Professional Documents
Culture Documents
": Rethinking
Assessment Feedback
Richard Higgins
Abstract
This paper develops themes emerging from an ongoing three year research project
investigating the meaning and impact of assessment feedback on written course work
assignments for students in Higher Education. This is an important issue at present,
reflected in a growth in debates on the purpose of assessment and feedback and its
impact on student learning. Early findings and a review of the literature suggest that
feedback involves a unique process of communication situated within a particular social
context. This process and needs to be understood as involving a complex interplay of
power relations, competing discourses, emotion and identity.
Introduction
"Be more critical!", "Your argument needs to be more academic", "More use of analysis
would have helped", "You need to think carefully about your structure" - these are the
kinds of written comments often confronting higher education (HE) students. But what
do they mean? How do students make sense of them?
Despite a rise in innovative assessment methods, in many contexts the written essay is
still used (McCune, 1999) and written feedback comments continue to be the main (if
not only) source of formative feedback for the majority of today's students. This
feedback is important because it is essential for learning and can play a significant role
in students' development by providing knowledge required for improvement. (Hinett and
Weeden, forthcoming; Gibbs, 1999; Ecclestone, 1998; Hyland, 1998).
There is some evidence that most students read feedback comments. For example, the
majority of the students involved in a study at Lancaster University (Turner, 1993)
valued feedback and tried to make sense of tutors' comments. This is a finding
supported in our own research (Higgins et al., 2000). Therefore, 'if students are going to
take their tutors' responses seriously, then it matters very much what they contain'
(Ivanič et al., 2000: 60).
However, students can experience difficulties when trying to use assessment feedback
(for example, see Ding, 1998; Turner, 1993). They are a variety of reasons for this. For
instance, students' heavy workloads may give little time to reflect on tutors' comments
or feedback may not be sufficiently timely to be of any use. But I believe the most
significant reason is that many students are simply unable to understand feedback
comments and interpret them incorrectly. The purpose of this paper is not to identify
these interpretations but develop a framework for accounting for them, since it is more
important to understand what produces conceptions than the character of the
(mis)conception itself (Strike and Posner, 1992, cited in Breen, 1999).
The process of giving and receiving feedback is a particularly complex and problematic
form of communication, which takes place within a social context. Students produce
work and tutors provide feedback on that work and this process is defined 'through
implicit assumptions about what constitutes valid knowledge ... and the relationships of
authority that exist around the communication of these assumptions' (Lea and Street,
2000: 45). Furthermore, feedback carries messages to students 'about university values
and beliefs, about the role of writing in learning, about their identity as a student, and
about their own competence and even character' (Ivanič et al., 2000: 47). Consequently,
students' feelings and identities need to be recognised as playing a significant role in
this process alongside notions of authority and implicit knowledge. Below is a
discussion of the assessment feedback process in terms of notions of 'discourse',
'power', 'emotion' and 'identity'. This provides a framework for exploring student
(mis)conceptions of tutors' written feedback comments.
Discourse
Dai Hounsell found differences in conceptions of essay writing among students which
have affinities with Marton and Säljö's deep and surface approaches to learning.
(Hounsell, 1987). By trying to explain these differences and why undesirable
conceptions seem to persist, Hounsell suggests that rather than blaming it on a lack of
guidance on what essays involve, the problem is a deeper one. He appeals to
Rommetveit's notion of an 'architecture of inter-subjectivity'. Rommetveit (1979) pays
attention to the social context of communication and argues that communication
involves shared understandings which tend to be tacit and taken-for-granted. Hounsell
applies this idea to his own work on feedback and suggests that it may fail because of
the differential between students' and tutors' conceptions; students 'do not have a grasp
of the assumptions about the nature of academic discourse underlying what is being
conveyed to them' (Hounsell, 1987: 114). Therefore:
We recognise the notion of a tacit, academic discourse, but argue that there is not likely
to be one such discourse but many. Discourses underpinning feedback comments will
vary by discipline and refer to different sets of ideas and beliefs about what can be said
about a topic area and how it may be said (Baynham, 2000). However, other discourses
are likely to affect the feedback provided thereby generating differences within
disciplines also. For example, these discourses may reflect tutors' different roles within
the university and their status.
i) Tutors
Tutors develop and hold values and beliefs about ways of 'knowing' and 'doing' which
are specific to each discipline and contribute to the discourse of that discipline. In the
context of teacher training, Tomlinson (1999) suggests that teachers bring with them to
their course an implicit knowledge of classroom life and 'normal' practices (based on
personal experience such as once being students themselves), a 'tacit' knowledge of
what to do and how to respond, and consciously held concepts and views regarding
teaching. We would argue that such values and beliefs are developed by tutors in HE.
Moreover, by constituting part of each discipline's discourse, they are enduring and
relatively stable since they are reproduced as tutors draw on these discourses and the
social practices associated with them.
But as we have already suggested, values and beliefs may vary within disciplines (see
Barnett, 1990; Lea and Street, 2000). Therefore, one tutor's advice may contradict
another's within the same department. This is evidenced by Ivanič et al's (2000)
analysis of selections of written feedback comments that varied in terms of the pattern
of the comments, where they were written, and what they were written with. This finding
is also supported by our own analysis of samples of feedback, which found comments
to vary extensively in terms of type, quantity and tone (Higgins et al., 2000). Although
this could partly be a result of differences in the accuracy of student texts, it is
suggested that other contextual factors play a role (Hyland, 1998). We suspect that
these factors relate to particular values and beliefs and dispositions developed from
individuals' personal experiences and unique biography, and tutors drawing on, to some
extent, other discourses to formulate their behaviour. Therefore, while we argue that the
way feedback is provided and the nature of that feedback is predominantly underpinned
by a dominant, subject specific discourse, personal and individual vales and beliefs, and
the employment of other discourses play a mediating role.
Assessment criteria which underpin the language of feedback are increasingly falling
under the influence of external bodies. The values and beliefs underpinning them (both
explicitly and implicitly) are therefore not just those of tutors, but of political bodies (such
as the Quality Assurance Agency). These values and beliefs are likely then to also
constitute part of each discipline-specific discourse.
iii) Students
It is not simply the case, however, that assessment criteria and the language and form
of feedback are underpinned by discourses which are constituted (at least in part) by
the values and beliefs of staff and external bodies, and by tutors' idiosyncratic traits.
Rather, students' own actions may initially compound their misconceptions of feedback.
This point will be explored in more detail in following sections of this paper, but the point
for now is that the student body is increasingly heterogeneous and students are likely to
come to university with a wide variety of past experiences and dispositions. They will
therefore bring with them a variety of conceptions of learning, writing and assessment.
Students in a study by McCune (1999) exhibited different conceptions of essay writing
and these seemed to partly mediate their interpretations of advice in feedback.
Therefore, we should expect that different students will inevitably interpret tutors'
comments differently and that no matter what feedback is provided, a number of
students will misunderstand comments and fail to connect with them.
Power
If we locate the process of giving and receiving feedback in a social context, then we
must also consider the role of power. Power is ubiquitous in social life and can be
viewed as closely linked to discourses and associated practices (Layder, 1997). If
discourses involve ideas and beliefs about what can be said and how things should be
done within a subject area, and associated practices are the patterns of behaviour
associated with these ideas and beliefs, then they must inextricably be linked to power
by 'conferring capabilities on those who deploy them as well as those who are
"subjected" to their deployment' (Layder, 1997: 84). For example, if we imagine a
discourse of physics or physics teaching, then there will be particular values and beliefs
regarding what counts as valid knowledge of the physical world and how it is acquired
and then demonstrated. The associated practices will include the active seeking,
interpreting and demonstrating of relevant knowledge. Different levels of access to this
discourse and its associated practices distinguish individuals in terms of levels of
expertise and authority. Discourses therefore articulate and effect social positions and
relations (and provide markers of normality) (Layder, 1997).
Through their education, training and experience (and 'official' recognition of this),
'expert' tutors have a level of access to appropriate discourses and practices that
'amateur' students do not. Tutors are able to exercise power. They have the legitimate
means to exert 'control' over students through their academic authority. This power
differential is recognised and by most in HE. For example, students readily perceive
tutors to be 'experts' who posses a level of 'know what' and 'know how' over and above
that of the undergraduate. In the main, the exercise of power by tutors is not directed to
sinister ends, but to help students learn successfully (although some might argue that
the power of the tutor is used to protect their authority over knowledge). Layder (1997)
argues, however, that power is not uni-directional and a feature of structural differences
in social positions. As well as being able to resist the exercise of power, students are
able to deploy power through the personal resources they have at their disposal
(Layder, 1997).
The central point to make is that the process of giving and receiving feedback needs to
be understood within the context of a particular tutor-student relationship based on an
unequal distribution of power where the tutor is accepted by students as an authority
figure and expert (Hinett and Weeden, forthcoming; Hyland, 2000). The implications of
this relationship for understanding the feedback process are discussed below in relation
to notions of emotion and identity.
Emotion
According to Layder (1997), emotion is frequently allied to power and this is certainly
the case in the context of learning. Adopting the view of Bloom (1957) and Barnett
(1997), Hinett and Weeden argue that 'learning is a complex relationship between
cognition, action, intuition and emotion' (forthcoming, italics added), while Boud and
Walker (1998: 194) claim that 'emotions are central to all learning'. Receiving feedback
is also an emotional business. For example, Hyland argues that 'writing is an intensely
personal activity, and students' motivation and confidence in themselves as writers may
be adversely affected by the feedback they receive' (Hyland, 1998: 279), while McCune
suggests that the effects of feedback - where they are a change in students'
conceptions of learning - can be linked to notions of confusion, anxiety and crisis of
confidence (1999).
It is of little surprise that this is the case since students occupy the role of 'novice' within
the learning context. Students read feedback with an implicit understanding of the
power differential (outlined above) (Hyland, 2000), and by perceiving the tutor as a
powerful, authority figure, they are likely to connect evaluations of their work to
evaluations of themselves. For example, the findings of Turner's (1993) research
suggested that discouraging feedback affected the student subjects' self-esteem,
confidence, and whole approach to a course. Students are likely to be affected
emotionally by feedback on work which is a presentation of their own 'amateur'
knowledge, ideas, understandings (and so on) to a perceived 'expert' judge.
We can support this idea through the work of Layder (1997), Ingleton (1999), Barbalet
(1998), and Scheff (1990; 1991; and 1997). For Scheff (1990), 'pride' and 'shame' are
the primary emotions. Inherent in social life is the 'emotion-deference system' which
functions continuously, yet almost at an invisible level. It is a form of social control in
which individuals seek the pleasure of the emotion of pride and avoid the displeasure of
the emotion of shame.
Scheff (1990) asserts that the emotion-deference system is a powerful one. Scheff
(drawing on the work of Helen Lewis (1971) who suggests that anger can quickly and
often follow shame) argues that when an individual perceives a rejection, form of
criticism or insult from another, the system might produce 'a chain reaction of shame
and anger between and within the interactants. This explosion is usually very brief,
perhaps a few seconds. But it can also take the form of a bitter hatred lasting a lifetime'
(Scheff, 1990: 76). Yet normally, the system operates by aligning the thoughts, feelings
and actions of people in society because 'mutual conformity and respect lead to pride
and fellow-feeling and further conformity, and so on' (Layder, 1997: 60). So for Scheff
(1991), shame generates alienation while pride - its opposite - partners solidarity and
togetherness (Ingleton, 1999).
We can elaborate on the role of emotion in learning and feedback by returning to the
ideas of Dai Hounsell. As suggested elsewhere, Hounsell's (1987) work is concerned
with the nature of academic discourse. He suggests that students may become:
Identity
Notions of discourse, power and emotion are, however, also essentially tied to the
concept of identity formation. Drawing on the work of J. Turner (1988), Layder (1997)
argues that individuals have the capacity to present themselves to different audiences in
different ways. How they do this will be affected by a number of factors. A person's life
experiences and individual development over time suggests that students' experiences
will be mediated by, and incorporated into current and past experiences. For example,
particular findings reported by Hyland (1998) (although based on only two case studies)
suggested that differences in students' uses of feedback seemed to be a result of past
experiences, present writing ability and their attitudes toward writing.
This suggests particular difficulties for the giving and receiving of feedback. Tutors may
be unaware of particular student difficulties or misconceptions which remain hidden.
Feedback is therefore less likely to connect if it fails to address certain problems or
concerns. At the same time, if students fail to grasp the nature of the tacit discourse
underpinning the language of feedback, perhaps viewing it as meaningless and without
use, they are likely to enter into a cycle of 'emotional' and 'interpretative' deprivation (as
suggested above), where they become increasingly detached from the assessment
process (thus failing to develop more sophisticated conceptions) and become even
more guarded about how they present themselves in order to avoid negative emotional
responses. But of course, such avoidance will only serve to keep further weaknesses
'hidden' and leave tutors providing feedback which seems even less relevant.
Conclusion
Understanding the process of giving and receiving feedback as a problematic form of
communication situated within a particular social context allows us to focus on a central
problem of students' misconceptions of tutors' comments, and to explore the internal
dynamics of this process in relation to concepts of discourse, power, emotion and
identity. While some of the implications for students' reactions to feedback are
speculative, this paper has considered the interlocking roles of these concepts and, it is
hoped, contributed to the development of a framework for understanding the nature of
the assessment feedback process within HE which may provide interesting and,
ultimately, useful insights.
If we accept the problematic nature of assessment feedback and some of the difficulties
inherent within the process outlined in this paper, then one implication for improving
practice is to question and discuss the values and beliefs underpinning the language of
assessment. While it may be difficult for tutors to provide feedback that is useful for all
students, since individual students will have different preferences and expectations
(relating to a number of factors such as cultural differences) (Hyland, 1998), the work of
Hounsell (1987) suggests that assumptions underpinning feedback must be shared
before it can be effective. One solution could be to 'explicitly discuss issues of
discipline-specific discourse in tutorial classes' (McCune, 1999: 22) involving a
discussion between tutors and students re expectations and aims of feedback in order
to avoid 'miscommunication' (Hyland, 1998). Moreover, Hyland (2000) argues that clear
and comprehensive communication between students and tutors, not only on specific
writing problems, but also approaches to learning and writing and feedback strategies,
is essential for effective feedback since the stances that tutors and students adopt with
relation to these issues are usually implicit rather than explicit and so not understood by
either party. These strategies may help students to understand what tutors may really
mean by comments such as "Be more critical!".
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