Rumi's Spritiual Shiism

RUMI’S SPRITIUAL SHI’ISM
edited by
Seyed Gahareman Safavi
Contents
1. Shi’ism and Sufism by Seyyed Hossein Nasr
2. Shi’ism, Sufism and Gnosticism by Hajj Nur Ali Tabandeh
3. Spritiual Walayah or Love in Mathnavi by Sharam Pazouki
4. Rumi’s view of Imam Husayn by William Chittick
5. Rumi’s Spritiual Shi’ism by Seyed G. Safavi
SHI’ISM AND SUFISM
Their relationship in essence and in history
SEYYED HOSSEIN NASR
Rel. Stud. 6, pp2
SEYYED HOSSEIN NASR
SHI'ISM AND SUFISM:

THEIR RELATIONSHIP IN ESSENCE
AND IN HISTORY
In discussing the intricate and somewhat complex relationship between

Shi'ism and Sufism, both in principle and essence or in theirmetahistorical
reality as well as in time and history, we need hardly concern ourselves
with the too often repeated criticism made by certain orientalists who
would doubt the Islamic and Quranic character of both Shi'ism and Sufism.
Basing themselves on an a priori assumption that Islam is not a revelation
and, even if a religion, is only a simple 'religion of the sword' for a simple
desert people, such would-be critics brush aside as un-Islamic all that
speaks of gnosis ('irfdn) and esotericism, pointing to the lack of historical
texts in the early period as proof of their thesis, as if the non-existent in itself
could disprove the existence of something which may have existed without
leaving a written trace for us to dissect and analyse today. The reality of
Shi'ism and Sufism as integral aspects of the Islamic revelation is too
blinding to be neglected or brushed aside by any would-be historical argu
ment. The fruit is there to prove that the tree has its roots in a soil that
nourishes it. And the spiritual fruit can only be borne by a treewhose roots
are sunk in a revealed truth. To deny this most evident of truths would
be as if we were to doubt the Christian sanctity of a St Francis of Assisi
because the historical records of the first years of the Apostolic succession
are not clear.What the presence of St Francis proves is in reality the oppo
site fact, namely, that the Apostolic succession must be real even if no
historical records are at hand. The same holds true mutatis mutandis for
Shi'ism and Sufism. In this paper in any case we will begin by taking for
granted the Islamic character of Shi'ism and Sufism and upon this basis
delve into their relationship.' In fact Shi'ism and Sufism are both, in different
ways and on different levels, intrinsic aspects of Islamic orthodoxy, this
1We have dealt elsewhere with the Islamic origin of Shi'ism and Sufism. See S. H. Nasr, Three
Muslim Sages,Cambridge (U.S.A.), I964, pp. 83-90; S. H. Nasr, IdealsandRealities of Islam,London,
I966, chapter V; H. Corbin (with the collaboration of S. H. Nasr and 0. Yahya), Histoire de la
philosophie islamique, vol. I, Paris, I964, part one. Concerning the Islamic origin of Sufism see AbCu
Bakr SirCajed-Din, 'The Origins of Sufism', IslamicQuarterly,April, 1956, vol. III, pp. 53-64; F.
Schuon, UnderstandingIslam, trans. by D. M. Matheson, London, I963, chapter IV; and R. Guenon,
'L'Esoterisme islamique', inL'Islam et l'Occident,Paris, 1947, pp. I53-9.
Besides Corbin, some of the earlierWestern scholars have also emphasised the close connection
between Shi'ism and Sufism. See T. Andrae, Die PersonMuhammads im Leben und Glauben seiner
Gemeinde,Stockholm, I9I8, where however in contrast toCorbin everything of an esoteric character
in Islam is relegated toHellenistic and Christian sources.
230 SEYYED HOSSEIN NASR
term being taken not only in its theological sense but in its universal sense
as tradition and universal truth contained within a revealed form.
The relationship between Shi'ism and Sufism is complicated by the fact

that in discussing these two spiritual 'and religious realities we are not
dealing with the same level or dimension of Islam in both cases. Islam has
both an exoteric (zahir) and an esoteric (bdtin)dimension which along with
all their inner divisions represent the 'vertical' structure of the revelation.
But it is also divided into Sunnism and Shi'ism which one might say
represent its 'horizontal' structure.' If thiswere to be the only aspect of this
relationship itwould be relatively simple. But inmatter of fact the esoteric
dimension of Islam, which in the Sunni climate is almost totally connected
in one way or another with Sufism, colours the whole structure of Shi'ism
in both its esoteric and even exoteric aspect. One can say that Islamic
esotericism or gnosis crystallised into the form of Sufism in the Sunni
world while it poured into the whole structure of Shi'ism especially during
its early perio'd.2 From the Sunni point of view Sufism presents similarities
to Shi'ism and has even assimilated' a few aspects of Shi'ism. No less an
authority than Ibn Khaldcun writes: 'The Sufis thus became saturated with
Shi'ah theories. (Shi'ah) theories entered so deeply into their religious ideas
that they based their practice of using a cloak (khirqah)on the fact that 'Ali
clothed al-Hasan al-Basrl in such a cloak and caused him to agree
solemnly that he would adhere to the mystic path. (The tradition thus
inaugurated by 'Ali) was continued according to the Sufis, through al
Junayd, one of the Sufi shaykhs'.3From the Shi'ite point of view Shi'ism is
the origin of what later came to be known as Sufism. But here by Shi'ism
is meant the esoteric instructions of the Prophet, the asrdrwhich many
Shi'ite authors have identified with the Shi'ite 'concealment', taqayah.
Each of these two points of view presents an aspect of the same reality
but seen within two worlds that are contained in the bosom of the total
orthodoxy of Islam. That reality is Islamic esotericism or gnosis. If we take
Sufism and Shi'ism in their historical manifestation in later periods, then
neither Shi'ism nor Sunnism nor Sufism within the Sunni world derive from
Concerning these relationships seeNasr, IdealsandRealitiesof Islam,chapter VI.
2 'On ne peut plus, en tout rigeur, faire de "soufisme" et de mystique musulmane, deux termes
interchangeables depuis que l'on sait, en particulier grace aux travaux de H. Corbin, qu'il existe
une mystique musulmane-la gnose isma6lienne et imamite notamment-que ne se reconnait das
"soufique". Toutefois, ce qui est dit ici du tasawwuf a ses debuts vaut egalement pour cette mystique,
ou gnose non soufique, laquelle a aussi sa source dans les enseignements du Proph6te et de certains
compagnons, dont surtout 'All.' J. L. Michon, Le soufimarocainAkmad ibnAjfba et sonmi'rdj (These
de doctorat, Facult6 des Lettres, Universite de Paris, I960, p. 2, n. I.)
3 Ibn Khald'un, Muqaddimah, trans. by F. Rosenthal, vol. II, New York, 1958, p. I87. Ibn
Khaldfin continues, 'The fact that (the Sufis) restrict (precedence in mysticism) to 'All smells
strongly of pro-Shi'ah sentiment. This and other aforementioned Sufi ideas show that the Sufis
have adopted pro-Shi'ah sentiments and have become enmeshed in them.' Ibid.,p. I87.
On this question see also the extensive and well-documented work of Kamil al-Shibi, al-Sildh
baynal-tapawwufwa'l-tashayyu',2 vols., Baghdad, I963-64.
SHI 'ISM AND SUFISM 23I
each other. They all derive their authority from the Prophet and the source
of the Islamic revelation. But if we mean by Shi'ism Islamic esotericism,
then it isof course inseparable from Sufism. For example, the Shi'ite Imams
play a fundamental role in Sufism, but as representatives of Islamic
esotericism, not as specifically Shi'ite Imams as the Shi'ite faith came to be
organised later. In fact there is a tendency among both later Muslim
historians and modern scholars to read back into the first two centuries
the clear distinctions that were established only later.' It is true that one
can discern 'shi'ite' elements even during the life-time of the Prophet and
Shi'ism and Sunnism have their roots in the very origin of the Islamic
revelation, placed there providentially to accommodate different psycho
logical and ethnic types. But the hard-and-fast divisions of later centuries
are not discernible in the earlier period. There were Sunni elements with
definite Shi'ite tendencies,2 and there were Shi'ite contacts with Sunni
elements both intellectually and socially. In certain cases in fact it is difficult
to judge as to whether a particular author was Shi'ite or Sunni especially
before the fourth/tenth century although even in this period the Shi'ite and
Sunni religious and spiritual life did possess their own particular perfume
and colour.
In this less crystallised and more fluid environment, the elements of Islamic
esotericism which are particularly Shi'ite, from the Shi'itd point of view,
appear as representing Islamic esotericism as such in the Sunni world. No
better instance of this can be found than the person of 'Ali ibn Abi Talib.
Shi'ism is essentially the 'Islam of 'All'who in Shi'ism is both the 'spiritual'
and 'temporal' authority after the Prophet. In Sunnism also nearly all Sufi
orders reach back to him and he is the spiritual authority par excellenceafter
the Prophet.3 The famous hadith 'I am the city of knowledge and 'Ali is its
gate', which is a direct reference to the role of 'Ali in Islamic esotericism,
is accepted by Shi'ah and Sunni alike, but the 'spiritual vicegerency'
(khildfah ruThadnyah) of 'Ali appears to Sufism within the Sunni world not as
something specifically Shi'ite but as being directly connected with Islamic
esotericism in itself.
Yet, the case of 'Ali, the reverence in which he is held by Shi'ites and
Sufis alike, shows how intimately Shi'ism and Sufism are connected together.
1This anachronistic practice is criticised by John B. Taylor. 'Ja'faral-Sadiq, Spiritual Forebear
of the Sufis', IslamicCulture,vol. XL, no. 2, April I966, pp. 97 ff.
2 'Somany-sided is this Sunni sentiment-in badiths, in the Sufi orders, in guilds, in popular tales
-that not only in its support of the original 'A1;claims but in itswhole piety Sunni Islam can be
called half Sht'ite'. M. G. S. Hodgson, 'How did the early Shi'a become Sectarian?', journal of the
AmericanOrientalSociety,vol. 15, 1955, p. 4. See also J. R. Taylor, 'AnApproach to the Emergence
of Heterodoxy inMedieval Islam', Religious Studies,vol. 2, no. 2, April 1967, p. 202, where the
words of Hodgson are also quoted.
In certain areas of the Islamic world, particularly in the Indo-Pakistani sub-continent, one meets
among Sufis certain groups as devoted to the Shi'ite Imams, especially 'All and Ilusayn, as any
Shi'ite could be, yet completely Sunni in their practice of the law (madhhab).
3 See F. Schuon, 'De la traditionmonoth6iste', EtudesTraditionelles,1933, p. 257.
Sufism does not possess a Shar^'ah; it is only a spiritual way (Tarzqah)

attached to a particular Shari'ite rite such as the Mdlikz or Shdfi'a. Shi'ism
possesses both a Sharl'ah and a Tarzqah. In its purely Tarzqah aspect it is in
many instances identical with Sufism as it exists in the Sunni world, and
certain Sufi orders such as the Ni'matullahi have existed in both the Shi'ite
and Sunni worlds. But in addition Shi'ism possesses even in its Shari'ite
and theological aspects certain esoteric elements which make it akin to
Sufism. In fact one could say that Shi'ism, even in its outward aspect, is
oriented toward the spiritual stations (maqadmdt-i 'irfdni)of the Prophet and
the Imams which are also the goal of the spiritual life in Sufism.
A few examples in the vast and intricate relationship between Shi'ism and
Sufism may make more clear some of the points discussed so far. In Islam
in general, and Sufism in particular, a saint is called a wall (abbreviation
of wal'alldh or friend of God) and sanctity is called wildyah. In Shi'ism the
whole function of the Imam is associated with the power and function of
what in Persian is called walayat and which comes from the same root as
wildyah and is closely connected with it.' Some have even identified the two.
In any case according to Shi'ism, in addition to the power of prophecy in
the sense of bringing a divine law (nubuwwahand risalah), the Prophet of
Islam, like other great prophets before him, had the power of spiritual
guidance and initiation (wildyah)which he transmitted through Fatimah to
'Ali and through him to all the Imams. Since the Imam is always alive, this
function and power is also always present and able to guide men to the
spiritual life. The 'cycle of initiation (dd'irat al-wildyah) which follows the
'cycle of prophecy' (dd'irat al-nubuwwah) is therefore one that continues to
this day and guarantees the ever-living presence of an esoteric way in
Islam.2
The same meaning pertains to wilayah in the sense that it too concerns the
ever-living spiritual presence in Islam which enables men to practise the
spiritual life and to reach a state of sanctity. That iswhy many Sufis since
Hakim al-Tirmidhi have devoted somuch attention to this cardinal aspect
of Sufism.3 There is to be sure a difference between Shi'ism and Sufism on
how and through whom this power and function operates as well as who is
considered as its 'seal'.4But the similarity between the Shi'ah and the Sufis
concerning this doctrine ismost startling and results directly from the fact
1 See H. Corbin, 'L'Imam cache' et la renovation de l'homme en theologie shl'ite', Eranos
Jahrbuch, 1960, pp. 87 if.
2 see S. H. Nasr, Ideals and Realities of Islam, pp. 87
On the 'cycles of initiation and prophecy',
and I6i; and H. Corbin, op. cit.
3 Hakim al-Tirmidhi devoted a major work to this question entitled Khatm al-awliyd' which
has been recently edited by 0. Yahya, a work which had much influence upon Ibn 'Arabl and
later Sufis.
4 Ibn 'Arabl and following him Da'aud al-Qaysari consider Christ as the universal 'seal of
sanctity', and Ibn 'Arabl refers indirectly to himself as the 'particular seal of sanctity' whereas most
SHI 'ISM AND SUFISM 233
that both are connected in the manner mentioned above with Islamic
esotericism as such, which is none other than wildyah or waldyat as used in
the technical sense in both Shi'ite and Sufi sources.
Among the practices of the Sufis there is one that is closely associated in
its symbolic meaning with wildyah and in its origin with the Shi'ite waldyat.
It is the practice of wearing a cloak and handing it from themaster to the
disciple as a symbol of the transmission of a spiritual teaching and the
particular grace associated with the act of initiation. Each state of being is
like a cloak or veil that 'covers' the state above, for symbolically the 'above'
is associated with the 'inward'. The Sufi cloak symbolises the transmission
of spiritual power which enables the disciple or murid to penetrate beyond
his everyday state of consciousness. By virtue of being presented with this
cloak or veil in its symbolic sense he is able to cast aside the inner veil which
separates him from the Divine.
The practice of wearing and transmitting the cloak, and itsmeaning, is
closely associated with Shi'ism as affirmed by Ibn Khaldfun in the quotation
cited above. According to the famous Hadith-i kisa' (the tradition of the
garment) the Prophet called his daughter Fatimah along with 'Ali, Hasan
and Husayn and placed a cloak upon them in such amanner that it covered
them.' The cloak symbolises the transmission of the universal walayat of the
Prophet in the form of the partial waldyat (waldyat-ifdtimnyah) to Fatimah
and through her to the Imams. There is a direct reference to the esoteric
symbolism of the cloak in a well-known Shi'ite hadithwhich because of its
significance and beauty I quote in full:
'It has beenaccountedoftheProphet-upon him and hisfamily bepeace
that he said: "When I was taken on the nocturnal ascension to heaven and
I entered paradise, I saw in the middle of it a palace made of red rubies.
Gabriell opened the door forme and I entered it. I saw in it a house made
of white pearls. I entered the house and saw in themiddle of it a box made
of light and locked with a lockmade of light. I said, 'Oh, Gabriell, what is
this box and what is in it?' Gabriell said, 'Oh Friend of God (IHabiballdh),
in it is the secret of God (sirralldh)which God does not reveal to anyone
except to him whom He loves.' I said, 'Open its door for me'. He said, 'I am
a slave who follows the divine command. Ask thy Lord until He grants
permission to open it.' I therefore asked for the permission of God. A voice
came from the Divine Throne saying, 'Oh Gabriell open its door', and he
opened it. In it I saw spiritual poverty (faqr) and a cloak (muraqqa'). I
said, 'What is this faqr and murraqqa'?' The voice from heaven said, 'Oh
Shi'ite authors believe these titles belong to 'Alland theMahdi respectively. In thisdelicate question
the distinction between the 'universal seal of sanctity' and the 'particular or Muhammadan seal
of sanctity' must be kept especially in mind. In any case this is a point of contention between Ibn
'Arabi and even his most ardent Shi'ite followers such as Sayyid Haydar Amuli.
1This hadith appears in many different forms in Shi'ite sources such as the Ghayat al-maram,
Tehran, 1272, pp. 287 ff.
B
Muhammad, there are two things which I have chosen for thee and thy
people (ummah) from the moment I created the two of you. These two
things I do not give to anyone save those whom I love, and I have created
nothing dearer than these.' " Then the Holy Prophet said, "God-Exalted
be His Name-selected faqr and the muraqqa' for me and these two are the
dearest things to Him". The Prophet directed his attention toward God
and when he returned from the nocturnal assent (mi'raj) he made 'Aliwear
the cloak with the permission of God and His command. 'Ali wore it
and sewed patches on it until he said, 'I have sewn so many patches
on this cloak that I am embarrassed before the sewer'. 'Ali made his
son Hasan to wear it after him and then Husayn and then the descend
ants of Husayn one after another until theMahdl. The cloak restswith him
now.'1
Ibn Abi Jumhfur as well as the later Shi'ite commentators upon this
hadzthadd that the cloak worn and transmitted by the Sufis is not the same
cloak cited in the hadith.Rather, what the Sufis seek to do is to emulate the
conditions for wearing the cloak as the Prophet wore it and through this
act to become aware to the extent of their capability of the divine mysteries
(asrdr)which the cloak symbolises.
The whole question of wildyah and the cloak that symbolises it makes
clear the most important common element between Sufism and Shi'ism,
which is the presence of a hidden form of knowledge and instruction. The
use of the method of ta'wzl or spiritual hermeneutics in the understanding
of the Holy Quran as well as of the 'cosmic text', and belief in grades of
meaning within the revelation-both of which are common to Sufism and
Shi'ism, result from the presence of this esoteric form of knowledge. The
presence of wildyah or walayat guarantees for Shi'ism and Sufism alike a
gnostic and esoteric character of which the doctrine and the characteristic
manner of instruction present in both are natural expressions.
Closely associated with walayat is the concept of the Imam in Shi'ism, for
the Imam is he who possesses the power and function of waldyat. The role
of the Imam is central to Shi'ism, and we cannot deal here with all its
ramifications.2 But from the spiritual point of view it is important to point
to his function as the spiritual guide, a function that very much resembles
that of the Sufi master. The Shi'ite seeks to encounter his Imam, who is
none other than the inner spiritual guide-so that some Shi'ite Sufis speak
of the Imam of each person's being (imadm wujuduka). If one leaves aside the
1 Ibn Abi Jumhur, Kitdb al-mjlt, Tehran, 1329, p. 379. This hadAthhas been mentioned with
slight variations by many Shi'ite gnostics and Sufis. See for example, Muhammad 'Ali Sabziwari
Tublfat al-'abbasgyah,Shiraz, I326, pp. 93-4. Many other Shi'ite authors like Ibn Abi'l-Hadid,
Maytham al-Bahrani and Sayyid Haydar Amuli have referred to this hadtlth.See al-Shibi, al-Silah
bayn al-tapawwuf wa'l-tashayyu', vol. II, p. I I 7.
2 On the role of the Imam in Shi'ite spirituality see the many works of H. Corbin in the Eranos
jahrbuch especially 'L'Imim cache et la renovation de l'homme en theologie Shi'ite', and 'Pour
une morphologie de la spiritualite Shi'ite', Eranos-jahrbuch,vol. XX, IX, I96I.
Shari'ite and also cosmic functions of the Imam, his initiatory function and
role as spiritual guide is similar to that of the Sufi master.
In fact just as in Sufism each master is in contact with the pole (qutb)of
his age, in Shi'ism all spiritual functions in every age are inwardly connected
with the Imam. The idea of the Imam as the pole of the Universe and that
of the qutb in Sufism are nearly identical, as asserted so clearly by Sayyid
Ijaydar Amuli when he said, 'The qutband the Imam are two expressions
possessing the samemeaning and referring to the same person."' The doctrine
of the universal man (al-insan al-kamil)2 expounded by Ibn 'Arabi is very
similar to the Shi'ite doctrine of the qutb and the Imam, as is the doctrine
of the mahdi developed by later Sufi masters. All these doctrines refer
essentially to the same esoteric reality, the haqtqat al-muhammadzyah,as
present in both Shi'ism and Sufism. And in this case as far as the formulation
of this doctrine is concerned there may have been direct Shi'ite influences
upon later Sufi formulations.3
Another doctrine that is shared in somewhat different forms by Shi'ites
and Sufis is that of the 'Muhammadan light' (al-nur al-mhuammadz)and the
initiatic chain (silsilah). Shi'ism believes that there is a 'Primordial Light'
passed from one prophet to another and after the Prophet of Islam to the
Imams. This light protects the prophets and Imams from sin, making them
inerrant (ma'suXm), and bestows upon them the knowledge of divine mysteries.
In order to gain this knowledge man must become attached to this light
through the Imam who, following the Prophet, acts as man's intermediary
with God in the quest for divine knowledge. In the same way in Sufism, in
order to gain access to the methods which alone make spiritual realisation
possible, man must become attached to an initiatory chain or silsilahwhich
goes back to the Prophet and through which a barakahflows from the source
of revelation to the being of the initiate. The chain is thus based on the
continuity of spiritual presence that much resembles the 'Muhammadan
light' of Shi'ism. In fact later Sufis themselves speak of the 'Muhammadan
light'. In the early period, especially in teachings of Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq,
the Shi'ite doctrine of the 'Muhammadan light' and the Sufi doctrine of
the spiritual chain meet, and as in other cases have their source in the same
esoteric teachings of Islam.4
Finally, in this comparison between Shi'ite and Sufi doctrines I wish to
mention the spiritual and gnostic stations (maqqdmat-i 'irfdnt). If we turn to
1 From theJdmi 'al-asrdrquoted by Kfimil MustafM al-Shibi, Al-Fikr al-shi' twa'l-naza'dtal-p2fzyah,
Baghdad, I966, p. 123.
2 Concerning the Sufi doctrine of the universalman see the translation of al-Jili's al-Insdnal-kamil
by T. Burckhardt as De l'hommeuniversel,Lyon, 1953; also R. Gu6non, Symbolismof theCross, trans.
by R. Macnab, London, 1958.
3 Al-Shibi in his al-Silah . . .; vol. II, pp. 52-3 writes that Ibn 'Arabi has made use of Shi'ite
sources in formulating his doctrine of the zaqiqatal-mu!ammadtyah,
wahdat al-wuju'd
and theMahdi.
4 On Imam Ja'far's teaching on this subject as it pertains to both Shi'ism and Sufism see Taylor,
'Ja'faral-Sfidiq, Spiritual Forebear of the Sufis', pp. 10I-2.
a study of the life of the Prophet and the Imams as for example found in the
compilation of Majlisi in the Bihar al-anwar,' we will discover that these
accounts are based more than anything else upon the inner spiritual states
of the personages concerned. The goal of the religious life in Shi'ism is in
fact to emulate the life of the Prophet and the Imams and to reach these
states. Although for the majority of Shi'ites this remains only a latent
possibility, the elite (khawas.s)have always been fully aware of it. The
spiritual stations of the Prophet and the Imams leading to union with God
can be considered as the final goal toward which Shi'ite piety strives and
upon which thewhole spiritual structure of Shi'ism is based.
Now in Sufism also, the goal, which is to reach God, cannot be achieved
except through the states and stations (hldiand maqdm)which occupy such
a prominent position in classical treatises of Sufism. The Sufi life is also
one that is based on the achievement of these states although the Sufi does
not seek these states in themselves but seeks God in His Exalted Essence.
Of course in Sufism everyone is conscious of the states and stations whereas
in Shi'ism only the elite are aware of them, but this is quite natural in as
much as Sufism is itself the path for the spiritual elite whereas Shi'ism
concerns a whole community, possessing its own exoteric and esoteric
division and having its own elite aswell as common believer ('awamm).But
in the special significance given to the spiritual stations in the Shi'ite account
of the lives of the Prophet and the Imams, there is a striking similarity with
what one finds in Sufism. Here again both refer to the same reality, Islamic
esotericism, with whose practical and realised aspect the spiritual stations
are concerned.
Having considered these few instances of the relationship between Shi'ism

and Sufism in principle we must now discuss briefly how the relationship
between the two has manifested itself in Islamic history.2 During the life
1 This is a very complex question which of necessity we can only treat in very summary fashion.
A fairly extensive survey of this question is found in the two works of al-Shilbi, al-Sildh bayn al-tasawwuf
wa'l-tashayyu'and al-Fikr al-shzg'wa'l-naza'adtal-sufiyah but even these two scholarly works deal
mostly with the central lands of Islam leaving out of discussion theMaghrib, much of Central
Asia and especially India where the relation between Shi'ism and Sufism has produced resultsnot
found elsewhere, resultswhich should be closely studied.
2 On the pretext that the Nahj al-baldghah is not by 'All but comes from the pen of its compiler
Sayyid Sharif Radli, many Western orientalists have simply brushed it aside as unauthentic. First of
all many of the sayings compiled in theNahj al-baldghahexist in texts antedating Radl, secondly
their style is totally different from the many books that have survived from Radii's pen and finally
their innate quality is sufficient guarantee of their celestial inspiration. Today there are toomany
works of purely spiritual character which are brushed aside by simply attaching the name 'pseudo'
to them or by doubting their authority with total disregard for the innate value of their content.
A few years ago in a session inwhich the famous Shi'ite theologian and gnostic, 'Allamah Sayyid
Muhammad Husayn Tabatabi'i, and Professor Henry Corbin were present, Professor Corbin
asked the Shi'ite authority as to whether the Nahj al-baldghah was the work of 'All, the first Imam.
'Allamah Tab&tabii'i answered, 'He who has written the Nahj al-baldghah is for us the Imam even
if he lived a century ago.'
In any case it is curious that through completely inadequate historical arguments which do not
time of the Imams, from the first to the eighth, the contact between the
two was most intimate. The writings of the Imams contain a treasury of
Islamic gnosis. The Nahj al-baldghah of 'All,' one of the most neglected
works of Islam in modern studies of Islamicists, the beautiful Sahffah
sajjddzyahof the fourth Imam, Zayn al-'Abidin, called the 'psalms of the
Family of the Prophet',2 and the Usul al-kdff of Kulayni, containing the
sayings of the Imams, outline a complete exposition of Islamic gnosis and
have served in fact as a basis formany later gnostic and Sufi commentaries.
Although their technical vocabulary is not the same in every way as the
works of the early Sufis, as shown by Massignon,3 the doctrines and spiritual
expositions contained therein are essentially the same as one finds in the
classical Sufi treatises.
During this period of the lifetime of the Imams there was intimate contact
between the Imams and some of the greatest of the early Sufis. Hasan
al-Basrl and Uways al-Qarani were disciples of 'Ali; Ibrahim al-Adham,
Bishr al-Hafi and Bayazid al-Bastami were associated with the circle of
Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq; and Ma'riuf al-Karkhi was a close companion of
Imam Rida. Moreover, the earliest Sufis, before being called by this name,
were known as ascetics (zuhhdd) and many of them were associated with
the Imams and followed their example in the ascetic life. In Kufa such
men as Kumayl, Maytham al-Tammar, Rashid al-Hajari, all of whom
were among the early Sufis and ascetics, belong to the entourage of the
Imams. The 'companions of the ledge' (ashdb al-sufah) before them, like
Salman, Abu Dharr and 'Ammar al-Yasir, are also both poles of early
Sufism and the firstmembers of the Shi'ite community.4
It was only after the eighth Imam, 'Ali al Rida, that the Shi'ite Imams
did not associate themselves openly with Sufis. It is not that they spoke
against Sufism as some exoteric Shi'ite critics of Sufism have claimed.
Rather, because of special conditions prevailing at that time they remained
silent in these matters. Imam Rida thus appears as the last explicit and
open link between Sufism and the Shi'ite Imams. In fact to this day he is
considered as the 'Imam of initiation' and many Persians who seek a spiritual
master and initiation into Sufism go to his tomb inMashhad to pray for
his help in finding a master. For this reason also his role in Shi'ite Sufi
orders has been great to this day.
at all disprove its authenticity, the .Nahjal-baldghah,a book which is themost revered in Shi'ism
after theQuran and prophetic sayings and which has taught somany famousArab writers such as
Kurd 'All and Taha Husayn how towrite eloquent Arabic, has been neglected to this extent.
Zabur-i dl-iMuhammad.
2 See especially his Essai sur les originesdu lexiquetechnique de la mystiquemusulmane,Paris, 1954,
and Recueil de textesiniditeconcernant l'histoirede lamystiqueenpays d'Islam, Paris, 1929.
3 The relationship between the Imams and the first generations of zuhhdd that later became
known as Sufis is discussed by 'AllamahTabatabA'i in Shi'ite Islam, translated and edited by S. H.
Nasr, part II, section 3 (in press).
4 See S. H. Nasr, An Introductionto Islamic CosmologicalDoctrines, Cambridge (U.S.A.), i964,
chapter I.
After the Imams, Shi'ism and Sufism became both distinct in themselves
and to a certain extent separated from each other. During this period, in
contrast to the life-time of the Imams, Shi'ism began to have a more active
political role while most of the Sufis, at least in the third/ninth and fourth/
tenth centuries, shied away from participation in political life and all that
possessed aworldly aspect. Yet, some of the Sufis like al-Hallaj were definitely
Shi'ite or of Shi'ite tendency and there are certain relations between Sufism
and Shi'ism particularly Isma'ilism, as we see in clear references to Sufism
in the Epistles of the Brethren of Purity, which if not definitely Isma'ili
in origin certainly come from a Shi'ite background and are later closely
associated with Isma'ilism. Twelve-Imam Shi'ism also showed some links
with Sufism. Ibn Babiuyah, the famous Shi'ite theologian, describes the Sufi
circle (halqah) in which invocation (dhikr) is performed, and Sayyid Sharif
Murtadca calls the Sufis 'real Shi'ites'.1 The guilds and different orders of
chivalry (futuwwdt) also reveal a link between Shi'ism and Sufism because
on the one hand they grew in a Shi'ite climate with particular devotion to
'Ali and on the other hand many of them became attached to Sufi orders
and became their extension in the form of 'craft initiations'.
After theMongol invasion Shi'ism and Sufism once again formed a close
association in many ways. Some of the Isma'ilis whose power had been
destroyed by theMongols went underground and appeared laterwithin Sufi
orders or as new branches of already existing orders. In Twelve-Imam
Shi'ism also from the seventh/thirteenth to the tenth/sixteenth century
Sufism began to grow within official Shi'ite circles. It was during this
period that for the first time some of the Shi'ite 'ulama'and jurisprudents
were given such titles as s4fz, 'drif or muta'allih and some of them devoted
many pages of their writings to Sufi doctrines. Kamalal-Din Maytham
al-Bahrani in the seventh/thirteenth century wrote a commentary upon the
Nahj al-baldghah revealing its gnostic and mystical meaning. Radi al-Dln
'Ali ibn al-Ta'us, a member of the well-known family of Shi'ite scholars,
and himself an outstanding Shi'ite 'alim,wrote prayers with Sufi connotations.
'Allamah al-Hill', the student of Nasir al-Din al-Tutsi, and a person who
played a great role in the spread of Shi'ism in Persia, has many works of
gnostic character. Shortly after al-Hilli one of the most significant Shi'ite
theologians of this period, Sayyid Haydar Amuli, was also a Sufi and follower
of the school of Ibn 'Arabi. His Jdmi' al-asrdr is a summit of gnostic Shi'ism,
where perhaps in more than any other work the metaphysical relationship
between Shi'ism and Sufism is treated.2 It is Amuli who believed that
every true Shi'ite is a Sufi and every true Sufi a Shi'ite.
I See al-Fikr al-sht't . ., pp. 73 ff.
al-Shibi,
2 This monumental work has been edited for the first time by H. Corbin and 0. Yahya and has
appeared in the collection of the Institut Franco-Iranien of Tehran, 1969.
Concerning Amuli see Corbin, 'Sayyed Haydar Amuli (VIIIe-XIVe siecle) theologien shi;ite
du soufism',Milanges HenriMassi, Tehran, I963, pp. 72-101.
The tendency toward the rapprochment between Sufism and official

circles of Shi'ite learning is to be seen in the ninth/fifteenth century in such
figures as H1afizRajab al-Bursl, author of the gnostic Mashariq al-anwar, Ibn
Abl Jumhfur, whose Kitdb al-mujli is also a cornerstone of this new structure
of Shi'ite gnostic literature and Kamil al-Din Husayn ibn 'Ali, entitled
'Wa'iz-i Kashifi', who although a Sunni, was a Naqshbandi Sufi and the
author of works on Shi'ite piety which became extremely popular, especially
the Raudat al-shuhadd'which has given its name to the typically Shi'ite
practice of raudah.All these figures were instrumental in preparing the
intellectual background for the Safavid renaissance which was based on
both Shi'ism and Sufism.
Of special interest during this same period is the spread of the writings
of Ibn 'Arabi in Persia and especially in Shi'ite circles.' It is well known
that Ibn 'Arabi from the point of view of his madhhabwas a Sunni of the
Zahiri school. But it is also known that he wrote a treatise on the twelve
Shi'ite Imams which has always been popular among Shi'ites.2 There
existed an inward complementarism and attraction between the writings of
Ibn 'Arabi and Shi'ism which made the integration of his teachings into
Shi'ite gnosis immediate and complete. Such Shi'ite Sufis as Sa'd al-Din
al-Hamfuyah, 'Abd al-Razzaq al-Kashani, Ibn Turkah, Sayyid Haydar
Amuli, Ibn Abi Jumhur and many other Shi'ite gnostics of this period are
thoroughly impregnated with the teachings of Ibn 'Arabl, not to speak of
the Shi'ite philosophers and theosophers the culmination of whose thought
is found in the school ofMulla Sadra.
From the seventh/thirteenth to the tenth/sixteenth century, there were
also religious and Sufi movements which were linked with both Sufism and
Shi'ism. The extremist sects of the Hurgfi's and the Sha'sha'ah grew directly
out of background that is both Shi'ite and Sufi.3More important than these
movements in the long run-were the Sufi orders that spread in Persia at
this time and aided in preparing the ground for the Shi'ite movement of
the Safavids. Two of these orders are of particular significance in this
question of the relation between Shi'ism and Sufism: The Ni'matullahi
order and the Nurbakhshi order. Shah Ni'matullah came originally from
Aleppo and although a descendant of the Prophet was probably a Sunni
in his mad//ab.4 But the order, which is closely akin to the Shadhiliyah order
in its silsilah before Shah Ni'matullah, became a specifically Shi'ite Sufi
order and remains to this day the most widespread Sufi order in the Shi'ite
1 See S. H. Nasr, 'Seventh Century Sufism and the School of Ibn 'Arabi',Journal of theRegional
CulturalInstitute(Tehran), I967, vol. I, no. I, pp. 43-50.
2 This work called theMandqib has been also commented upon in Persian. See
Miusa Khalkhali,
SharhmandqibMuAyzyal-Dtfn ibn 'Arabt,Tehran, 1322.
3 See al-Shibi, al-Fikr al-sh'. . ., pp. 179-244, 302-27.
4 Concerning his life and works see I. Aubin, Mat6riaux pour la biographiedeShahNi'matulldhWalt
Kermant,Tehran-Paris, 1956, and several studies devoted to him by J. Nourbakhsh, the present
qutbof the order, published by theNi'matullahi Khaniqdh in Tehran during the last decade.
world. The study of the doctrines and methods of this order which possesses
a regularity of chain or silsilah and method very much similar to the Sufi
orders in the Sunni world ismost revealing as an example of a still living
order of Sufism that is thoroughly Shi'ite and functions in a Shi'ite climate.
The Nufrbakhshi order founded by Muhammad ibn 'Abdallah, entitled
Niurbakhsh, a Persian from Quhistan, is particularly interesting in that the
founder sought to create a kind of bridge between Sunnism and Shi'ism
in his own person and gave aMahdiist colour to his movement.' The spread
of his order and the power of his own personality were instrumental in
drawing many people to hold particular reverence for 'Ali and the 'Alids.
His own open declaration was that his movement combined Sufism and
Shi'ism.2 And the spread of his ideas was one of the factors that brought
forth this combination of Shi'ism and Sufi movements which resulted in
the Safavid domination of Iran.3
The rise of the Safavids from the nucleus of a Sufi order of Shaykh Safl
al-Din Ardibili, is too well known to need repetition here.4 Suffice it to say
that this political movement which founded the new Persian state was Sufi
in origin and Shi'ite in belief. As a result itmade Shi'ism the official religion
of Persia while aiding in every way the growth and propagation of Sufi
ideas. It is not therefore surprising to see during this period a renaissance
of Shi'ite learning in which Shi'ite gnosis plays such an important role.
The names of Mlr Damad, Mlr Findiriski, Sadr al-Din Shirazl, Mulla
Muhsin Fayd, 'Abd al-Razzaq Lahiji, Qadi Sa'id Quml and somany other
gnostics of this period perhaps belong more to the chapter on Safavid
theosophy and philosophy than to Sufism,5 but since all these men were
Shi'ite and at the same time completely impregnated with Sufi and gnostic
ideas, they represent yet another facet of the nexus between Shi'ism and
Sufism. There were also outstanding Shi'ite 'ulamd'of this period who were
practising Sufis like Baha' al-Din 'Amili and Muhammad Taqi Majlisi as
well as masters of regular Sufi orders like the Dhahabis, Ni'matullahis and
Safavis.6
But strangely enough, during the reign of the same dynasty whose origin
1 Concerning Shaykh Nfurbakhsh and also the Kubrawiyah and their importance in connection
with Persia becoming Shi'ite see the articles of M. Mole in the Revue des etudes islamiques from 1959
to I963.
The text of his declaration is quoted by al-Shibi al-Fikr al-sh"' . . ., p. 335.
s
Concerning the different Sufi orders in the Shi'ite climate of Persia, see M. Mole, Les mystiques
musulmans,Paris, I965, chapter IV.
4 Based on the original historic sources such as 'Alam arady-i 'abba'st' and Rawdat al-safd', many
historical works have been devoted to the origin of the Safavids by such scholars as Minorsky,
Togan, Hinz, Aubin, Savory and others. See for example, Z. V. Togan, 'Sur l'origines des safavides',
Milanges Louis Massignon, Paris, 1937, vol. 3, pp. 345-57. The work of W. Hinz, Irans Aufstieg zum
Nationalstaat imfiinfzehnten Jahrhundert, Berlin, I936, is of particular value for its historical analysis.
5 Concerning these figures see S. H. Nasr, 'The School of Ispahan' and 'Sadr al-Din ShirAzi'
in M. M. Sharif (ed.), A History of Muslim Philosophy, vol. II, Wiesbaden, I966; and H. Corbin,
'Confessions extatiques de Mir Damad', Melanges Louis Massignon, pp. 33 I-78.
6 See Sayyid 'Abd al-Hujjat BalUghi, Mdqaldt al-hunafd'fi maqamdt Shams al-'urafd', Tehran, 1369.
was Sufi, a severe reaction set in against the Sufi orders partly because
many extraneous elements had joined Sufism for worldly ends and also
because some of the orders became lax in their practice of the Shari'ah.
Some of the religious scholars wrote treatises against the Sufis such as
al-Fdwa'id al-d&n4yah
fi'l-radd 'al'l-hukama'wa'l-sufzyah ofMulla Muhammad
Tahir Qumi. Even the outstanding theologian and scholar, Mulla Muham
mad Baqir Majlisi, who was not completely against Sufism as attested by
his Zdd al-ma'ad,was forced in these circumstances to deny his own father's
Sufism and openly oppose the Sufis. In such a climate Sufism encountered a
great deal of difficulty during the latter part of the Safavid era and in this
period even the theosophers (hukama')of the school of Mulla $adra faced
severe opposition from some of the 'ulama'.It was as a result of this situation
that in religious circles Sufism henceforth changed its name to 'irfdnand to
this day in the official Shi'ite religious circles and madrasahsone can openly
study, teach and discuss 'irfdnbut never tasawwufwhich is too often associated
with the lax dervishes oblivious to the injunctions of the Shari'ah, who are
usually called qalandarma'ab in Persian.
During the ensuing Afghan invasion and the re-establishment of a strong
government by Nadir Shah there was not much talk of Sufism in Shi'ite
circles in Persia while Sufism prospered in Shi'ite milieus in India. And it
is from Deccan that in the twelfth/eighteenth century Ma'sum 'Ali Shah
and Shah Tahir of Deccan of the Ni'matullahi order were sent to Persia
to revive Sufism. Although some of their disciples like Nur 'Ali Shah and
Muzaffar 'AliShah were martyred,' Sufism began to flourish again, especially
during the rule of the Qajar king Fath 'Ali Shah while Muhammad Shah
and his prime minister, IHajjMirza Aqasi, were themselves attracted to
Sufism. Henceforth the different Sufi orders, especially the various branches
of the Ni'matullahi, as well as the Dhahabl and Khaksar, flourished in
Shi'ite Persia and continue to this day. Also during the Qajar period,
the gnostic doctrines of Ibn 'Arabi and Sadr al Dln Shirazi were revived by
such men as Hajji Mulla Hadi Sabziwari and Aqa Muhammad Rida
Qumshah'i.2 They revived a school which also continues and thrives to the
present day.
In Shi'ite Persia today one can distinguish between three groups of
gnostics and mystics: those who belong to regular Sufi orders such as the
Ni'matullahi or the Dhahabi and who follow a way very similar to those
of Sufis in the Sunni world; those who also have had a definite spiritual
master and have received regular initiation but whose master and those before
him do not constitute an organised and 'institutionalised' Sufi order with
its openly declared silsilah and established centre or khaniqdh; and finally
1 Concerning these figures see R. Gramlich, Die schiitischenDerwischordenPersiens,Erster Teil:

Die Afflliationen,
Wiesbaden, I965, pp. 33 ff.
2 See S. H. Nasr, 'Sabziwari', in A
History ofMuslim Philosophy,vol. II.
those who have definitely received a gnostic and mystical inspiration, who
have authentic visions (mushdhadah)and possess spiritual states (ahwal) but
who do not possess a human master. Of this latter group some are Uwaysis,
others belong to the line of Khadir or Khidr in Persian,' and most reach
spiritual contact with the Imam who is also the inner spiritual guide. The
very overflow of esotericism in Shi'ism into even themore outward aspects
of the religion has made this third type of possibility more common than
one would find in Sunni Islam. Some of the great theosophers and gnostics
in fact, who have definitely reached the state of spiritual vision as attested
by their works, belong to this latter category and also perhaps to the second
category because in that case likewise it is difficult to discern the spiritual
lineage outwardly.
Shi'ism and Sufism, then, possess a common parentage in that they are
both linked with the esoteric dimension of the Islamic revelation and in
their earliest history were inspired by the same sources. In later periods
they have had many mutual interactions and influenced each other in
innumerable ways. But these historical manifestations have been no more
than applications to different moments of time of an essential and principial
relationship which belongs to the eternal and integral reality of Islam
itself and which in the form of the gnosis that characterises Islamic esotericism
has manifested itself in both segments of the Islamic community, the Sunni
and Shi'ite alike.
1 On the spiritual significance of Khidr see L. Massignon, 'Elie et son role transhistorique,
Khadiriya en Islam', Etudescarmilitaines:Elie leprophite,vol. II, Paris, 1956, pp. 269-90. Massignon
has also devoted numerous other articles to this subjectmost of which have appeared in the Revue
des itudesislamiques.
There are alsomany valuable references to initiation in Sufism thoughKhidr
and the afrddwho have received such initia cion in the Mritings of R. Gu6non on initiation.
Shi‘ism, Sufism and Gnosticism (‘Irfan)
Nur ‘Ali Tabandeh
Shi‘ism, Sufism and Gnosticism (‘Irfan)1
Nur ‘Ali Tabandeh
“My Lord! Expand my breast for me, and make easy for me
my work, and loosen the knot of my tongue that they may
understand my speech.”2
Concerning Shi‘ism and Sufism—two words denoting the

same reality—many mistakes have been made by contemporary
scholars, especially Westerners. These mistakes have either been
made out of ignorance or were intentional. From the start, the
mission of some of them was to create corruption within Shi‘ism
and to instigate sectarianism within Islam, as well as to provide
information for their own colonialist apparatus. Many of them
came to the same conclusion sincerely, although they were
exploited by others.
The first mistake that they made about this problem was with
regard to what they called the date of the historical appearance of
Shi‘ism. Some say that it began after the passing away of Imam
‘Ali, peace be with him. Others say that it appeared after the
martyrdom of Imam Husayn, peace be with him. There are other
opinions of this sort, as well. Their mistake is a confusion between
the appearance of a name with the appearance of its denotation.
While a name can appear or gain currency at any time, this plays
no role in the main issue. When a school of thought is at issue, one
should not pay attention to mere labels. Just as the Shi‘ites were
sometimes called the Shi‘ites of ‘Ali and sometimes the
1
This article was written by the presentqutb of the Order, Dr. Hajj Nur ‘Ali
Tabandeh, Majdhub ‘Alishah, in response to a letter inquiring about the
relations among Shi‘ism, Sufism and Gnosticism (‘irfan). The author has
explained himself in simple language at the request of the correspondent. It
was published in Persian in the Journal Erfan-e Iran, (2000) Vol. 2, No. 7,
11-23.
2
Qur’an (20:25-28)
13
Shu‘ubites,3 for the Shi‘ites clung to this verse of the Qur’an in
which God says, (O people! Verily We have created you of a
male and a female, and made you into nations and tribes
(shu‘ub) that you may recognize each other. Verily, the most
honored of you with God is the most God-wary.)4 This was
because there were non-Arabs who converted to Islam and who
expected no difference to be made between them and the Arabs.
Unfortunately however, among the caliphs, except for Imam ‘Ali
and Imam Hasan, such differences were more or less made. In
reaction to this, the Shi‘ites referred to this verse. There was also
a period during which they were called Rafizi, meaning “those
who abandoned their religion”. In this way, the Shi‘ites were
called by a variety of names, but, as was mentioned, the
appearance of a name is no reason for the previous absence of its
denotation.
We have to see the difference between the Shi‘ite and Sunni

views within Islam, and what are their principles so that we can
discern when Shi‘ism originated on the basis of the appearance of
its principles.
After the passing away of the Prophet, ‘Ali, ‘Abbas the uncle
of the Prophet, and perhaps some of the other Hashimites busied
themselves with his burial. While they were busy with this, a
group gathered in a place known as Saqifah Bani Sa‘idah, and
appointed Abu Bakr as caliph in a process narrated in history. Abu
Bakr thus became the first caliph. After Abu Bakr, ‘Umar became
caliph, and after him ‘Uthman. The fourth was ‘Ali, peace be with
him.
From the very beginning, after the passing away of the

Prophet, those who disapproved of the event of Saqifah Bani
Sa‘idah said that just as the Prophet was not selected by us, but
was chosen by God, likewise, his successor should not be selected
3
This word comes from sha‘b meaning folk, nation or tribe. [Tr.]
4
Qur’an (49:13).
14
by the people, and the people have no right to do that, but it
should by according to God’s will. They continued that since our
Prophet is the last of the prophets, there is no further revelation,
but because whatever the Prophet said amounts to revelation, as is
explicitly affirmed by the verse (Nor does he speak of his own
inclination. It is naught but a revelation revealed unto him,)5
whoever the Prophet appoints is appointed by God Himself. The
Prophet appointed ‘Ali to be his successor at various times during
his mission. Therefore, the successor of the Prophet is ‘Ali, not
anyone appointed by the people.
Those Sunnites who accept the event of Saqifah say that since
the people were gathered there and chose the caliph, their choice
is valid, and he is the caliph (although, this position has also been
subject to criticism, since all the people or the chiefs and decision
makers were not present).
Historically speaking, there is no doubt but that after the

Prophet, Abu Bakr, then ‘Umar, then ‘Uthman, then ‘Ali, and then
Imam Hasan became caliph. But the Shi‘ites say that the real
succession to the Prophet, that is, his spiritual caliphate, is the
right, or rather, the duty of ‘Ali. The major difference and
disagreement arises from this point. The followers of Abu Bakr,
‘Umar and ‘Uthman were named Sunnites, while the followers of
‘Ali and Imam Hasan were called Shi‘ites. So, the main difference
between the Shi‘ites and the Sunnites is that latter allow the
people to select the caliph while the former believe that the
caliphate should be determined according to the order and decree
of the Prophet.
It is obvious that ‘Ali was appointed after the Prophet, and

since there must always be a divine representative on the face of
the earth, after ‘Ali, whoever he appoints is the caliph, and so on
and so forth. If we take this difference into consideration, we will
see that the basis of Shi‘ism came into sight immediately after the
5
Qur’an (53:3-4).
15
passing away of the Prophet, but one cannot say that it came into
existence then. The difference was already present, but during the
lifetime of the Prophet, it did not emerge because there was no
case for it. After the passing away of the Prophet, the different
inferences became apparent.
Thus, Shi‘ism appeared right from the time of the passing

away of the Prophet. But later, Shi‘ite and Sunnite Islam absorbed
other materials and ideas as they moved forward through the
course of history so that each of them was transformed into a
system of rules and ideas. The basic principles of Shi‘ism are those
mentioned above. We could say that every poet, writer and Sufi is
a Shi‘ite who believes in the walayah6 of ‘Ali, that is, that ‘Ali is
the immediate and true successor of the Prophet, and that this is
his exclusive right. Taking this point into consideration, people
like Sa‘di, Hafiî and Rumi, and in general, all the great Sufis were
Shi‘ites.
If they differed according to their jurisprudential precepts, this

difference is irrelevant to the basic issue, just as there are
numerous issues of Islamic law about which Shi‘ite and Sunni
jurists disagree that are also among the Shi‘ite jurists themselves.
However, the basic point is that anyone who believes in the
walayah of ‘Ali may be considered Shi‘ite. Therefore, as we have
mentioned, Shi‘ism appeared right after the passing away of the
Prophet, although its teachings were already present. This was not
apparent because there was no opponent to deny them.
When foreign non-Muslim scholars investigate an idea, they do

not engage the school of thought itself and its principles; rather,
they focus on its outward phenomena. Therefore, since ‘Ali
sometimes helped the caliphs to carry out the rules of Islamic law,
such scholars do not consider this period to be that of the
existence or emergence of Shi‘ism. They take as their criterion for
the emergence of Shi‘ism the time when differences arose between
6
For an explanation of walayah , see the note on page 48. [Tr.]
16
‘Ali and the caliphs. Of course, this mistake has also insinuated
itself among Muslim researchers, especially those who are
ignorant of the basic spirituality of the first Muslims. Throughout
history there have always been numerous disagreements between
these two ideas—the Shi‘ite idea of appointment of the leader,
and the Sunnite idea of election. The caliphs were constantly busy
with destroying the Shi‘ite idea through various means, and they
even persecuted the proponents of this idea, the Shi‘ites, so that
they practiced dissimulation (taqiyyah) during the entire period of
the Imams, and even later. This is the cause of the encouragement
of dissimulation among the Shi‘ites. In this regard there are
famous stories, such as that about ‘Ali ibn Yaqtin who was a
minister of Harun al-Rashid and practiced dissimulation.
In this way, a number of the Shi‘ites were forced to retirement

in order not to be found out and so that they could organize their
ideas and beliefs and guide others. They found another name in the
history of Islam, that name was Sufi, and little by little the term
tasawwuf (Sufism) became current. It makes no difference what
the etymology of the word Sufism is. What is usually said and
referred to, is that tasawwuf stems from the root suf, meaning
wool, and that the meaning of tasawwuf is wearing woolen
garments. Sufis usually wore wool and it is reported that the
prophets also dressed in wool. Since wool is especially coarse, and
it is uncomfortable to the body, one cannot sleep much with it,
and is kept awake to pray. It is from this that a story in the book
Tadhkirah al-Awliyya7 was written, according to which someone
(Sufiyan Thuri) came across Imam Ja‘far Sadiq, peace be with
him, on the road. He saw that the Imam was wearing expensive
cloth woven of silk and wool (khazz),8 so, he came to him and
after greeting him said, “O son of the Apostle of Allah! It is not
7
Shaykh Farid al-Din ‘Attar, Tadhkirah al-Awliyya, Muhammad Isti‘lami,
ed. (Tehran: Zavvar, 1984), 15. [Tr.]
8
There is a reason for the differences in the lives of the Imams, for example
Hazrat Ja‘far Sadiq and Imam Hasan with ‘Ali, and this is another problem
that we have to pass over for the moment.
17
appropriate for you, as the son of the Apostle of Allah, to wear
such luxurious soft clothing.” The Imam took his hand and placed
it under his sleeve. He saw that the Imam was wearing a coarse
woolen undergarment that irritated his arms. The Imam said, “This
one is for God,” as he indicated the woolen garment; “and that
one is for the people,” he said, pointing to the soft garment
(khazz). The very occurrence of such a story and such an
encounter, even if we do not believe it really happened, in the
writing of Shaykh ‘Attar, which says that the woolen garment is
for God, indicates that the great Sufis, the head of whom at that
time was Hazrat Ja‘far Sadiq, considered the rough woolen
garment to be a sign of worship and preparation for worship.
In any case, it is apparently more suitable to take the word
Sufism (tasawwuf) as being from the root suf (wool). In fact, it is
another name that has been applied to this group, [that is, the
Shi‘ites] which has gained currency. In the same way, we see that
today, for example, in a country whose government is against
Islam and that proclaims itself to be secular, they disband an
Islamic party and destroy its name; but the same group under a
different name forms another party, and for a while continues its
activities. Shi‘ism has proceeded in the same manner, that is, in the
history of Islam, Shi‘ism has shown itself under another name, the
name of Sufism.
The basis of Sufism from the beginning, as regards doctrines,
was that the successor of the Prophet is ‘Ali, and that among the
companions of the Prophet, ‘Ali was the most excellent. However,
in practice they had various styles of life, in the same way as the
Shi‘ites believe that every age has its own requirements. ‘Ali, for
example, had an outwardly humble life of poverty. In spite of the
fact that he founded many palm groves through his own labor, he
endowed all of them and did not make use of them himself. In
contrast, Imam Ja‘far Sadiq had an outward life of luxury and
wealth. It is up to the Imam, the great person of his time, to
decide according to the demands of the times how to live.
Thus, in the course of history we find that sometimes Sufism
takes the form of asceticism and seclusion, and at other times, or
in the case of certain persons, it appears as social activity and
struggle. In the same way, we have observed different styles of life
18
through the course of history, but none of these is the basis of
Sufism. The foundation of Sufism is nothing but executorship
(wasayah)9 and walayah, not other extraneous matters. The other
matters came about through the course of history because of the
demands of the times. The same error that has arisen regarding
Shi‘ism and the word tashayyu‘ has also appeared regarding
Sufism. Some say that for the first time it appeared in the
second/eighth century. Accordingly, every writer seems to have
his own theory, however, Sufism is the very essence and meaning
of Shi‘ism.
In the history of Shi‘ism, some people paid more attention to
the rules of Islamic law, and presented their theories in this regard.
They are the fuqaha (jurists of Islamic law). Another group of
Shi‘ites gave priority to doctrinal issues and to the way of
perfection toward God. They are the Sufis. In fact, they are, as the
expression goes, like the two arms of one body. However, many
times, without noticing this, some hold that there is opposition
between these two groups. Many orientalists do the same, because
the more opposition there is among them, the more the orientalists
benefit. The basis and spirit of Islam is in Shi‘ism and the spirit of
Shi‘ism is in Sufism. Sufism is nothing other than Shi‘ism, and real
Shi‘ism is nothing other than Sufism.
It is here that researchers have found another ground, but a
ground that also creates schisms. Only God knows whether this
was deliberate or unintentional. In any case, some have said that
Sufism was created in order to destroy Shi‘ism and to spoil Islam.
They made some pseudo-Sufis their criterion, and they referred to
some pretenders to Sufism who either paid no attention to
spiritual matters, or whose links to their source was broken. Since
in Sufism, according to the principles of Shi‘ism, only those who
have been explicitly appointed by the previous guide and pir ,10
deserve leadership and guidance of the people, and all are agreed
9
Wasayah means that the successor should be appointed according to the
final testament of the predecessor, not by the election of the people. [Tr.]
10
The word pir in Persian means “old man” or “elder”, and in Sufism it is
used to refer to the head of an Order or guide. [Tr.]
19
that this permission for guidance will continue until the day of the
resurrection. However, the twelver Shi‘ites believe that during the
occultation of the Imam, one who is appointed by the Imam only
has the right to make bay‘at11 with the believers. He also has the
right to appoint his successor, so that this chain continued.
Therefore, one whose permission reaches from hand to hand to
the Imam has legal and legitimate leadership and guidance, and
otherwise his chain is broken. How many there have been whose
chain was broken but based on their own personal opinions they
propounded matters as Sufism that are no part of Sufism. There
are a small number of researchers who have noticed this. For
example, in a book that has been translated into Farsi, Mystics and
Commisars,12 the authors, Alexandre Bennigsen and S. Enders
Wimbush, review Sufism in the former Soviet Union and say that
Sufism is neither a sect nor a movement of renegades, but is an
inseparable part of true Islam. Western analysts, in particular, are
apt to close their eyes to this reality, and they repeatedly refer to
Sufism as a phenomenon foreign to Islam, and even as a deviation
from it. Since in the former Soviet Union forces opposing religion
were in power in the government, the researcher who investigates
the conditions in the Soviet Union will come to this conclusion
[that Sufism is not separate from Islam].
Another argument often mentioned by some orientalists is that
Shi‘ism, and according to others, Sufism, was a way in which
Iranians combated the governance of the Arabs after the Arabs
conquered their country and defeated their royal dynasty and
government. They argue that it was in this way that the Iranians
showed their reaction, and that the history of much of the Sufi
resistance makes it clear that it was this that led to the liberation
of Iran from the chains of the foreigners. However, it should be
noticed that it was not the Arabs but Islam that conquered Iran.
For example, when the armies of Islam came to Iran, they
succeeded in their conquest until the city of Rayy, and the people
became Muslims. Afterward, everyone accepted Islam willingly.
11
For bay‘at , see the article by the same author in this volume. [Tr.]
12
Translated into Farsi by Afsaneh Munfarid (Tehran: 1998), p. 214.
20
A comparison of two matters paves the way to an
understanding of the cause of this. On the one hand, it is narrated
that Anushiravan13 invited the rich merchants of the bazaar and
asked them to lend him money to carry out the war. After he
finished his speech, a shoemaker said, “I am ready to give you the
entire amount you need, not as a loan, but as a gift. There is only
one condition, that you allow my son to become literate and to
study.” Anushiravan became angry: “I should allow the son of a
shoemaker to study!?” He did not accept. On the other hand,
Islam commands “Searching for knowledge is obligatory for all
Muslims.” Likewise, after the Battle of Badr, when the captives
were brought and their families came to pay ransom for them, the
Prophet said, “Any of these captives who teach reading and
writing to seven Muslims will be freed.”
Compare these two matters—aside from the spiritual aspect, if
you just look at the outward aspect—when two armies, one with
the former sort of thinking and one with the latter, confront one
another, which will be victorious?
In any case, it is Islam that conquered Iran. Iranians were
always fond of Islam and the Muslims. All their revolutions made
against the governments of the foreigners, if they were carried out
while preserving Islam, they reached their aims, like the rising of
Abu Muslim Khorasani, or the rising of the Sarbedaran [against
the Mongols], or the Safavids, the latter two of which were Sufis,
and others. Those who made a revolution only for the
independence of Iran but who were really against Islam, were not
victorious. People like Hashim ibn Hikam (known as al-
Muqanna‘), Maziyar, Babak and Afshin are of this kind. For this
reason, their dynasties did not last and many of them disappeared
after a short time. There is not even a trace of their thinking left.
However, the orientalists ignore all these facts, and consider
Sufism and Shi‘ism as Iranian uprisings against Arabs and they
interpret them as weapons of this struggle, although Sufism is the
same as Shi‘ism and Shi‘ism is the same as Islam. Historical
13
The famous Persian king (531-579) of the Sassanid dynasty. [Tr.]
21
evidence for this is found in the fact that the uprising of the
Safavids caused Shi‘ism to dominate Iran.
Another matter that causes confusion and mistakes about the
issue is that it is said that Sufism is something other than ‘irfan.
True, with regard to the words, they are two things: Our
expressions differ, but Your beauty is one.14 This doubt was
created long ago; even many of the opponents of Sufism who
wrote refutations of it have expressed their approval of ‘irfan.
They admit that some scholars consider ‘irfan and Sufism to be
the same, but they deny it.
Now, let’s briefly see what ‘irfan is. Literally, ‘irfan is
knowing. Knowing has different stages. For example, Abraham,
peace be with him, who knew, that is, by his own innate nature
(fitrat) he understood that this world has a God, and that God
governs all things, had some knowledge. When he saw a star, he
said, (This is my god.) It was the bright star said to have been
Sirius. But when the star set, he said, (I do not like the setting
ones.)15 When the moon appeared—which, as a rule, was a full
moon—he said, (This is my god.) But after it set, he again
thought and said, (This also set. So, it, too, is not the God of the
world.) This means that he had reached a stage in which he knew
that there is a God, and that this God has power and greatness,
but that in his primitive imagination he held that this God was
corporeal. Then the sun rose. He said, (Certainly this is God.) It
also set, and he then said, (I do turn my face toward the One Who
has created the heavens and the earth.)16 At that time he
recognized and understood that the God for Whom he was
searching is not a body and is not corporeal, and that it is He Who
created the heavens, the star, the moon and the sun.
These are gnostic (‘irfani) stages. The most primitive stage of
gnosis (‘irfan) was that first one, in which Abraham did not know
whether the God Who created him was corporeal or not; what
14
This is an Arabic saying, commonly used in Iranian as well as Arab
culture. [Tr.]
15
See Qur’an (6:76).
16
See Qur’an (6:79).
22
sort of God is He? Gradually, he came to the point where God in
the Qur’an says: (In this way We showed Abraham the kingdom
(malakut) of the heavens and the earth.)17 Thus, everyone who
knows God and realizes that there is a God has a degree of gnosis,
because gnosis is not an absolute matter. It is something that, as
the philosophers say, is graduated (tashkiki), such as light and
faith, which have degrees. It starts from the least degree, and if
God grants success, it reaches higher degrees. For example,
imagine someone in a desert in which there is no habitation. From
a distance he sees a black spot in the clear air (this clear air should
be understood as his pure intention). He only knows that it is a
black spot, and to that extent he knows only that there is
something there. When he goes towards it a bit, he sees that this
black spot becomes a straight line. Then he recognizes, that is, he
acquires gnosis, that the thing over there is a long body. If he
continues further and goes forward a bit more, he sees that the
body has different branches. He finds out that it is a tree with
branches. As he advances further, he sees that on the branches
there are spots like leaves. He notices that the tree has leaves, that
is, it is alive. He sees that it shakes and rustles. He understands
that it is affected by wind. By going further he realizes that there
are things hanging from the tree. He realizes that the tree bears
fruit. When he advances further, he sees that the fruit is apple, or
such and such a fruit. Thus, he finds gnosis (‘irfan). When he gets
near to it and tastes the apple or whatever fruit there is, he finds
out that it is sweet.
The same degrees of gnosis will appear for one who takes the
course of knowing God. Gnosis and knowing God occurs in the
same way. Therefore, when someone is called a gnostic (‘arif) it
does not mean that he has something of which others are
absolutely deprived, that he has it all. Being a gnostic also has
degrees. There is the gnostic and the one who is more of a
gnostic. The way to reach perfect gnosis, that is, the perfection of
gnosis, is called Sufism. This means that Sufism is the practical
way of reaching gnosis (‘irfan).
17
Qur’an (6:75).
23
Thus, Sufism and gnosis (‘irfan) are two words signifying the
same thing, or they may be thought of as two sides of the same
coin, or it may be said that the former shows the way and the
latter the result of wayfaring. In any case, they are both one and
two.
The opposition that sometimes now is claimed in Iran to exist
between gnosis and Sufism might be due to the bad political
situation. They cannot say bad things about gnosis (‘irfan)
because so many of the great figures have appreciated it, and it is
generally beloved. On the other hand, they cannot accept Sufism
because it might damage their worldly life. Hence, they say that
gnosis (‘irfan) is something other than Sufism. There are even
people who previously were following the way of Sufism and later
became opposed to it and have written rejections of it. In order to
fortify their rejections and to disassociate themselves from their
pasts, they say that gnosis (‘irfan) is good, but that it is other than
Sufism. They continue to the extent that many of the older
generation were mistaken and thought that these two were one.
From this it is apparent that many of the great figures of the past
have attested to this truth.
24
Spiritual Walayah or
Love in the Mathnavi Mawlavi: A Shi‘ite View
Sharam Pazouki
Spiritual Walayah or Love in the Mathnavi Mawlavi:
A Shi‘ite View
Dr. Sharam Pazouki∗
Abstract
In its true meaning, walayah means love, a believer

is a lover and faith is love. The main topic of the
Mathnavi is love. In this poem, Mawlavi speaks of the
nature of love, the way to it, its master and perils.
Among the three approaches to religion, that is,
narrative, rational and heartfelt, he chooses the last
because it is the way of faith and love, or walayah. He
considers ‘Ali to be the source or wali for this way after
the Prophet. Thus the Mathnavi is also a book of
walayah, and Mawlavi is a Shi‘ite, not in the current
sense of the jurists or dialectical theologians, but in its
true meaning, that is, belief in the continuing
spirituality and walayah of the Prophet in the person of
‘Ali, and belief that after the Prophet there is always a
living guide (wali) on the way of love.
1. Approaches to Islam
There are three main approaches to Islam found among
classical Muslim authors: narration, reason and the heart. Among
various Muslim scholars, it is only the Sufis who have followed the
way of the heart. According to this way, God is not only the divine
legislator, to Whom one prays with fear of hell and yearning to
enter paradise, but He is the Beloved.1 The way of the heart is the
way of love, in which the wayfarer purifies his heart until he gains
union with God. In addition to this, the Sufis believe that in every
period of time there is a divine spiritual guide or wali, and that it is
only through him that one can find the way to God. So, after the
∗ Iranian Academy of Philosophy

20 Journal of Religious Thought
death of the Prophet, one cannot confine himself to the Qur’an and
traditions, but should obey the spiritual successors of the Prophet,
the awliya. The cycle of prophecy has been completed with the
Prophet of Islam, but the cycle of walayah never ends, and the way
to God is always thereby open. Consequently, the way of the heart
is also the way of walayah, and walayah and love are two aspects
of one truth.
2. The Meaning of Walayah

The word walayah stems from the root wly whose original
meaning is to place something near to another so that there is no
distance between them. So, walayah denotes physical or spiritual
nearness, such as the nearness of the lover to his beloved. The
words wali, mawla and mawlawi (the famous title used for Rumi),
are all from this root. It is one of the most frequently used roots
found in the Qur’an and Shi‘ite narrations, and it is also a key
concept in Sufism, although it became more widespread through
the influence of Ibn ‘Arabi and his followers.2 As we shall see later,
walayah is the reality of Sufism and the inner aspect of Islam.
As a term in Sufism and in Shi‘ism, walayah means the
immediacy of God to the wali, by virtue of which revelation or
inspiration takes place. Regarding the spiritual quality of this
nearness, Mawlawi says:
Thou dost not see this, that the nearness of the awliya (to God) hath a
hundred miracles and pomps and powers.3
Walayah is an eternal truth present in all the divinely revealed
religions. Each of the prophets from Adam to Muhammad was first
a wali before becoming a prophet, and walayah continues even
though the cycle of prophecy has ended. As Mawlawi describes it,
although the rose garden of prophecy has fallen into ruin, we
should smell its quintessence in the perfume of walayah(3,I:671-2).
3. Different Aspects of Walayah in the Mathnavi

Since walayah is something heartfelt and refers to the divine
aspect of the wali, it is hidden and a mystery. Not all people have
an eye to recognize the wali, so, not all can see him. Mawlawi says:
Even now there exists a Solomon,
but we are blinded by exulting in our far-sightedness (hyperopia)
(3, II: 3731, and next line).
Spiritual Walayah or Love in the Mathnavi Mawlawi 21
The wali is the shadow of God on earth. Mawlawi says that the
shadow mentioned in the verse of the Qur’an, “How God extended
the shadow” is the form of the awliya, which guides to the light of
the divine sun (3,I:423-5).
The wali is the perfect man of the age and the intermediary of
grace from God to man. His acceptance is the acceptance of God.
Mawlawi says:
If he (the wali) rejects anyone, he does it for His sake;
and if he (the wali) accepts anyone, he is the authority.
Without him, God does not bestow bounty on anyone...
(3,V:876-7)4
The wali is the prophet of his age. Mawlawi says:
Do not break with the prophet of your days:
do not rely on your own skill and preference (3,IV:242).
The awliya revive men through the life-giving breath of
walayah:
Heark! For the awliya are the reviving angels (Israfils) of the (present)
time: from them to the dead comes life and freshness (3,I:1930).
Sufis compare walayah to the grafting of the bitter existence of
man to the divine tree in order for it to produce sweet fruit.
Mawlawi says:
Either take up the axe and strike like a man—like ‘Ali,
destroy this gate of Khaybar—
Or unite these thorns with the rosebush:
unite the light of the friend (of God) with the fire (your soul),
In order that this light may extinguish your fire,
(and that) union with Him may make your thorns roses (3,II:1244-46).
This grafting is the swearing of allegiance (bay‘at) to ‘Ali, by
which the divine trust enters the heart of man:
The Mary of the heart will not conceive the breath of the Messiah
Until the divine trust comes from one hidden place (i.e., the heart of the
wali) to another (the heart of the novice) (2).
Companionship with God is companionship with the awliya:
Whoever wishes to sit with God, let him sit in the presence of the awliya.
If you are broken off (divided) from the presence of the awliya, you have
perished (3,II:2163-4).
Of course, since there are false claimants to guidance who
invite people on their own without permission, Mawlawi says:
Since there is many a devil who hath the face of Adam,
it is not well to give your hand to every hand (to perform bay‘at)
(3, I:316)
It is this spiritual permission that is called khirqah (the patched
cloak) in the language of the Sufis. When they say that a shaykh
has been dressed in the khirqah by another shaykh, it means that he
has been given this spiritual permission.
In the Mathnawi, obedience to the wali, also called the pir or
guiding shaykh, is considered obligatory. The Prophet teaches this
point to ‘Ali before anyone else, in the same manner as Khidr
taught it to Moses. This is why in the Mathnawi, the Prophet
advises ‘Ali that obedience to the guide is the nearest way to God
(3,I: 2959-81).
O ‘Ali! Above all devotional acts in the Way (of God), do thou choose
the shadow (protection) of the servant of God (3, I:2965).
When the Pir has accepted thee, take heed, surrender theyself (to him):
go, like Moses, under the authority of Khidr (3, I: 2969).
According to Mawlawi, nothing kills the carnal soul but the
shadow of the wali (3, II: 2528).
Mawlawi even considers the wali to be the way itself, (3, I:
2938) because he believes that the way to gain perfection is
through connection with the wali:
If thou gain access to that king, thou wilt become a king (3,I:2686).
4. Walayah and Love

Walayah brings about love. In a famous hadith God says, “My
servant comes near to Me continually through supererogatory
worship until I love him. When I love him, I become his ear
through which he hears, his eyes through which he sees, his tongue
by which he speaks, his hands by which he moves, and his feet by
which he walks.”5 Thus, the wali who has achieved the ultimate
proximity to God and has been annihilated in Him becomes a lover.
Love is the goal of every wayfarer. Mawlawi says that he is unable
to explain it:
Whatsoever I say in exposition and explanation of love, when I come to
love (itself) I am ashamed of that (explanation) (3,I:113).
It is only love that purifies man:
He (alone) whose garment is rent by a (mighty) love is purged of
covetousness and all defect (3, I: 22).
According to the root meaning of the word walayah, there is no
distance that remains between the lover and his beloved.
But my (whole) being is full of Layla (the Beloved): this shell is filled
with the qualities of that Pearl (3,V: 2017-8).
The love of God is through the love for the wali because he is
one with God or is annihilated in God. If Mawlawi fell in love with
Shams Tabrizi, it was because Shams was one of the awliya who
attracted Mawlawi:
Who is the beloved? Know well, it is the people of the heart, who like
day and night, are recoiling from the world (3,II: 3476).
5. Who Understands the Secret of Walayah

Mawlawi has learned love from the awliya. He does not find it
among the great Sunni jurists:
In that quarter where love was increasing (my) pain, Bu Hanifa and
Shafi‘I gave no instruction (3,III: 3832).
He is not seeking love in the books of narrations.
Without the two Sahihs and narrations and narrators; nay, (they behold
him) in the place where they drink the Water of Life (3, I:3464).
He knows that they know nothing about love:
Love is nothing but a divine fortune and grace
It is nothing but openness of heart and guidance
Bu Hanifa did not teach love
Shafi‘i has narrated nothing about it
Malik knows nothing about the secret of love
Hanbal does not comprehend it (1, 100).
Mawlawí considers judicial discretion (ijtihàd) and juridical
analogy (qiyàs) as practiced by the scholars of Islamic law to be
contrary to the explicit statement (nass) of the Prophet:
In a case where he does not find an explicit statement, there he will
produce an example from analogy.
Know for sure that the explicit statement is the revelation
of the Holy Spirit and that the analogy made by personal
reasoning is subordinate to this (3,III: 3582-3).
The words of the walí are the criterion in religion and not the
standards of human reasoning:
Know that beside the breath (words) of the qutb (i.e., walí) of the time
transmitted knowledge is like performing the ritual ablution with sand
when there is water (3, IV: 1418).
Likewise, according to the way of the heart that we find in
Mawlawí, the secret of walàyah is not to be found among the
mutakallimín (rational theologians), not even the great ones like
Fakhr-i Ràzí:
If reasoning could discern the way Fakhr-i Razí would be an adept in
religious mysteries (3, V,4144).
Generally, since the mutakallimín seek to understand the
mysteries of religion through the corporeal senses, and deny the
inner senses of the spirit, they are not on the path described by
Mawlawí. For example, regarding the debate between the
Mu‘tazilites and Ash‘arites about the problem of the vision of God
with the corporeal eye, he criticizes both groups and claims that
God can only be seen with the eye of the spirit, or the eye of the
heart:
The doctrine of the Mu‘tazilites is seeing by the eye of sense, whereas the
Sunnite (orthodox) doctrine is seeing by the intellect (spirit) when unified
with Him,
Those in thrall to sense-perception are Mu‘tazilites, (though) from
misguidedness they represent themselves as Sunnites (orthodox)
(3,II:61-2).
There are three noteworthy points about these couplets. First, when
Mawlawí speaks of Sunnites, he is not indicating the Sunní/Shí‘í
dichotomy, as we shall see later. Here Sunnite means those who
uphold the sunnah of the Prophet. Second, when he speaks of
seeing by the intellect, he does not mean the discursive intellect
(aql juzí), but the spirit or heart (aql kullí). Third, the point made is
one that is also affirmed by a number of well-known Shi‘ite
narrations. For example, it is reported that the sixth Imam related
that in response to a Jewish scholar who asked, “Do you see your
Lord when you worship Him?” Imam ‘Ali said, “Woe unto you! I
do not worship a Lord I do not see.” The Jewish scholar asked,
“How do you see Him?” Imam ‘Ali said, “Woe unto you! God is
not seen with the eyes, but the hearts see Him with the reality of
faith.”6
Philosophers who rely on their own reasonings are also off the
path of Mawlawí:
The philosopher killed (exhausted) himself with thinking:
Let him run on (in vain), for his back is turned towards the treasure.
Let him run on: the more he runs, the more remote does he become from
the object of his heart’s desire (3,VI:2356-7).
Philosophers never gain certainty in religion (3,I:3298). They
are always entangled in the intelligibles (ma‘qulat) (3. III: 2528).
They do not pay attention to the kernel which is walayah:
The philosopher is in bondage to things perceived by the intellect; (but)
the pure (wali) is he that rides as a prince on the Intellect of intellect.
The Intellect of intellect is your kernel, (while) your intellect is (only) the
husk: the belly of animals is ever seeking husks (3,III:25-28-9).
In like manner, the philosopher is ignorant of the spiritual
senses of the awliya (3,I:3293). He should know that it is only
through servitude to God that one can know the truth:
The discovery (of the mystery) thereof is not (given) by the meddlesome
intellect: do service (to God), in order that it may become clear to you
(3,III: 2526).
All of the non-spiritual sciences, that Mawlawi calls
conjectural sciences, are the subject of various opinions and
tendencies; to the contrary, since the awliya see by the eye of the
heart there is no difference in their views (3,VI:4134-5). Although
the awliya are different in their corporeal bodies, they are the same
since they are all a single light.
The souls of wolves and dogs are separate, every one; the souls of the
Lions of God are united (3, IV:414ff).
In every age there is a single perfect wali of God who is
commissioned by God to guide people. He is the guided one
(mahdi) and the guide (hadi):
Therefore in every epoch a wali arises: the probation (of the people) lasts
until the Resurrection (3, II:815).
He is the Mahdi (the guided one) and the Hadi (the guide), O seeker of
the way: he is both hidden and seated before your face (3,II:818).
Since no one else but God and the prior wali knows the
spiritual position of the succeeding wali, therefore, the former can
appoint the latter. We cannot know him by our understanding.
‘Tis only the wali (himself) that makes the wali known and makes
whoever he will its beneficiary.
No one can recognize him by reasoning; perhaps he pretends to be mad
(3,II:2349-50).
He is the pious one of his time whose permission to guide has
been given by God through the previous wali.
Amongst the righteous there is one (who is) the most righteous; on his
decree (is inscribed) by the Sultan’s (God’s) hand a seal of approval
(3,VI:2622).
6. Walayah and Caliphate

Walayah differs from caliphate. It is possible for people to
engage in chosing the caliph by giving him their vote, but only God
appoints the wali. God appointed ‘Ali to be the spiritual successor
and wali after the Prophet. The issue of whether ‘Ali succeeded the
Prophet as caliph is an historical matter, not a doctrinal one. What
is important is believing that after the Prophet, walayah continued
in ‘Ali. After acknowledging the historical reality of the
designation of ‘Ali by the Prophet at Ghadir Khumm, Mawlawi
says:
For this reason the Prophet, who laboured with the utmost zeal, applied
the name mawla to himself and to ‘Ali.
He said, my cousin ‘Ali is the mawla and friend of every one of whom I
am the mawla and friend (3,VI:4538-9).
In order to remove any doubt that a theologian might have
about whether mawla merely signifies friendship, Mawlawi
emphasizes that the mawla is the guide and divine beloved through
whose walayah one may be freed from the bonds of the world:
Who is mawla? He who sets you free and removes the fetters of slavery
from your feet.
Since prophethood is the guide to freedom, freedom is bestowed on true
believers by the prophets (3, VI:4540-1).
Since he considers the appointment of the wali to be a great
divine grace, he continues:
Rejoice, O community of true believers; show yourselves to be free as the
cypress and the lily (3,VI: 4542).
In order to show that for ‘Ali, as he himself has said, (5,
Khutbah 33) the caliphate has less value than his old worn out
shoes, Mawlawi says:
He who mortifies his body in this fashion, how should he covet the
Princedom and the Caliphate? (3,I:3945)
If he speaks of the caliphate it is only to show the true way of
governing.
He strives after power and authority outwardly to show to rulers the right
way of ruling,
To give another spirit to the rule, to give fruit to the palm-tree of the
caliphate (3,I:3946-7).
To those who find fault with ‘Ali for killing people in jihad,
Mawlawi responds that his work was like a gardener who cuts
diseased branches from trees so that they may be preserved and
give fruit:
That heart-ravisher (‘Ali) cut off hundreds of thousands of heads, in order
that the heads of the world’s people might win security (3,I: 3867 and I:
3868-70).
Mawlawi says that ‘Ali and the other awliya are the ones who
guide people in this world and the next.
For God’s sake—you, O noble ones (awliya), are those who give succor
in this world and the next (3, IV:2662).
7. 'Ali as the First Wali

Since he considers the reality of religion to be walayah, which
belongs to the heart and to mystery, and since ‘Ali is the vessel of
this mystery after the Prophet, Mawlawi says:
Reveal the mystery, O ‘Ali, thou who art approved (by God),
O thou who art goodly ease after evil fate! (3,I: 3757)
In his Sufi way, Mawlawi is the disciple of the walayah of ‘Ali,
and as a disciple understands the grace of the presence of ‘Ali in
his heart. Thus, immediately following the previous couplet he
says:
Either do thou declare that which thy intellect hath found,
Or I will tell that which hath shown forth on me.
From thee it shone forth on me: how shouldst thou hide it?
You sprinkle light like the moon, without language.
Without speaking, the moon guides,
When it speaks, it is light on light (3,I: 3758-9, 3762).
Mawlavi says that ‘Ali is his ancestry and origin:
Thou hast been my ancestry and origin,
Thou hast been the radiance of the candle of my religion (3,I:3983).
After ‘Ali, walayah continued through the other Shi‘ite Imams.
They appointed shaykhs for the guidance of the people. These
shaykhs were the first Sufi shaykhs, and they became the initiators
of the Sufi orders. This is why almost all of them trace the chain of
permission for guidance directly to Imam ‘Ali, or to the other
Imams, especially Ja‘far Sadiq and Imam Rida and from them to
‘Ali.7 In this way, all of these orders establish ‘Ali as the gate to the
city of divine knowledge, that is, walayah, in accordance with the
famous hadith attributed to the Prophet, “I am the city of
knowledge and ‘Ali is its gate.” With regard to this hadith,
Mawlawi says:
Since thou (‘Ali) art the gate to the city of Knowledge,
Since thou art the beams of the sun of clemency,
Be open, O Gate, to him that seeks the gate,
So that by means of thee, the husks may reach the core.
Be open unto everlasting, O Gate of Mercy,
O Entrance hall to None is like unto Him (3,I:3763-5).
Mawlawi considers ‘Ali to be the measure of the words and
deeds of one who is on the way to God:
You have been the balance, having the character of the One,
You have been the needle of every balance (3,I:3982).
8. Conclusion
The conclusion we would like to draw from this is that the
most important principle shared by both Shi‘ism and Sufism is the
question of Imamate or walayah, and that the wali is the divine
mediator and guide through whom God saves humanity. The point
that should be taken into consideration here is that, contrary to what
is commonly asserted, Shi‘ism originally is not a political
movement against the caliphs or a jurisprudential school, alongside
the Sunnite schools of jurisprudence, or a school of kalam with an
affinity to the Mu‘tazilites. Shi‘ism is a heartfelt way based on the
concept of walayah, and the differences in jurisprudence, politics
and theology are secondary issues aside from this main core.8 Thus,
in true Shi‘ism, one believes that God is known not by one’s own
reasoning and speculations, nor by narrations handed down through
others, but by submission to the wali and wayfaring on the path of
love.
Thus we see that in his Mathnawi, Mawlawi speaks favorably
about all the first four caliphs, but his tone of speaking differs
completely when he comes to ‘Ali,9 because he recognizes him as
being the wali after the Prophet. Sometimes he praises ‘Ali by the
tongue of others, even his enemies, such as his assassin, Ibn
Muljam, and sometimes Mawlawi himself praises ‘Ali in the
language in which the novice speaks with his master. He speaks
with ‘Ali as if he were speaking with Shams-e Tabrizi, the
enraptured conversation of the lover with his beloved. He speaks of
the face of ‘Ali as a lover would, he says that it is a face “to which
the face of the moon bows low in the place of worship” (3,I: 3724).
Sometimes he asks ‘Ali for grace as one who is weak and needy
before him. He gives the best titles to ‘Ali, such as, ‘the pride and
honor of every prophet and wali’ and ‘the lion of God.’ He seems
to consider ‘Ali to have a spiritual stature that none of the previous
three caliphs had. The places in which he mentions ‘Ali are
generally places where he discusses walayah.
Mawlawi, like almost all the Sufi shaykhs, is Shi‘i in that he
believes in walayah and recognizes ‘Ali to be the wali after the
Prophet. However, he is not Rafidi, in that he does not curse the
first three caliphs. He is also Sunni in the literal sense of the word.
Mawlawi defines a Sunni as one who is a true follower of Islamic
tradition, sunnah, who is a man of vision, not one bound to sensual
perceptions and his own opinions:
Anyone who remains in bondage to sense perception is a Mu‘tazilite,
Though he may say he is a Sunnite, ‘tis from ignorance.
Anyone who has escaped from (the bondage of) sense perception is a
Sunnite,
The man endowed with (spiritual) vision is following the eye of intellect
(3,II: 63-4)10.
Mawlawi’s Mathnawi, which begins and ends with an
explanation of love, is a book of love. It is also a book of walayah:
Mawlawi ended the first book of the Mathnawi, with which he had
intended to finish the work, with the remembrance of ‘Ali, and he
ends the completed work with his mention as well.
Notes
1- It is narrated from Imam ‘Ali, “A group of people worship God out of
desire. This is the worship of merchants. A group of people worship God
out of fear. This is the worship of slaves. And there is a group of those
who worship Him in thanks, and they are the free.” Nahj al-Balagha, ed.
Subhi Saleh, (Beirut: 1980), 510.
2- Although the topic of walayah appears as a Sufi term in the works of
Tirmidhi (See Bernd Radtke and John O’Kane, The Concept of Sainthood
in Early Islamic Mysticism (Surry: Curzon, 1996)), the best discussion of
walayah are found in the works of Ibn ‘Arabi and the commentators of
his Fusus al-Hikam, especially Sayyid Haydar Amuli. Among recent Sufi
books in Persian, the Walayah Nameh of Hajj Sultan Muhammad
Gunabadi Sultan ‘Ali Shah, second ed. (Tehran: 1365/1986) is the best.
3- Mathnawi III:702. Cf. III:701-710 for more on this topic. All
translations from Mawlawi are from Reynold A. Nicholson, The
Mathnawi of Jalalu’ddin Rumi (London: Luzac, 1972) with considerable
editing.
4- Note that Nicholson mixes up the pronouns here.
5- This hadith is accepted by both Shi‘ites and Sunnis. For a Shi‘ite
source see Usul al-Kafi, the Book of Faith and Infidelity, narrations 7 and
8.
6- Usul al-Kafi, the Book of Tawhid, Chapter on the denial of vision,
hadith no. 6.
7- The Naqshbani is the most famous order that traces its permission to
Abu Bakr, although they also claim another chain of permissions that
goes back to ‘Ali, and the former chain was not mentioned in their
earliest sources.
8- The most important writers to have made this point in Western
languages are Henry Corbin and recently Amir Moezzi.
9- In the Divan-e Shams there are some poems in which ‘Ali is described
explicitly as the wali who spiritually has been with all the prophets. For
example, there is a poem that begins, “As long as world has had form,
there was ‘Ali.” Some have disputed the authenticity of these poems, and
so, in this essay I have not referred to them.
10- Remember that by ‘intellect’ is meant the heart, contrary to ‘reason’.
Bibliography
1- Izadgoshasb, Asadullah, (1378), Jadhabat al-Ilahiyah,a selection from
Divane- Shams-e Tabrizi, 2nd (ed.), Tehran: Haghighat.
2- Mulawi, Jalal al-Din, (1379), Divan-e Shamse, Tehran, Sana'I, Vol. 1,
No.796.
3- Nicholson, Reynold, A., (1972), The Mathnawi of Jalaluddin Rumi,
London: Luzac.
4- Radthke, Brend and O'kane. Jone, (1996), The concept of Sainthood in
Early Islamic Mysticism, Surry: Curzon.
5- Sayyid Razi, (1980), Nahj-al-Balagha, Subhi Salah (ed.), Beirut.
Rumi’s view of the Imam Husayn
William Chittick
ROMI'S VIEW OF THE IMAM I;IUSAYN
William C. Chittick
State University of New York at Stoney Brook
THF martyrdom of the Imam l;lusayn can hardly be called a major

theme o'f Riimrs works; in over 50,000 couplets he refers to it less
than twenty times. Nevertheless, these few lines are sufficient to
suggest how the events of Karbala' were viewed not only by Riimi,
this great representative of the ~iifr tradition, but also by his
listeners, who constituted a pious cross-section of Islamic society.
The first thing one notes is that it was sufficient for Riimi to
mention one of three words to conjure up the image of l;lusayn's
martyrdom for his listeners: l;lusayn, Karbala', 'Ashiira' Yazid and
Shimr had a similar evocative power. There was no need for Riimi
to describe the tragedy to a Muslim public, since everyone was
already familiar with it; even among Sunnis, it must have been part
of the Islamic lore that was commonly called upon-especially in
the context of popular preaching-to drive home points about
good and evil, martyrdom, injustice, and similar themes. There is,
of course, nothing surprising in this: scholars have often remarked
on the indelible imprint left in the Muslim awareness by the Imam
J:lusayn's martyrdom. What should perhaps be noted is that the
name f:lusayn, along with the other words mentioned above,
functioned to call up a whole set of images, just as, for example, it
is sufficient for Riimi to mention the name Abraham for his
listeners to think of Nimrod and the fire that turned into a
rosegarden; numerous other examples could also be cited.
:~~i.
AI-Snclt XII/I (Spring. 1986) 3

W.C. CHITT ICK
One might ask about the sources of Riimi's information

d
concerning J:lusayn, but this would be like asking where he learne
about Islam. Nevertheless, one can say that among Siitl poets that
were known to have been read by Riimi, Sanii'i (d. 525/1131)
employs the terms J:lusayn and Karbalii' as poetic images in much
the same manner that Riimi does, while 'Mtiir (d. 618/1221)
apparently does not refer to him except in the context of panegyrics
on the Prophet and the first few caliphs (e.g., in his Mo~ibat-niima).
l Sana'! invokes the name of the Imam J:Iusayn either to stress the
necessity of suffering and tribulation in the practice of one's
religion, or to point out that the saints -the men of God- are
1
those who have experienced the death of their individual selves. 2 In

1
For example:
Until they turn away from happiness,
men of purity will not be able to step onto Mu~tafii's carpet.
How should there be joy in religion's lane when,
for the sake of empire, blood ran down l;lusayn 's throat
at Karbali i'?
For the sake of a single 'Yes'
spoken by the spirit in eternity -withou t-begin ning (7: 172),
The men of Yes (bala) must submit themselves to affliction (halo')
until eternity -withou t-end.
[Diwan, ed. Mudarr is Ra<;lawi (Tehran , 1341/1962), pp. 4o-41.]
Once you set out in this way,
your only provision will be annihila tion,
even if you are an Abii Dharr or a Salman .
If you are l;lusayn,
you will see naught of the beauty of the bride's face
but daggers and arrows.
[Diwan, p. 97)
I
This world is full of martyrs ,
but where is a martyr like l;lusay at Karbal ii'?
L [Diwan, p. 571.]
2
For example:
Lift up your head in the garden of Verification,
so that in religion's lane you may see alive, group by group,
those who have been killed.
In one row you will see those killeQ with a blade like l;lusayn,
in another those stricken with poison like l;lasan.
[Diwan, p. 485.)
Sanii'i, since you have not been cut off from your own self, ,. ..
how can you tell tales ofl;lusa yn? ~
f'
r
[Diwan, p. 552.)
4
RUM! AND THE IMAM I;IUSAYN
n one instance he compares I:Iusayn, Yazid, and Shimr to contrary

d forces working within the souls of men, 3 and here, as in the first
t two instances, parallels are found in Riiml's poetry.
) For Riimi, love for God is the heart and soul oflslam. 4 Certaintyl
h the 'forms' (#irat) of our acts and religious practices are important,
) but they are given values by the 'meanings' (ma'nii) which animate
s them. Thus, for example, when asked if anything is more important
for Islamic practice than the ritual prayer (~aliit), Riiml replies that
e the animating spirit (jiin) of the prayer is better, just as faith (imiin)
s is more excellent. Faith must be continuous, whereas the prayer is
e performed at five different times during the day. The prayer can be
omitted for a valid excuse, but faith can never be omitted. Faith
without prayer has certain benefits, whereas prayer without faith is
hypocritical and useless. Finally, faith is the same in all religions,
while the form of prayer in each is different. 5 J
Were Rii,mi to be asked this question in more general terms, i.e.,
'Is anything more important than the religion of Islam itself?', I
think he would answer that love for God is so, since all these
outward forms of ritual and devotion, all the teachings and
practices that make up Islam, exist for the sake of that love. This is}
not to suggest that the 'forms' are without importance-far from it;
the 'meaning'-love-cannot exist without· its outward supports:
But. one must not fall into the error of thinking that the doctrines,
practices, and outward forms are their own raison d'etre, for
'prayer without faith is useless'. As Riiml remarks: _.J
If the exposition of meanings were sufficient,
the creation of the world would be vain and useless.
··-··)
Religion is your l;lusayn,
while desires and hopes are pigs and dogs-
yet you kill the first through thirst and feed these two.
How can you keep on cursing the wicked Yazid and Shimr?
You are a Shimr and a Yazid for your own l;lusayn!
[Diwtin, p. 655.] _j
• See W. C. Chittick, The Sufi Path of Love: The Spiritual Teachings of Rumi
(Albany N.Y., 1983), esp. pp. 194ff.
,. ..
~ 5
Frhi mii fthi, ed. B. Furiiziinfar (Tehran, 1348/1969), pp. 11, 32; cf. A. J.
f'
r Arberry (trans.), Discourses of Rumi(London, 1961), pp. 24-43.
5
W.C. CHITTICK
If Jove for God were only thought and meaning,

the form of fasting and prayer would not exist.
I
The gifts that lovers exchange T
are naught in relation to love except forms,
s
L So that the gifts may give witness to the love hidden within. 6
I·-
The forms of religion, then, are the necessary concomitants of the
l meaning of religion, which, for Riimi, is love:
My religion is to live through love-
life through this spirit and body is my shame. 7
The distinguishing feature of Riimi's 'Religion of Love' is that it
negates the reality of 'everything other than God' (aghyiir) with the
sword of the shahiida: 'There is no god but God.'
The joy and heartache of the lovers is He,
the wages and salary for their service He.
Were aught to be contemplated other than the Beloved,
how would that be Love? That would be idle infatuation.
Love is that flame which, when it blazes up,
bums away everything except the Beloved.
It drives home the sword of 'no god'
in order to slay other than God.
Consider carefully: after 'no god', what remains?
There remains 'but God'; the rest has gone.
Bravo, oh great, idol-burning Love! 8
The chief 'idol' or 'other' that must be negated on the Path of
Love is the seeker's own self: 'The mother of all idols is your own
ego.' 9
'-.--
You are God's lover, and God is such that when He comes,
not a single hair of you will remain.
Before His glance a hundred like you are annihilated.
Is it that you are in Jove with your own negation, sir?
6 Mathnawi, ed. and trans. R. J. Nicholson, 8 vols. (London, 1925-40), Bk I, vss.
2624-27 (all translations are my own).
' Mathnawi, VI, 4059.
8
Idem, V, 586-590.
9
Idem, I, 772.
6
RUMi AND THE IMAM ijUSA YN
You are a shadow in love with the sun.

'I
The sun comes, and the shadow is quickly naughted. 10 _l
The first attribute of the true lover, then, is that he must be ready to
sacrifice himself for God.
0 Love, pass the bitter judgement!
e Cut me off from other than Thyself!
0 torrent, you are roaring.
Roar! You take me to the Ocean. 11
But most men fear the torrent and flee the sword. They refuse to
it enter into the way of self-sacrifice, even though they are promised
e every manner of joy and felicity. Their faith is not strong enough to
allow them to surrender their own wills and existences to God.
Total readiness for martyrdom is the first quality of God's lover.
What does it mean to be Love's familiar?
Only to separate oneself from the heart's desire,
To become blood, to swallow down one's own blood,
and to wait at fidelity's door with the dogs.
The lover sacrifices himself-
for him death and removal are no different from staying.
On your way, 0 Moslem!
Be shielded by safety and strive at your piety,
For these martyrs have no patience without death-
they are in love with their own annihilation.
Flee if you want from affliction and fate-
of
their fear is to be without affliction.
n
Perform the fast on the recommended days and on 'Ashiira'-
you cannot go to Karbala'P 2
To be a human being in the true sense means to undertake the--·-1
struggle against one's own ego.
The prophets and saints do not avoid spiritual combat. The first spiritual
combat they undertake in their quest is the killing of the ego and the
s.
10 Idem, III, 4621-23.
11Kulliyyiit-i Shams yii dfwiin-i kabir, ed. B. Furiizinfar, 10 vols. (Tehran,
1336-46/1957-67), v. 35823.
u Idem, ghazal no. 2102.
7
W .C. CHITTICK
abandonment of personal wishes and sensual desires. This is the Greater T

Holy War (jihiid-i akbar). 1 3
If I:Iusayn is a model worthy to be emulated, it is not because he
was killed by villains-this goes without saying. What is truly
noteworthy about his life was his victory in the Greater Holy War;
only by virtue of his spiritual greatness do the events that led to his
physical martyrdom have meaning. The emulation of him that is
encumbent upon his followers is then engagement in the Greater
Holy War.
Why do you sit there with your own thoughts?
If you are a man, go to the Beloved!
Do not say, 'Perhaps He does not want me.'
What business has a thirsty man with such words?
Does the moth think about the flames?
For Love's spirit, thinking is a disgrace.
When the warrior hears the sound of the drum,
at once he is worth ten thousand men!
You have heard the drum, so draw your sword without delay!
Your spirit is the sheath of the all-conquering Dhu'l-Faqiir!
You are l;lusayn at Karbalii', think not of water!
L The only 'water' you will see today is a sword of the first water!l 4
But in order to attain the Kingdom of Love a man· must first
suffer the pain of separation from his Beloved. For the more he
understands the nature of his goal, the more he will understand the
depth of his own inadequacy.
Whoever is more awake has greater pain,
whoever is more aware has a yellower face. 15
Nevertheless, the pain that the lover suffers always attracts him
toward the object of his love.
Every heartache and suffering that enters your body and heart
pulls you by the ear to the Promised Abode. 16
13 Flhi miifthi, p. 130; DiBcourses, pp. 14o-41.
14
Kul/iyyiit, vss. 3656--62.
15 Mathnawi, I, 629.
16 Kulliyyiit, vs. 35487.
8 tt
~
RUMi AND THB IMAM I;IUSA YN
er The reason for this is clear:

I
Your inward nature is full of dust from the veil of'I-ness',
e and that dust will not leave you all at once._ \
y With every cruelty and every blow,
r; it departs little by little from the heart's face,
is sometimes in sleep and sometimes in wakefulness. 1 7
is Eventually the pain and suffering of love will lead to the death of
er the ego and rebirth in God.
Night died and came to life, for there is life after death:
0 heartache, kill me! For I am l;lusayn, you are Yazid. 18
Or again,
0 Murta<,tii of Love! Shams al-Oin ofTab riz-loo k at me!
I am like l;lusayn, sitting in my own blood,
or like l;lasan, drinking down poison. 19
Again:
Whoever has my fire wears my robe-
he has a wound like l;lusayn, a cup like l;lasan. 20
In short, it is only throug h the suffering and tribula tion of the
spiritual journe y as exemplified in the outwa rd world by the trials
of the Imam 1;1usayn and his family that man can attain the
t perfection for which he was create d. Then, howev er, he has every
e right to speak of the joy and felicity of union with God. If Riimi,
e in
one passage of the Mathn awi(V J 777-805), is able to poke fun at the
Shi"a of Alepp o for their celebr ation of'Ash iirii' ,:n it is precise
ly
17 Idem, vss. 12078-79.
18 Idem, vs. 9206.
m 19 Idem, vs. 20517.
20 Idem, vs. 6358.
21 On the day of'Ashiirii'
all the people of Aleppo gather at the Antioch gate
until nightfall.
Men and women -
a great congre gation-
mourn the family of the Prophet.
On 'Ashiiri '
the Shi' a wail and lament
with tears for Karbali' ....
9
tt
~
W.C. CHITTICK
1
because here he is looking at the good news of joy and union which
are announced by the Imam's spiritual victory and which are the
meaning beyond the form of his outward suffering:
l-
t
w
t
a
w
22 Mathnawi, VI, 797-99.
10
.
.
RUM l AND THE IMA M I;'! USA YN
h Whe re are you, light-spirited lovers, ,-----

--
you who fly bett er
e
than the bird s in the sky?
Whe re are you, kings of the heavens,
you who have foun d the doo r
that lead s outs ide the circling spheres?
Where are you,
you who have been delivered from spiri
t and place?
Indeed, does anyo ne ask of the intellect,
'Wh ere are you?'
Whe re are you,
you who have brok en the doo r of the pris
on
and given freedom to the debt ors?
Where are you,
you who have open ed the doo r to the treas
ury,
you who possess the wea lth of poverty?
F01; some time now all of you have been
swimming
in that Oce an of which this worl d is but
the foam.
The forms of the universe are but the Oce
an's foa m-
if you, oh listener, are a man of puri ty,
pass beyo nd these bubbles!
These word s are but the pict ure of my
hear t's bub blin g-
if you are one of us,
leave aside the pictu re and go to the hear
t.
Rise from the east , 0 Sun of Tab riz,
for you are the root
of the root
of the root of every radiance. 2 3
In the fire of its yearning, my hear t keep

s up its cries,
hopi ng that a welcoming call will com e
to it
from the cirection of unio n.
My hear t is I:Iusayn and sepa ratio n Yaz
.
id-
my hear t has been mar tyre d two hund
red times
in the dese rt of torm ent and affliction
(karb-o-balii). ~
23 Kulliyyiit, ghazal no. 2707.
I
.
.
11
W .C. CHITTICK
Outwardly made a martyr, in the unseen world it has gained life-

in the eyes of the enemy it is a prisoner,
in the Void, a king.
Dwelling in the paradise of union with the Friend,
it has been delivered from the depths of hunger's prison
and freed from the cheap and the dear.
Were the root of its tree not well nourished in the Unseen,
why are the blossoms of its union open for all to see?
Silence! Speak from the cirection of your awareness.
For the Universal Intellect is asking you,
'Will you not understand?' (2: 44, etc.). 24
24
Idem, ghazal no. 230.
12
RUMI’S SPRITIUAL SHI’ISM
SEYED G SAFAVI
Rumi's Spiritual Shiism
Seyed G Safavi
London Academy of Iranian Studies, UK
Abstract
The present paper aims to provide textual evidence in support of Rumi's
spiritual shiim. The evidence will be taken Rom Rumi's Mathnawi.
Shiism, in its true brrn, believes in the welayat (authority) of Imam Ali and
his eleven descendents bllowing the demise of Prophet Muhammad. Allah
has chosen Ali and his descendents, as the true spiritual and religious
successors of Prophet Muhammad, after whom there will always be a
representative Rom Ali's hnily to guide and lead human kind.
This paper deals with three types ofwelayat: solar, lunar and stellar welayats.
Interpretation of the Mathnawi text by 'conceptual', 'synoptic'

and 'hermeneutic circle' research techniques - makes clear that
Maulana Jalal-Din Rumi honoured the office of the Imamate that is the
authority - Wilayah of Allah, the Prophet Muhammad and his 12
Divinely appointed successors.
In this context, M aulana focuses on the Wilayah of Imam 'Ali -
the first Divine successor of the Prophet Mohammad.
According to Dr Shahram Pazouki "M aulawi is a Shiite, not in
the current sense of the jurists or dialectical theolo glans, but in its true
meaning that is, Allah only appoints the wall, belief in the continuing
spirituality and walayah of the Prophet Mohammad in the person of
Imam 'Ali and his sons which appointed by Allah. Allah appointed Ali
to be the spiritual successor and wall after the prophet M ohammad and
belief that after the prophet there is always a living spiritual guide, wall,
from Imam 'Ali family on the way of love. Then here there is different
between spiritual Shiism and jurisprudence Shiism.
2 Sey ed G Safavi
The Sufis believe that in every period of time there is a divine

spiritual guide or wali,and that it is only through him that one cam find
the way to Allah. Walayah is the reality of Sufism and inner aspect of
islam.the wali is the shadow of Allah on earh.the wali is the perfect of
the age and the intermediary of grace from Allah to man. Walayah
differs from caliphate .it is possible to engage in choosing the caliph by
giving him their vote, but only Allah appoints the wali. Allah appointed
‘Ali to be the spiritual successor and wali after the prophet ohammad”.
(Pazouki, Shahram. (2003). Spiritual Walayah. In: SG. Safavi(ed),
RUM I’S THOUGHTS. Tehran: Salman Azadeh Publication)
‘Ali appointed as wali by Allah is based on some Qur’an verses

and prophet M ohammad narrations such as balegh ma onzel ilaik
(Chapter 5:67), alum akmalt lakom dinakom(Chapter 5:3), Hadith
Ghadir Khoma and Ttheqlain. What is important is believing that after
the prophet, walayah continued in ‘Ali and after ‘Ali ,walayah
continued through the other Shiite Imams which are appointed as wali
by Allah.
Shi’ism is based upon the principle of Imamah or Wilayah (referred
to in gnostic – Irfanic literature as ‘The Perfect Man’ – Insan
al-Kamil). Qur'anic and ahadith references, narrated by all Muslim
sources, confirm that love for the Prophet’s progeny is a basic precept
of Islam. The Mathnawi evidences that Maulana believed in the Wilayah
of Imam ‘Ali, one of the main principles of Shi’ah Islam.
The different levels between Imamah and Wilayah:

The Ultimate Guardian – Wali is Allah, followed, in order, by:
The Prophet Muhammad and the 12 Imams. As the Prophet and

the 12 Imams are all manifestations of ‘The Perfect Man’ who
represent Divine Guardianship in their times – Imamah in Shi’ah literature,
and ‘The Perfect Man’ in Sufi literature, correspond to the same identity.
That the essence of ‘The Perfect Man’ in Sufism is denoted by Imamah
– the distinguishing principle of Shi’ism, indicates that Sufis, regardless
of the religious practices they follow – taqlid, are,
in this respect, Shi’ah Muslims.
Rumi’s Spiritual Shiism 3
In the ‘Irfanic view there are two distinct types of Wilayah ,

“General Wilayah” – “Wilayah ‘Ammah” and “Specific Wilayah” –
“Wilayah Khassah”.
General Wilayah – Wilayah ‘Ammah (Lit. Stellar), comprises

two levels:
1) The first starts with “withdrawal” – “takhliyyah”, and ends

with the station of the “nearness of supererogatory works” –
“Qorb Nawafil.” When Allah becomes the eyes, ears, and
tongue of His servant, the seeker of truth – salik achieves the
state –maqam of “the reality of certainty” – “Haq al-Yaqin”.
2) The second level relates to those – annihilated in “the Real” –

Haqq – who remain in the Existence of the King of Existence
The final stage of this state is referred to as “Maqam Qab
Quysayn”.
“Specific Wilayah”, Wilayah Khassah, is only held by the

Prophet M uhammad and his Divinely appointed successors from his
Ahl al-Bayt,Prophet’s Houshold(The family of the Prophet,specificly
his daughter Fatima, her husband ‘Ali, and their children Hassan and
Hussein). Such Specific Wilayah proceeds from Maqam Qab-e
Quysayn, to the achievement of “The Station of M anifestation on
Intrinsic Discourser” – “Maqam-e Mazhariyyat-eTajaliya-e Zati” and
“Maqam-e Aw Adna”.
At that stage, those who hold this Wilayah comprehend the

seventh inner level, Battn Haftom of Kalam Allah, i.e. the word of
Allah, namely the Qur’an. It is recorded in one narration – hadith,
regarding the Qur’an that, ‘The Qur’an has a superficial level and an
inner level of understanding that encompasses seven inner depths.’
( ‘Alama Tabataeai, Tafsir Al-Mizan, Vol. 3, p. 72).
Holders of Wilayah Khassah – Wali’s, are like a great tree of

which Abdal, Noqaba and Awtad are mere shadows. For every age
4 Sey ed G Safavi
there is a single Perfect M an – Qutub, with all other spiritual beings of

the age under his shadow. (See verses 1924 – 2305 Book 3 of Rumi’s
Mathnawi and M ulla Hadi Sabsavari’s commentary on verse 2003 of
Book Three of the Mathnaw‡). M aulana said Wilayah Khassah has two
aspects, Wilayah Shamsiyyah (Lit.Solar) and Wilayah Qamariyyah (Lit.
Lunar). (Book Three verses 3104 – 3106).
The manifestation of Wilayah Shamsiyyah is Wilayah

Muhammadiyyah – held by Prophet M uhammad M ustafa, while
Wilayah Qamariyyah, refers specifically to those of his progeny – Ahl
Al-Bayt, who Allah appointed to inherit his authority and succeed him.
According to Mathnawi Book One, verses 2959 – 2980,
Wilayah Allawiyyah – that is the Wilayah of Imam‘Ali and the
inheritors of his authority – falls within Wilayah Muhammadiyyah.
According to Book One, verses 3761 – 3766, the Wilayah Qamariyyah
of Imam ‘Ali falls within the Wilayah Shamsiyyah of the Prophet
M uhammad. Rumi based his repeated comments of Imam ‘Ali’s
Wilayah Khassah, on the Prophet M uhammad’s saying, ‘Whomever I
hold authority over, ‘Ali holds authority over’ – ‘Man kuntum Mawla
fa ‘Aliyun Mawla’.
In the first story at the beginning of Book One of the Mathnawi,
‘The King and the Handmaiden’, the Perfect M an – Pir or Hakim Haziq
is raised in reference to one of Imam ‘Ali’s titles ‘The Approved One’
– Murtadha, whom he then proceeds to describe as, ‘The One who
holds authority over the people – Mula al-Qum’. (Mathnawi Book One
verses 99- 100). In the last story of Book One – A Story about Imam
‘Ali, Rumi discusses nafs mutma’nah (verses 3721-3991) and
introduces Imam ‘Ali as a holder of Wilayah Khassah. In the last book,
Book Six, he again raises the Wilayah of Imam ‘Ali based upon the
Prophet’s saying ‘Whomever I hold authority over, ‘Ali holds authority
over’, ‘Man kuntum Mawla fa ‘Aliyun Mawla’. Book Six, verse 4538.
Thus, the Mathnawi of Rumi both begins and ends with the Wilayah of
Imam ‘Ali.
Sequential textual evidence in the Mathnawi that supports
Rumi’s acceptance of Imam ‘Ali’s Wilayah and spiritual superiority
over other companions of the Prophet.
1) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘AMIR AL-MUMININ – COMMANDER OF

THE FAITHFUL – TRANSLATED BY NICHOLSON AS PRINCE OF
THE FAITHFUL’ – in the story titled Imam ‘Ali.
See Book One, heading after verse 3720.
2) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE ONE WHO ACTS SINCERELY’ –
‘Learn how to act sincerely from ‘Ali’.
Book One, verse 3721 (first part).
3) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali u as, ‘THE LION OF ALLAH’ – ‘Know that
the lion of Allah (‘Ali ) was purged of all deceit’.
Book One, verse 3721 (second part).
4) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali u as, ‘THE PRIDE OF EVERY PROPHET’ –

‘Ali, the pride of every Prophet’.
Book One, verse 3723.
5) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE PRIDE OF EVERY SAINT’ – ‘Ali
the pride of every Prophet and every saint.’
6) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE FACE BEFORE WHICH THE
MOON BOWS LOW’ – ‘He spat on the countenance befo re which the face
of the moon bows low in the place of worship.’
7) Rumi refers to Im am ‘Ali as, ‘THE LION OF THE LORD’ – ‘In bravery
you are the lion of the Lord: in generosity who indeed knows who you are?’
8) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘ALL MIND AND EYE’ – ‘O ‘Ali you who
are all mind and eye, relate a little of that which you have seen.’
9) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘FALCON OF THE EMPYREAN’ – ‘Tell,

O falcon of the empyrean that finds goodly prey, what you have s een at this
time from the Maker.’
10) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE LEARNED WHO PERCEIVES
THE UNSEEN’ – ‘Your eyes have learned to perceive the unseen while the
eyes of the bystanders are sealed.’
Book One verse 3751.
6 Sey ed G Safavi
11) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali u as, ‘THE ONE WHO IS APPROVED BY
ALLAH’ – ‘Reveal the mystery O ‘Ali you who is approved by Allah.’
Book One, verse 3751 (part 1).
12 Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as being, ‘GOODLY EASE’ – 'O you who are a
goodly ease after evil fate.'
13) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘ORB OF THE MOON (WILAYAH
QAMARIYYAH)’ – ‘From you it shone forth on me, how could you conceal it?
Without tongue you are darting rays of light, like the moon. But if the moons
orb come to speech, it more quickly leads the night-travellers the (right) way.
They become safe from error and heedlessness: the voice of the moon
prevails over the voice of the ghoul.’
Book One, verse 3759-3761.
14) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali u as, ‘LIGHT UPON LIGHT’ – ‘In as much as
the moon (even) without speech shows the way, when it speaks it becomes
light upon light,’
15) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘GATE OF THE CITY OF

KNOWLEDGE (‘Ali GATE OF WILAYAH MUHAMMADIYYAH)’ – ‘Since
you are the Gate of the City of Knowledge, since you are the beams of the
sun of clemency (Prophet Muhammad ).’
This verse refers to the Prophet Muhammad saying, ‘I am the City of

Knowledge and ‘Ali is its gate, so anyone who seeks knowledge should enter
through its gate.’
16) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘GATE OF MERCY’ – ‘Remain open
forever.’
Book One, verse 3765 (part one).
17) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘ENTRANCE-HALL TO ‘NONE IS LIKE

UNTO HIM.’
This is a reference to Surah Ikhlas – Qur’an 112.
18) Rumi refers to Imam ¡Ali u as, ‘THE SUN OF WILAYAH’ – ‘Speak, O
Prince of the faithful, that my soul may stir within my body like an embryo.
How has the embryo the means (to stir) during the period when it is ruled (by
the stars)? It comes (turns) from the stars towards the sun. When the time
comes for the embryo to receive the (vital) spirit, at that time the sun
becomes its helper.
Book One, verses 3773-5.
These verses refer to the Ahl al-Bayt’s Wilayah Qamariyyah being within the
Wilayah Shamsiyyah of the Prophet Muhammad . Here Rumi clari fies that
those who hold general or stellar Wilayah – Wilayah ‘Ammah / Wilayah
Najmiyyah are merely stars in comparison to ‘Ali who, being like the sun,
represents the Perfect Man or perfect shaykh. Thus, while those who hold
Wilayah ‘Ammah may aid a ‘Searcher for Truth’ – Salik, complete guidance
is only obtainable via those who hold Wilayah Shamsiyyah – a reference to
Imam ‘Ali and his successors. Here Rumi presents the three types of Wilayah
described in the introduction – Wilayah Shamsiyyah and Wilayah
Qamariyyah –aspects of Specific Wilayah – Wilayah Khassah, and Wilayah
‘Ammah, that is also referred to as Stellar Wilayah – Wilayah Najmiyyah.
These may be considered Advanced and Element ary levels of Wilayah.
19) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as ‘HOLDER OF SOLAR WILAYAH –

WILAYAH SHAMSIYYAH’ – ‘When the time comes for the embryo to
receive the (vital) spirit, at that time the sun becomes its helper. This embryo
is brought into movement by the sun, for the sun quickly endows it with
‘spirit’. ‘
Book One, verses 3775-3776.
On the spiritual journey towards Allah, the embryo – Spiritual Seeker – Salik,
obedient to Wilayah Allawiyyah, arrives at her/his destination.
20) Rumi refers to all Spiritual Seekers having, if they are aware of it not, an
inherent connection with Wilayah Allawiyyah, that is, the Wilayah
Shamsiyyah of Imam ‘Ali – ‘By the hidden way that is remote from our
senses-perception, the sun in the heavens has many ways,’
It is via that inherent connection, with the Wilayah Shamsiyyah of ‘Ali, that
exists beyond the physical senses, that the Spiritual Seeker is able to develop.
21) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as ‘THE ROUTE OF SPIRITUAL

GUIDANCE – WILAYAH’, – ‘And the way whereby it makes the Ruby red
and the way whereby it gives the lightening-flash to the (iron) horse shoe.
And the way whereby it ripens the fruit, and the way whereby it gives heart
to one who is distraught.’
Book One verse 3781-82.
8 Sey ed G Safavi
These verses refer to Qur’an 100 – Surah Al-‘adiyat that was revealed to
illuminate the status of Imam ‘Ali.
22) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘A FALCON WITH SHINING WINGS’ –
‘Say it O falcon with shining wings,’
Book One verse, 3783 (part one).
23) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE ONE WHO LEARNED FROM
AND BECAME FAMILIAR WITH THE TRUE KING OF THE
UNIVERSE’ – ‘Who has learned from the King and His fore arm.’
Book One, verse 3783 (part two).
24) Rumi refers to Imam Ali as, ‘ROYAL FALCON OF ALLAH WHO
CATCHES THE ANGA.’ – ‘Say it, O Royal falcon who catches the Anga, O
you who vanquished an army all by yourself.’
25) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE ONE NATION OF HUMANITY’ –
‘You alone are the (entire community) you are one and a hundred thousand.
Say it O you to whose falcon your slave has fallen prey’.
This verse refers to an ayah of the Qur’an in which Allah tells us that all
people are ‘a single nation’ Qur’an 2:213. While all have the potential, only
some actually follow the Wilayah of ‘Ali , the one who is obedient to Allah.
26) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE SERVANT OF ALLAH’ – ‘He said I
am wielding my sword for Allah’s sake. I am the servant of Allah; I am not
under the command ofthe body.’
27) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE LION OF ALLAH’ – ‘I am the lion
of Allah, not the lion of my passions.’
28) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘HE WHOSE DEED WITNESSES HIS
RELIGION’ – ‘My deed bears witness to my religion.’
Book One verse 3787 (part two).
29) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE MANIFESTATION OF THE WILL
OF ALLAH’ – ‘In war I am the manifestation of the truth of “ It was not you
who threw when you threw”: but the sword and the wielder is the (Divine)
Sun.’
This is a reference to Qur’an 8:17.
30) Rumi refers to Im am ¡Ali u as, ‘ANNIHILATED IN ALLAH’ – ‘I have

removed the baggage of “ self” out of the way.’
31) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE ONE WHOSE TAWHID IS
“ ESSENTIAL” TAWHID’ – ‘I have deem ed (what is) other than Allah to be
non-existent.’
32) Rumi refers to Imam ¡Ali u as, ‘SHADOW OF THE DIVINE’ – ‘I am a

shadow, the Sun is my Lord.’
Ali’s Wilayah is from Allah.
33) Rumi refers to Im am ‘Ali as, ‘THE CHAMBERLAIN OF ALLAH’ – ‘I

am the chamberlain, not the curtain (that prevents approach) to Him.’
Book One verse 3791 (part two).
‘Ali’s function is to guide people to Allah.
34) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘FILLED WITH THE PEARLS OF
UNION WITH ALLAH’ – ‘I am filled with the pearls of union like a
(jewelled) sword.’
Book One verse 3792 (part one).
35) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE REVIVER OF SPIRITUAL LIFE’ –
‘In battle I revive but do not kill people.’
36) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘ADVANCER OF LEVELS OF

SPIRITUAL ESSENCE AND DIVINE MORALITY’ – ‘Blood does not
cover the sheen of my sword: how should the wind sweep away my clouds?
The great commentator of Rumi’s Mathnawi, Akbar Abadi said that ‘Sword
and clouds here refer to the advanced level of the Spiritual Essence of ¡Ali u
– wind refers to negative morality (Akhlaq Nafsani) and the sheen of the
sword to Divine Morality. Clear reference that negative attributes do not
impinge upon the perfected attributes of ‘Ali u.’ See Akbar Abadi, Sharh
Mathnawi, Book 1. P. 307.
10 Sey ed G Safavi
37) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘MOUNTAIN OF FORBEARANCE,

PATIENCE AND JUSTICE’ – ‘I am not a straw, I am a mountain of
forbearance, patience and justice: how should the fierce wind carry off the
mountain?’
38) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘ALLAH’S BUILDING BEING THE
BEING OF ‘ALI ’ – ‘I am a mountain and my being is His building. If I
become like a straw, my wind (that which moves me) is the recollection of
Him.’
39) In reference to Imam ‘Ali , Rumi writes, ¡HIS COMMANDER IS

‘LOVE OF ALLAH’ – ‘My longing is not stirred save by His wind; my
captain is naught but Love of the One.’
40) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘REPRESSOR OF ANGER’ – ‘Anger,

king over kings is to me but a slave: even anger I have bound under the
bridle.’
41) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘IMMERSED IN THE LIGHT OF

ALLAH’ – ‘I am immersed in the light although my roof is ruined.’
42) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘A DIVINE GARDEN’ – ‘I have become a
gardenalthough I am (styled) Father of Dust – Bu Turab.’
This verse refers to the hadith in which the Prophet titled ‘Ali; Abu Turab.
43) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘LOVER OF ALLAH’ – ‘That my name
may be ‘He Loves for the sake of Allah.’ That my desire may be ‘He hates
for the sake of Allah’
Book One,verse 3803.
44) Rumi refers to the manifestation of ‘Ali’s ‘generosity’ as, ‘GIVING FOR
ALLAH’ – ‘Thatmy generosity may be ‘He gives for the sake of Allah’
Book One verse 3804 (part one).
45) Rumi refers to the mani festation of ‘Ali’s ‘withholding’ as,

‘WITHHOLDING FOR THE SAKE OF ALLAH’ – ‘That my being may be
“ He withholds for Allah’s sake” ’.
Verses 3803 and 4 refer to a hadith, ‘The faith of any who give for the sake
of Allah or withhold for the sake of Allah or love for Allah or hate or marry
for Allah, will attain perfection.’ Foruzanfar, Ahadith Mathnawi, P.37,
Tehran 1361.
46) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘BELONGING ENTIRELY TO ALLAH’

– ‘I belong entirely to Allah, I do not belong to any other.’
The will and being of Imam ‘Ali is circumscribed by the Will and Existence
of Allah.
47) In reference to Imam Ali Rumi writes, ‘ALI’S ACTIONS ARE FOR
ALLAH ALONE DRAWN FROM HIS u ILLUMINATED KNOWLEDGE
OF ALLAH’ – ‘And that which I do for Allah’s sake is (not done in)
conformity, it is not fancy or opinion, it is naught but intuition.’
‘Ali’s knowledge is intuitive rather than theoretical.
48) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘ATTACHED TO ALLAH ALONE’ – ‘I

have been freed from effort and search, I have tied my sleeve to the skirt of
Allah.’
49) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘SEEING ALLAH EVERYWHERE’ – ‘If I
am flying, I behold the place to which I soar; and if I am circling, I behold
the axis on which I revolve.’
50) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE HOLDER OF LUNAR AND
SOLAR WILAYAH, WILAYAH QAMARIYYAH AND WILAYAH
SHAMSIYYAH’ – ‘I am the moon and the sun is before me as my guide.’
51) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘GATE OF DIVINE KNOWLEDGE’ –

‘Come in! I will open the door for you.’
12 Sey ed G Safavi
52) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘GRANTING ETERNAL TREASURE TO

HIS FOLLOWERS’ – ‘What then do I bestow on the doer of righteousness?
Know you, I bestow treasures and kingdoms everlasting.’
53) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘MASTER OF THE SPIRIT’ – ‘But do not
grieve: I am intercessor for you: I am the spirit’s master, I am not the body’s
slave.’
54) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘Sun of The Noble’ – ‘This body has no
value in my sight: without my body I am the noble (in spirit) the sun of the
spirit.’
55) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE GUIDANCE OF KINGS’ –

‘Outwardly he strives aft er power and authority, but (only) that he may show
princes the right way and judgement. That he may another spirit to the
Princedom; that he may give fruit to the palm tree of the Caliphate.’
Book One, verse 3946-47.
56) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE DIVINE BALANCE’ – ‘You have
really been the balance with the just nature of the One (Allah).
57) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘The Balance By Which To Weigh Other
Saints’ – ‘Nay, you have been the pivot of every balance.’
58) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE ILLUMINATION OF ¡HIS

WILAYAH IS THE LIGHT OF ALLAH’S WILAYAH’ – ‘I am the slave of
that eye-seeking lamp from which the lamp receives its splendour.’
59) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘THE PEARL OF ALLAH’S OCEAN OF
LIGHT’ – ‘I am the slave of the billow of that Sea of Light that brings a
pearl like this into view.’
60) Rumi refers to Imam Hussein as, ‘KING OF RELIGION, ROYAL AND
PURE SPIRIT’ – ‘A royal spirit escaped from a prison; why should we rend
our garments and how should we gnaw our hands. Since they (Hussein and
his family) were Kings of the (true) religion, it was the hour of joy for them
when they broke their bounds.’
Book Six verse 797-8.
In Book Six of the M athnawi, Rumi refers, with deep respect, to

Imam Hussein son of Imam ‘Ali as Royal Spirit and King of Religion.
Although greatly upset by it, he introduces the Day of Imam Hussein’s
martyrdom – ‘Ashura, as a day of mourning for his spirit.
Rumi regards love for Imam Hussein as the continuation of love

for the Prophet M uhammad , in the same way that an ear loves a pearl.
He describes Prophet M uhammad as being the ear and Imam Hussein
u the pearl, ‘Don’t you know that the Day of ‘Ashura is a day of
mourning for a single soul that is more excellent than an entire century.
How this tragedy should be lightly estimated by a true believer? Love
for the earring (Hussein) is in proportion to love for the ear (Prophet
M uhammad). In the view of a true believer, the mourning for that pure
spirit is more celebrated than a hundred floods of Noah.’
Book Six verses 790-92. (Verses 776-805 refer specifically to
the Shi’ah community in the city of Halab, whom M aulana criticises
for having spirits that are asleep. He tells them to mourn for their spirits
that are as good as dead. He then refers to the Royal Spirit of Imam
Hussein that escaped from prison and is still alive. Some
commentators have misunderstood this to imply that Rumi was against
Shi’ah which from the above references he clearly was not.
From a synoptical understanding of the M athnawi, each of the
six books of the M athnawi contains 12 discourses – a total of 72. The
repetition of 12 discourses was not accidental but rather a tribute to
each of the 12 Imams l of Ahl al-Bayt – spiritual inheritors and
successors of Prophet M uhammad. The 72 discourses equate to Imam
Hussein’s 72 companions who were martyred with him at Karbala.
Since their inception, the sama¡ of the Mevlevi order pays
respects to the martyrs of Karbala. In M aulana’s shrine in Konya, the
names of the fourteen Masumin, the Prophet to the twelfth Imam
(M uhammad, ‘Ali, Fatima, Hassan, Hussein, ‘Ali ibn Hassan,
M ohammad ibn ‘Ali, J’afar ibn M uhammad, M usa ibn Ja’far, ‘Ali ibn
M usa, M uhammad ibn ‘Ali, ‘Ali ibn M uhammad, Hassan ibn ‘Ali,
M uhammad ibn Hassan (M ahdi)) are inscribed on the walls of his
burial chamber.
14 Sey ed G Safavi
This textual evidence illustrates that M aulana was a real Shi’ah

of ‘Truth Shi’ism’, Tashaya Haqqiqi, and follower of Imam ‘Ali (A.S).
As Dr Shahram Pazouki said “the conclusion we would like to
draw from this is that the most important principle shared by both
Shi’ism and Sufism is the question of Imamate or Wayalaah, and the
wali is the divine mediator and guide through whom God saves
humanity. The point that should be taken into consideration here is that,
contrary to what is commonly asserted, Shi’ism originally is not a
political movement against the caliphs or a jurisprudential school,
alongside the Sunnite school of jurisprudence, or a school of kalam
with affinity to the M u’tazilites. Shi’ism is a heartfelt way based on the
concept of wayalah, and the differences in jurisprudence, politics and
theology are secondary issues aside from this main core. Thus, in true
Shi’ism, one believes that God is known not by one’s own reasoning
and speculations, nor by narrations handed down through others, but by
submission to the wali and wayfaring on the path of love.
Thus we see that in his M athnawi, M awlawi speaks favourably
about all the first four caliphs, but his tone of speaking differs
completely when he comes to Ali, because he recognises him as being
the wali after the Prophet”.(Pazouki, Shahram. (2003). Spiritual
Walayah. In: S.G. Safavi(ed), RUM I’S THOUGHTS. Tehran: Salman
Azadeh Publication)
Bibliography
1- See on Rumi’s Life :
Aflaki, Ahmad, Manaqeb al – ‘arefin, Tehran, 1983.
Alavi, Mahvash, Maulana, Khodawandegar-e Tariqat-e Ishq, Tehran, 1998.
Chittick, William, Me & Rumi, Kentucky, 2004.
Foruzanfar, Badi’a al- Zaman, Mawlavi, Tehran, 1971/1354.
Golpinarli, Abdulbaki, translated ito Farsi by Sobhani, Tofiq, Mowlana,
Tehran, 1996.
Iqbal, Afzal, Rumi, Lahore, 1991.
Lewis, Franklin, Rumi: Past and Present, East and West, Oxford, 2,000.
Sepahsalar, Faridun, Mowlavi, Tehran, 1983.
Shams al-Din Shirazi, Maqalat-e Shams Tabrizi, ed. Mohamad ‘Ali
Movahed, Tehran, 1990.
Zarrinkub, Abdul Hosayn, Pele-pele molaqat ta Khoda, Tehran, 1994.
2- For a full account of Maul ana’s theological and spiritual thought see:
Chittick, W, The Sufi Path of Love, SUNY, New York, 1983.
Este’lami,Muhammad, edited with commentary,”Masnavi-ye Jalal al-Din
Mohammad-e Balkhi”, 7 volumes, (6th edition), Tehran, 2000/1379.
Schimmel, A, The Triumphal Sun, Fine Books, London, 1978.
Homaei, Jalal al-Din, Mowlawi nameh, Tehran, 1996/1374.
Ja’fari, Mohammad Taqi, Mowlawi wa Jahanbinih dar maktabhay-e sharq
wa gharb, Tehran, 1992/1370.
Safavi, Seyed G., Rumi’s Thoughts, Tehran, 2003.
Safavi, Seyed Ghahreman, The Structure of Rumi’s Mathnawi, London, 2006
Turkmen, Erkan, The Essence of Rumi’s Mathnavi Including his Life and
Works, Konya, 2004.
3-See on Classical Persian Literature:
Arberry, A J, Classical Persian Literature, George Allen and Unwin, London,

1958.
Baldick, J, "Persian Sufi Poetry up to the FifteenthCentury" in Morrison, G.
(ed) History of Persian Literature, Brill, Leiden, 1981.
De Bruijn, J T P, Persian Sufi Poetry, Curzon, Richmond, 1997.
4- See on Rumi’s spiritual shiism:

Ashtiani, Seyed, Jalal al-Din, Sharh-e Moqadameh Qaysari, Mashhad,
Homaei, Jalal al-Din, Mowlawi nameh, Tehran, 1995/1374
Khowrazmi, Kamal al- Din Hossein b. Hassan, Jawaher al-asrar wa
Zawaher al-anwar, Sharh-e Mathnawi, ed. Shariat,M.J., Isfahan,
Khowrazmi, Taj al-Din Hossein, Sharh-e Fosos al-hekam, ed. Najib Mail
Harawi, Tehran, 1985/1364.
Safavi, Seyed, G., Rumi’s Thoughts, Tehran, 2003
Safavi, Seyed, G, The Structure of The Rumi’s Mathnawi, London, 2006.
Sufi terms
Wali divine spiritual guide
Walaya sanctity
Awlia the spiritual successors
Wali Perfect Man, Shadow of Allah, Divine
mediator, Divine guide
Baqa subsistence
Fana annihilation
Qorb-e Nawafil the nearness of supererogatory works
Ibadat-e wajib obligatory work/worship
Takhalli withdrawal
Tahalli Adornment
Maqam station
16 Sey ed G Safavi
Haqq the Real

Haqq al yaqin the reality of certainty
Qotb poles, absolute pole
Zahir manifest, outward, outer
Batin non-mani fest, inward, inner
Mazhar locus of mani festation
Zati(dhati) intrinsic
Tajalli discloser
Maqam-e Mazhariyat-e Tajalli-e Zati The Station of Manifestation on Intrinsic
Discloser

Rumi&#39;s Spritiual Shiism

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Rumi&#39;s Spritiual Shiism

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RUMI’S SPRITIUAL SHI’ISM

SEYYED HOSSEIN NASR

SHI'ISM AND SUFISM:

In discussing the intricate and somewhat complex relationship between

The relationship between Shi'ism and Sufism is complicated by the fact

Sufism does not possess a Shar^'ah; it is only a spiritual way (Tarzqah)

Having considered these few instances of the relationship between Shi'ism

The tendency toward the rapprochment between Sufism and official

1 Concerning these figures see R. Gramlich, Die schiitischenDerwischordenPersiens,Erster Teil:

Concerning Shi‘ism and Sufism—two words denoting the

We have to see the difference between the Shi‘ite and Sunni

From the very beginning, after the passing away of the

Historically speaking, there is no doubt but that after the

It is obvious that ‘Ali was appointed after the Prophet, and

Thus, Shi‘ism appeared right from the time of the passing

If they differed according to their jurisprudential precepts, this

When foreign non-Muslim scholars investigate an idea, they do

In this way, a number of the Shi‘ites were forced to retirement

Dr. Sharam Pazouki∗

In its true meaning, walayah means love, a believer

∗ Iranian Academy of Philosophy

2. The Meaning of Walayah

3. Different Aspects of Walayah in the Mathnavi

4. Walayah and Love

5. Who Understands the Secret of Walayah

6. Walayah and Caliphate

7. 'Ali as the First Wali

THF martyrdom of the Imam l;lusayn can hardly be called a major

AI-Snclt XII/I (Spring. 1986) 3

One might ask about the sources of Riimi's information

those who have experienced the death of their individual selves. 2 In

n one instance he compares I:Iusayn, Yazid, and Shimr to contrary

If Jove for God were only thought and meaning,

You are a shadow in love with the sun.

abandonment of personal wishes and sensual desires. This is the Greater T

er The reason for this is clear:

22 Mathnawi, VI, 797-99.

h Whe re are you, light-spirited lovers, ,-----

In the fire of its yearning, my hear t keep

Outwardly made a martyr, in the unseen world it has gained life-

Interpretation of the Mathnawi text by 'conceptual', 'synoptic'

The Sufis believe that in every period of time there is a divine

‘Ali appointed as wali by Allah is based on some Qur’an verses

The different levels between Imamah and Wilayah:

The Prophet Muhammad and the 12 Imams. As the Prophet and

In the ‘Irfanic view there are two distinct types of Wilayah ,

General Wilayah – Wilayah ‘Ammah (Lit. Stellar), comprises

1) The first starts with “withdrawal” – “takhliyyah”, and ends

2) The second level relates to those – annihilated in “the Real” –

“Specific Wilayah”, Wilayah Khassah, is only held by the

At that stage, those who hold this Wilayah comprehend the

Holders of Wilayah Khassah – Wali’s, are like a great tree of

there is a single Perfect M an – Qutub, with all other spiritual beings of

The manifestation of Wilayah Shamsiyyah is Wilayah

1) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘AMIR AL-MUMININ – COMMANDER OF

4) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali u as, ‘THE PRIDE OF EVERY PROPHET’ –

9) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘FALCON OF THE EMPYREAN’ – ‘Tell,

15) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘GATE OF THE CITY OF

This verse refers to the Prophet Muhammad saying, ‘I am the City of

17) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as, ‘ENTRANCE-HALL TO ‘NONE IS LIKE

19) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as ‘HOLDER OF SOLAR WILAYAH –

21) Rumi refers to Imam ‘Ali as ‘THE ROUTE OF SPIRITUAL

This is a reference to Qur’an 8:17.

Rumi's Spritiual Shiism

Rumi's Spritiual Shiism