4Qi jom-ta-n-re holo?-re=ft Qi?-ja-n-a 'If I would marry him t should get old (I am still young because I didnt
food eat-pRoc-rrR-roc throat-roc=lsc:suBJ stick-proe.rrr-rNo marry him).'
'When I was eating the food it stuck in my throat.'
(167) paisa narn-aka-d-ci rasika-ja-?-ft-a. (176) afi-honaX seta bai-ja-n-re-da cadlom
money get-coNr-TR{oNJ joy-ncn-rn-lsc:oBJ-rND lsc-if dog become-nicn-rrR-Loc-rop tail
'I am joyful because I have got money.' pe[e-pe[e-baya-i-a.
sway-repeatedly-EPEN-rND
(168) paisa nsn-oka-d-re uri?=le kirig-li-?-i-a 'If I were a dog I may sway my tail repeatedly (I flatter my master).'
money get-@Nr-TR-r,oc cattle=lpr.EXC:sunr buy-aNr-rn-3sc:oBr-rND
'By the time we got money, we had already bought the cattle.' Another postposition lo? can follow the non-flrnite form in a subordinate clause:
As for the personal marking, the subject marking in the subordinate clause can be
omitted when the same subject o@urs in the main clause in the following:
(177) ma4Qi jom-ta-n-lobla &traX-ta-n-a.
food eat-pRoc-mR-roc=3pL:sunr sing-rnoc-rrn-rNo
(169) hon-la mo4fi jom-kc-d-ci=la setn?-ja-n-a. 'While they are eating the food they are singing.'
child-prfood eat{oMpl-rR-coNJ=3pl:susJ go-rNGR-rrR-rND
'When the children had eaten the food they went.' It is very similar to (163). But jom-ta-n-lo? is used in a wider range of contexts than
jom-ta-n-ci.
(170) hon-l<o mulQi=ko jom-l<c-d-ci
The postposition ate'from'cannot follow the non-finite form directly. But ke-ale
child-pr, food=3pl:susJ eat-@MpL-TR-coNl=3pr:susJ
in the indicative sentence and le-ate in the imperative sentence are very common
koni-te=fi seno?-ja-n-a. when denoting successive action:
work-to=lsc:srru go-INGR-rrR-rND
'As the children ate the food I have gone to work.' (178) ma4Qi jom-ke-ate=lco seno?-ja-n-a.
T\e -re clause also means conditional 'if'. The combination -re-do (locative and food eat-coupr-from=3pr,:sunr go-rNcR-rrR-rND
'After taking the food they have gone.'
topic marker) is more oommon for the conditonal clause:
(l7l) bisi jom-ja-n-re go-goe?-a (179) nu4Qt jomJe-ate seno?-me.
poison eat-rNcR-rrR-roc die-rrsn-ND food eat-lrrr-from gG.rND
'If the poison will be taken everybody shall dic.' 'Whcn they are eating the food they are talking in t}rat time.'
I52 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MI.'NDARI 153

In addition to ke-ate and le-ate there are ta-n-ate, lce-n-ate,tt ia-n-ate, le-n-qte, arid 5 SEMANTICS'DISCOT]RSE
aka-n-ate, as in the following:
5.1 Semantics
(180) mn4Qi jom-ta-n-ste=m pafao-tq-n-a.
There are many verbs in Mundari which are equivalent to the meaning
food eat-pRoc-rrR-from=2sc:supr study-rnoo.rrn-rxo of 'cut'in
English.
'You ar€ still eating but starting to study.'
(i) had
(l8l) ma4Qi jom-le-n-ate=ko aboy-en-ia-n-a 'to cut with sawing motion by a knife, a saw, an axg etc.'
food eat{oMpl-nR-from=3pt:susJ wash-nrlxv-rNcn-rrR-IND (ii) ged
'After taking the food they have washed their hands'.
'to cut meat by bdili (a large meat cutter)'
(182) e1ga-m goe?-ja-n-ate bar-sirma hoba-ja-n'a. (iii) latqb
mother-your die-mcn-rrn-from two-year happen-ncn-mR-IND 'to cut a paper, hair, etc. by scissors'
'It has taken two years after your mother's death.'
(iv) ma?
(183) dub-aka-n-ate=ft jom-ta-n-a. 'to cut a tree with a striking motion by an axe'
sit-coNr-rrn-from= lsc:sua, eat-pRoG-ITR-rND (v) od
'I am eating while sitting on the ground.' 'to cut through and through a tree and so fell it'

The concessive clauses are as follows:

(vi) soma?
'to cut something (meat bone, jacKruit, etc.) in small pieces with a ko4Qe (axd'
(l84) jom-e-ca lu=e? jom-e na4Qi bai-ta-m. (vii) ,r
eat-it-or Nec=3sc:sunr eat-itfoodmake-pnoc".2sc 'to cut the stalk of grain by Qatrom (sickle) for reaping'
'Whether s/he eats or not, you must be ready for the food.'
(iii) ga4Qui?
(185) seno?-re-o ka=m seno?-re-o komi-do calao-a 'to cut the long things (rope, etc.) in pieces of a given length'
go-roc-also NE6r=2sc:suBI go-l,oc-also work-rop go well-rNo (ix) lona
'Whether you go or not, the work goes well.' 'to cut timber into log'
A negative clause is illustrated in the following: (x) 4ula
'to cut the top portion of trees wfih du4u (long axe)'
(186) ne-ho7o aurinu-bairi-do ks=e? iagar-a (xi) paga?
this-person yetdrink-only-ror Nsc=3sc:suBJ talk-rNp 'to cut the long things (frrewood, etc.) into two portions'
'He doesnt talk until he drinks liquor.'
Aocording to Suwilai (2N2), tlere are numerous verbs in the same semantic field in
Kham, which belongs to the Austroasiatic language family spoken in Cambodia.
4.4 Switch rcferrne
Acording to Anderson and Boyle (2002:48), based solely on some of the very 5.2 Discouse
limitd data in (Osada 1992),itwas speculated that ci in Mundari might be a same
subject marker. Thug As far as discourse is conoerned, there are the topic marker and emphatic marker in
Mundari. I describe these here.
(187) jom-le-d-ci=kn seno?-ja-n-a. The particle do follows the noun phrase or postpositional phrase that it marks as
eatoMpl-TR-=3pl:sugl go-rNcR-rrR-IND the topic in discourse. It singles out the element about which the comment is made
'They went away as soon as they had eat€n.' in the sentence. The following elements can be marked by the topic markr do:
In our observation it is not the same subject marker as is shown below. (i) Subject
(188) aft jom-kz-d-ci=ko seno?-ia-n-a. (189) afr do=ft senog<L
lsc eatoMpL-TR-@NJ=3pL:suBJ go-INGn-rrR-IND lsc rop=lsc:suu go-rND
'They went alvay as soon as I had caten.' 'l will go.'
I,. THB MUNDA LANOUAOBS MUNDAII III

(ii) Dir€ct objcct Thc peniclc gz may function s! .n cmphatic markcr in discourse. The following
clcmcnts can bc markcd by th€ €mphatic markcr ge:
(190) nadi do=fr jom-kc-d-a,
food roFlsc €at-coM"L-TR-n ID (i) Subject
'I ate the food.' (199\ drt ge=fl senog-a.
(iii) Location lsc EMPn=lsc:suBJ go-urD
(191) Ronci-re do=fl ,ai-kr-n-a. 'It is I who will go.'

Ranchi-roc roP=lSG:suBJ live-coupl-rrn-no (ii) Direct Object

'I lived in Rarchi.'
Q0A\ ma4Qi ge=fi jom-kt-n-a.
(i9 Source food EMIH=lsc:suBJ eat-coMpL-[R-ND
(192) Rorci-ate do=m hiiu?-aka-n-a 'It i8 the food that I ate.'
Ranchi-from rop=2sc:susJ come'@NT-rrR-INl) (iii) Benefective
'You have come from Ranchi.'
(v) Instrumental l20ll Soma-nangen ge naki?=fi kiriy-a-i?-a.
Soma-for surH comb=lsc:suBJ buy-reu-3s+.nu
(193) ze daru hak -E do=W ma?-ke'd-a. 'For Soma, I will buy the comb.'
this tree axe'by ror=2n:suar cut-coMPL-TR-rND
'You cut this wood with an axe.' (iv) Source

1vi) Benefac'tive (202) Rmciate ge=m hiju?-aka-n-a

(194) Sonu-na1cen do naki?=fl kirig'a'i?-a. Ranchi-from sloH=2sc:suBJ @me-coNr-[R-rrtD
'From Ranchi, you have come.'
Soma-for roP comb=1sc:sl'BJ buy-BsN-3sc-n\D
'I veill buy the comb for Soma.' (v) lnstrumental
(vii) Comitative (203) rc daru hake-te ge=pe ma?-kE-na
(195) o1-lo? do han-le=loA san-ke-n-a this wood axe-with EMPn=2PL:suEr cut-coMPl-rrR-ND
lsc-with rop yonder-to=lPr,.D{csuBr go-coMPL-rrR-IND 'With ax€, you cut this wood.'
'We two (inc) went there together.'
(vi) Independent poss€ssive
The possessive is not marked for by the partjcle do.For example,'idtri'rea?
tle topic
ha? tlo oU? kliri'slote', -reo?l'ra? ux oya?'house) is ungrammatical' While the (2M) nea do afl-ag-a? ge mena?.
independent possessive is marked for the topic. Thug af-ag-a? do mena?, (oi'ag'a? tllis rop lsc.csN-cEN EMPL @p
'mine', meta? cxn)'There is mine'' 'This is mine (not any other persons').'
In addition to the topic of a sentence, do in Mundari marks the contrast as well'
For instance, While the topic marker do is never allocated in the postverbal position, the emphatic

09A atn tlo R ci-re, oft do Ku\li-te=ft sen-kc-n'a' marker ge can be used for the verbal phrase in postverbal position. Thug
2sc rop Ranchi-to lsc mP Khunti-to=lsc:suar gccoMPL-rrR-rND
(205) natlii=ka jom-ta-n-ge-a.
'You (went) to Ranchi, but I w€nt to Khunti.'
food=3sc:sus eat-PRG-nR-EMPH-tr\D
Further, as we have mentioned in the indefrnite oko sn be followed by the topic 'They are taking food indeed.'
mark do as in (198) but the interrogative ol<o catx,ot
As scen abovg the interrogative o/@ cannot b€ followed by the topic marker do as in
(197) oko-e hiju?*ka-*a (198) but it can be followed by the emphatic marker ge. The indefinite o/<o, on the
who come-c0NT-ITR-IND oth€r hand, cannot be followed by the emphatic marko ge. For instancg
'Who has come?'
(198) oko-e do hiiu?-atu-n-a (206) olae ge her-le-&a nani do
SOItrEON€ TOP COTtr€TONT-ITR'IND who sMm sow-ANr-TR-rND mastard rop
'someone has comq Out not all)" 'rtrho has sown the mustard s€ed indeed?'
156 THEMUNDA LANGUAGES MI.'NDARI 157

6 LEXICON (ii) Q. dto-motabir-la tah-re boAgo hon-l<a

dense jungle-rr middle-roc spirit son-pI-
6.1 Austroasiatic/lVlunda components cafu=la lwrub-ta-d-a
It is easy to list the cognated words as Schmidt (1906) and Pinnow (1959) have the earthen pot=3rr:surr cover-pRoc-TR-rND
proposed. I list here some words with Pinnow's index number. 'The sons of spirits are covering the earthen pot in the middle of jungle.'
A. ad'mushroom'

Mundari meaning Pinnow's index number

(iiD Q. ata-mata bir-l<o tala-re boyga hon-l<a
dense jungle-ru middle-rcc spirit child-pr
baba'paddy' v4 ub=la raTaia-d-a.
Drr'forest' v-321
hair=3pl:suar untie-pnoc-rn-wp
Dunr'mountain, hill' va18
da?'water' v-2 'The sons of spirit are untieing their hair in the middle of jungle.'
hon'child' v-205 A. badcom. 'a kind of grass which looks like a child who untied his hair'
bone' Y-7
.,7r'ay'seed,
japid 'a shut eyes' v-93
(iv) Q. catomo-re o1a? b-ta-n-a.
htla'tiger' v-281 Catoma (Village name and umbrella)-roc house fire-pnoe.rrn-nrp
lutur'ar' v-|47 gagara-re=ka ra?-ta-n-a.
/z?'to ladle out' v4{n Gagara (Village name and brasspot)-roc=3pl:susJ cry-pRoc-rrR-rND
mui?'aat' v-r30
'The house in the umbrella is on fire while they are crying in the brasspot.'
midl miyad, modl moyod' one' K-338
na'to drink' v-l12 A. ht*a'hookkah (a kind of pipe for smoking)'
ra? 'to call, cry' (v) do ta-fi
sizr'fowl'
v'-57
v-314
Q. kaka? 4qrda?.
ti'hand' K-160
gtve me GEN-lsc hockey stick
'Give me my hockey stick.'
A. seta cadlom'dog's tail'
(vi) Q. dub-rne daru Qer*a daru de?-a.
6.2 Loan strate sit-2sc tree dwarf tree climb-nrp
There are many loanwords in Mundari mainly from the adjoining Indo-Aryan 'Sit down please tree, dwarf tree will climb.'
languageg notably Sadani. I note the following points: A. ha;ad boo?'a yam of the jungles'

(i) As for nounq Mundari-speaking area is in a boundary of vowel variant a/c n the (vii) Q. edel daru rau-ta-n-o
Indo-Aryan. So some word forms coorist in the followrng: ttwtlmon 'mind'< Indo- cotton troe feltdown-pnoc-rrR-rND
Aryan monl mcn, badnottl bodrun'infamous' < Indo-Aryan badntunl bc&tan, elc. baju4ia-ko hiju?-ta-n-a.
(ii) As for verbg those with the endings -co in Mundari are borrowed from the musician-pr come-pRoc-ITR-rND
Indo-Aryan languages; For examplg bujao 'to understand', dckao 'to show', 'The cotton tree is falling down then the musicians are coming.'
hatao'to remove', etc. A. l? 'e:rcrement'(the rav cotton tree smells. the musician means a fly.)
(iii) In some dialects, the dative marker kchas been introduced from Sadani. Thug (viii) Q. gafa-gatqle lederq atu-ta-n-a.
joar (2ru-Dative greeting) 'Joar to you'.
ape-kc river-river-to cloth float-pnrc-rrn-wo
(iv) From a phonetic point of view, the final D in some loanwords is realized as a 'The clothes are floating towards rivers'
so-called checked consonant; For examplg tkitabt'book' Iklta?hl. * A. geded'algae'
{
3
:' (ix) Q. gafa-gafale laka kofa kapi go?-aka-d-a.
7 BRIEFANALYSEDTEXTS i
river-river-to thickset boy axe carry-coNr-TR-rND
'The thickset fellow has carried the axe on shoulder towards rivers.'
7.1 Riddles A. kagol<am'crab'
(i) a. asaka|a palad-pilid. (x) Q. gdfa-gafa4e lakn l<ofa paciri tapa?-ta-n-a.
rafter flickering:enr river-river-to thickset boy wall raise-pnoc-rrn-rNp
'Over the rafters of the roof flickering here and ther€.' 'The thickset fellow is raising the walls towards rivers.'
A. kalea'mou*' A. kagal<om'crab'
158 TTIE MUNDA LANGUAGES MUNDARI I59

7.2 Krnde's story $n\ jidut-jwtbaTa-re=ka dtb-aka-n-a.

life-a bunch of branch-loc=3pl:suBJ sit-coNr-rrn-nrD
This is a part of se4a jtmtbasa 'Tree of intelligence in the Munda way'written by the
'They are sitting in the dense bunch of branch.'
late Kande Munda who was a good writer and musician.
(tx) ad duku-suku-ra? heyem-ha1ad oncar-re=lco tain-a
(i) kalam ku<nu>li utrao-re=fi met-q-i-t4-n'a. and gnef-joy-ceN sweet-bitter care-roc=3pr,:suru remain-nrD
pen ask-Nom-ask rise-Loc=lsc:susJ say-nrN-3se'rnoc''rrR-IND 'And their desire remains a sweet or bitter memory in their suffering and
'When the question rises why you are writing this I am saying to him./her.' joyful life'
(i) jtmbaTa mane QoSo? daru'la-ra? (x) neya se4a-jwtbasa cae
a bunch leaf mean sponge gourd tree-pr-cnN
of branch and this intelligence-jumbap or
lato-ka-re sakam or saleam-koto-ge duku-st*u-jtntbasa men-lee-re-yo bai-o?-a.
branch-ru-roc leaf and leaf-branch-elupH
grief-joy-jumbap say-corrrm-loc-also make-pass-wp
lmbaf a- Sif i- aka-n-j wtb aSa. 'You can call it the tree of intelligence or the tree of grief andjoy.'
dense-totally-coNr-mR-a bunch of branch
'Jumba1a, a dense bunch of branches and leaves means jumbala which is a (i) payao-ta-n-re gala-go[a-la-re med-da?
dense bunch of flowers in the branch of the tree.' study-rroc-rrn-loc various:pxpn-pl-rroc ear-water(=tear)
(iii) jaan jetan bir-la-re ana?-mana? nani-ko,
joro=e leka-n-kaji-l<o nom-og-a.
any any forest-pr-roc various:sxpn climber-pl shed=3sc:suru like-nmxv-word-pr meet-pAss-nyD
'S,/he is faced with the critical words because of which s/he sheds tears'
fu,ru- cupad-laae jw4u-gifi-aka-n-jwtbaTa
tree-bush-pl-to bush-totally-cnxr-rrn-abunchof branch (xji) ar lai? capu-capu-te landa=e leka-n-a?-o.
'In any forest jumbala in which various creep€rs overgrow in t}te trees and and belly touch-touch-ns laugh=3sc:suar like-nnxv-crN-also
bushes.' 'And s/he is also convulsed with laughter.'
(iv\ jumbaga tuA hiju?+a-n-a. (xiii) ze puti se4a-fiimba1a duku-suku-jtmtbaga
a bunch of branch meaning come-pRoc-mR-IND this book intelligence-jumbala grief-joy-jumbala
'The meaning of jumbaga is coming clear.'
qr prem-prit-jttntbasa=bu men-ta-?.
(v) ne vacak-re mosa-te-ge bariya oroto honbud-akt-n-a. and love-love-jumbala=lnr.rNc say-pRoc-rR
this significan@-Loc once-by-nrvrrn two meaning embrace-cor.n-IrR-rND 'This book is the tree of intelligence or the tree of grief-joy or the tree
'This significance ernbraces,*o psanings.' of love.'
miyad-do huldub-huldub daru jwfiaga-la-re (xiv) ol-o?-do neya haya-te-o mone-ja-n-a.
one-rop dense:u<pn tree a bunch of branch-pl-roc write-pess-rop this desire-rNs-also desire-mcn-rrR-rND
nana-boron ce4e-cipurub=ko dub-aka-n-ci '[ am writing because of the following intention.'
varous:DpR bird-feather=3pl:sunr sit-cotrr-rrn-that (xv) juug badli-idi-badli-idi-ta-n-a.
niral cere-bere, kerelore-ta-n=ka iagar-a. time change-continue-change+ontinue-pnoc-rrR-rND
clean chatting-ucn screeching:nxrn-PRoc-rrR=3Pl:suBl talk-n+p 'The time is changing and chanelng continously.'
'First, when the various birds are sitting in the dense branch they are talking (xvi) mwyQa daAqfa-da1Cft-ko isukul-l<olej-ko-re
clearly to each other.' Munda boy-girl-rr school-college-pl-r.oc
(i) ne jagar-ta-n-l<o-re ako-a? duku-suku-ko-ra? isu=l<o pa6ao-n-ja-n-a.
this talk-pnoc".rrn-pl-Loc 3pr-crN grief-joy-rr-oeN very=3pl.:suBJ study-nrlxv-rNcR-rrR-rND
jagar-lro-ge doA jaa?=ko ja<pa>gar'ta-n-a. 'The Munda boys and girls have studied at school and college.'
talk-pr-sMpH indeed perhaps=3rusunr talk<rscP>PRoc-rrR-IND (xvii) rsn=ko pafao-n-ta-n-aar
'They are perhaps talking each other's grief and joy in their talk.'
very=3pl-'suBJ study-nrrxv-pnoc-rrn-nvp and
(vii) ez leka-ge ne puti pagao-ko-yo. ayar-te-o=ko pafao-n-ge-a.
that this book
like-suPH read-pr-also future-nss-also=3pL:suBJ study-nnxv-EMpH-rND
'To read this book is also in the same way likc a bird.' 'They arc studying very much and will study in the futurc.'
160 THE MUNDA LANGUAGES MUNDARI 16I

(xviii) paEao-se4a-ja-n-isu-ho;o-l<o jagar-ta-n ayum-le-la-re (ylxvii) m-re je jagar-ta-n-ko hindi-te-ge

study-intelligent-nrcn-rrn-many-person-ru talk-pnoc'rrn hear-lxr-pr-r.oc there all talk-pnoe.rrn-3pr Hindi-rNs-sMprr
eyga-a? jagar mu4Qari hirum-hirwrte-do=l<o jagar-la<pa>?-ta-n-la aywn-o?-ta-n-a.
mother-cEN talk Mundari co-wife-co-wife-nrs-rop=3pl:suBl talk-excesscnrcrp)pnoc-rrn-3pr hear-pess-pnoc.rrR-rND
'All speakers speak and compete to talk in Hindi.'
lun4Qu-gi7i-ja-?-i-leka=ko aytmt-o?-a.
despondent-totally-mcn-rn-3so'like=3pr, hear-pass-rNo. (xxviii) Qakgar sayob-a? jagar pap teba?-le-n-a,
'When educated persons speak and hear in their mother tongue, Mundari, Doctor Lord-ceN talk turn reach-ANr-rrR-rND
they hear totally in a despondent way to face their co-wives' 'It had been a time to speak, flr Munda's turn.'
(xix) sen-horo seXa4Qe, paidal cae molor-ka-re, (txtx) do=e? met-a-ko-ta-n-a.
goroad go-about walk or motorcycle-ru-rcc then=3sc:suu say-nnN-3n-nnoc-rrR-rND
'Along the path and travelling way by walk or by motorcyclg' 'Then he is saying something for them.'
(yw,) hela, neya-do mu4$a-ko-a? du<nu>b tana?.
(r,x) buru piili-pigi-l{o-re, jeta holel-l<o-re, alas this-rop Munda-pl-ceN meeting cop
festival market-place-pl-Ioc any hotel-pr-rcc 'Alas! This is the Mundas'meeting.'
'in the festival and weekly market place, or in any hotel,'
(xxxi) ar diku-te-ge soben=pe jagar-ja-d-a.
(xxi) ze sarnoe huTin-ktXin pa6ao-aka-n-mu4Qa-dqg;a-dqSft-lo and Hindi-rxs-eupn all=2pr:suw talk-rNcn-rn-rxo
'And everyone speaks in Hindi.'
this time little-littlestudy-cor.rr-rrn-Munda-boy-girl-rr,
'The Munda boys and girls who educated a little bit recently.' (wjj) neya-do mu44a dt<nu>b tano?.
this-rop Munda meeting coP
(xii) na<pa>m-ja-n-lo?-ge hindi-te-ge 'This is the Mundas'meeting.'
meet<REcp>rNGR-rrR-coMrr-EMpH Hindi-rNs-Bupn
joar-jagar=ko
(xr'xjii) are=ft ayrmr-ja-d-pe-o, hindi-ra? [ekano bano?.
e[e?-torsa-e-a.
well=lso:sunr hear-rNcn-rn-2pl:osJ-trrD Hindi-cex certainty NEG.cop
greeting-talk=3pL:suBJ begin-quickly-EpEN-rND 'I am listening to you but your Hindi is not good.'
'(They) are quickly greeting and talking in Hindi.'
(xxxiv) nl? neka=e lokoe?-le-d-ko-aae
(xxiir) BurgQu-re mid sinna sarna-sonaj-ra? du<nu>b [aharao-le-n-a. this person like this=3sa:sunr scold-arr-rn-3pr:onr-rNp-to
Bundu-roc one year Sarna society-crN sitcNurz> open-ANr-IrR-IND 'This person had scolded them like this'
'One day there was a meeting of the Sarna society in Bundu.' (xxxv\ mu4Qa-te jagar-jacpa>gar-se-sen-ja-n-a.
Munda-rus talk-talkcneop>go-rrER-rNcR-rrR-rND
(prl) kaji-do mwgQa-la-a? du<nu>b 'Then people start talking in Mundari.'
word-rop Munda-pl-ceu sit<NIrtz>
'The name is for the Mundas'meeting.'
NOTES
(xxv) en-re se4a-garaq-aka-n-leka-n mwyQa-daXgaSa-l<o-ge=ka
I
there intelligent-highly-covr-rrxlike-rrn Munda-boy-pr,-rMpH=3pr:susJ I would like to express my sincere thanks to the editor, Gregory D.S. Anderson
who encouraged me to complete my paper and to Nicholas Evans and Yoshiharu
jamale-n-a. Takahashi who gave me useful comments on the early version of my paper. I am
gather-al.l'r-rrn-rNo also indebted to my wifg Maki who ga/e me a lot of data as a native speaker of
'The highly intelligent Munda boys have gathered there.' Mundari. Naturalty, the description in this chapter will overlap with my previous
work to some extent.
(r;xvi) ali1-o flakQar Ram Dayal Mu4Qa-lo?--lin I According to Gregory Anderson, his Ho informants in Mayurbhanj claim only
lnr.ax-too Dr Ram Dayal Munda-with=lpr:sunr about 8G85% intelligibility with Mundari which is only a little higher than that
for Santali. In my own experience, however, when I spoke to Ho speakers in
ska-n- t ai- kc -n- a.
s en-
Mundari in the Chaibasa area they considered me to be speaking in Ho. Thus,
gG.c0NT-rrR-coP-coMPL-ITR-IND the Ho of Chaibasa is obviously closer in the dialectflanguage continuum to
'I had been with Dr Ram Dayal Munda there.' Mundari than the Ho of Mayurbhanj.
162 TI1E MUNDA LANGUAGES
2 According to Anderson and Zide (2002:55), 'a minimally bimoraic shape appears
to have been obligatory for free-forms of nouns in Proto-Munda and many of its
daughter languages'. Our data on Mundari supports this
3 According to Nagarajq(199), he never reported a tonal contrast in Korku.
4 We use the upper bar V for the pitch accent here
5 Acordingtoourdefinition,weclassifiedintofourtlpesamonglanguagesproposed
to lack a noun-verb distinction to distinguish morphological from syntactic evidence
and to leave open the possibility that word classes distinguishable by morphological
criteria could be indistinguishable by syntactic criteria; that iq (i) Omnipredicative
languages (all major word classes are able to function directly as predicates without
derivation, and with no change of meaning), (ii) Precategorial languages (we
will restrict 'precategorial'to the case where - as in omnipredicative languages
open-class lexemes can occur in any syntactic position. However, in precategorial
- Crystal, David (2003) A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics, London: Blackwell.
languages, it is not possible to state a predicate-type meaning for the lexeme directly;
rather there is an increment that is madg according to the functional position it is
pluggsd into), (iii) Broschartian languages (the semantic result of placing lexemes
in referring or predicating environments depends not on a highJevel word class
category like noun or verb, but rather is sensitive to much more speciflrc semantic
categorieq each characterized by their own particular pattern of semantic
incrementation), and (iv) Rampant zero conversion languages (the vast majority
of lexical items of a given form may appear in both predicating and referring
syntactic environments with no formal sipalling of conversion, but unlike in a
Broschartian language, the semantic effects of syntactic environment are far less
predictable). It is only monoprecategorial languageg from among the types abovg
that can truly be claimed to lack a noun-verb distinction. As the spaoe of my
chapter is limited in this book I cannot touch on the details of this iisue. Please
see @vans and Osada 2005a), three commentaries (Croft 2005, Hengeveld and
Rijkhoff 2@5, kterson 2005) and our response @vans and Osada 2005b).
6 These categories are due to Klaiman (1986). I give a list of verbs in Osada
(leee).
7 See my paper (Osada 1991) for details.
8 t*a may be derived from the noun ,z,ka'nest'.
9 t do not repeat the above-mentioned expressives here.
l0 This list owes to Haspelmath, Dryer, Gil and Comrie (eds) (2005) WALS.
ll kc-ate and l<c-n-ate are slightly different. The former is the successive action
while the latter is the reverse action. It means they must wash their hands before
taking the food.
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Languages
CHAPTER FOUR
KERA? MUNDARI
Masato Kobayashi and Ganesh Murmu*
r INTRODUCTION
1.1 Speakers
Kera? Mundari is a variety of Mundari spoken by the Oraons residing in and
around Ranchi, the capital of the new state of Jharkhand. According to their oral
tradition, the Oraons once lived in the area between the Son and the Ganges.l
When they left Rohtas under the attack of invaderq2 they moved south along the
North Koel river, settled in the Chota Nagpur plateau, mainly in the northwest-
ern part of it. In Gumla, Lohardaga, and Latehar districts, Kurux (Kurukh), the
Oraons'original language belonging to the Dravidian family, continues to be in
active daily use. In the eastern part of Ranchi district, on the other hand, the
Oraons have completely switched from Kurux to Mundari, which wag and to
some extent still is, the dominant language of the area. However, their Mundari
has unique characteristics and constitutes a distinct regional as well as ethnic
dialect.3
It is not clear how long ago it was that Oraons in this area gave up Kurux (if they
ever spoke it), and shifted to Mundari.a According to the tradition of the Nagbanshi
Raja family, the erstwhile kings of Chota Nagpur, Oraons as well as Mundas were
pr€s€nt at the coronation of Phani Mukut Rai, the adopted heir of Madra Munda,
manki of Sutiambe.s The implication of this story is that Kera? Mundari-speaking
Oraons lived for a long time in an area where the Mundas were the dominant body
of residents and where the royal family and its administrative offtcers spoke a non-
Munda language (Sadani or Nagpuri). Although the Oraons now greatly outnumber
the Mundas in the areas where they settled, they continue to use Kera? Mundari and
usually do not know Kurux. The Oraons living in the neighboring blockq namely
Ratu, Mandar, Bero, and Burmu Blocks of Ranchi district, speak Kurux, but Sadani
(Sadri) or Hindi is also commonly used in these areas and serve as a link language
bctwcen the two groups of Oraons6
Map 4.1 shorvs the approximate area where Kera? Mundari is spoken, based
on the village names which our consultants gave us as Kera? Mundari areas
Except on the northern side where steep slopes separate the Ranchi plateau from
Hazaribagh District, there are no geographical boundaries around the area where
Kcra? Mundari is spoken. On the southern side of the Kera? Mundari area, the
Mundas and the Oraons live in separate villages and it seems possible to draw a
clcar demarcation ling but on the western part, there might be a transitional area of
Kcra? Mundari-speaking and Kurux-speaking Oraons which remains to be studied
in future fieldwork.
taa