Exco Revamp Wouldn't Do Any Good

【明報專訊】BARRY CHEUNG CHUN-YUEN has resigned from all his

public offices, the most important of which is undoubtedly the office of
executive councillor. Over the past few days, there has been much
discussion about the Executive Council. Legislative Council president
Jasper Tsang Yok-sing, for one, said Exco's role today is less important
than it was in the colonial days. The implication seems to be that a
thorough review of Exco's role and functions is required.
Recent discussions comparing today's Exco with its colonial
counterpart centre on their differences in membership and operation. In
terms of membership, Exco in the colonial days consisted, in addition
to ex-officio members, mainly of business leaders from important
British enterprises such as the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking
Corporation, Jardine Matheson, the Swire Group, and Wheelock and
Company. Moreover, as all the governors were sent to Hong Kong by
the British government, they were not familiar with Hong Kong's affairs
and customs. Consequently, they had to depend heavily on Exco in the
formulation of policies. This is why Exco was in those days a decision-
making body with substantial powers.
And in those days resolutions reached by Exco would certainly be
implemented. For the colonial government was in full control of Legco.
When all its members were appointed by the government, Legco was
no better than a rubber stamp that passed laws and policies. Even
after the introduction in 1991 of district-based seats returned by direct
election, those in support of the government were still in the majority,
and they would see to the passage of laws and policies. This
contributed significantly to the establishment of Exco's authority and
the colonial government's effective administration.
Today, would Exco be able to exercise the same influence as it once
did by reverting to the businessmen-dominated structure of its colonial
days? Anyone with any knowledge of Hong Kong's political ecology is
likely to say "No". Today, Legco no longer dances to the government's
tune. Tung Chee-hwa and Donald Tsang Yam-kuen both had quite a
number of their policies thwarted by Legco. A colonial-style Exco and
its members would definitely not be able to do very well if they had to
deal with today's Legco.
In our opinion, to resolve Hong Kong's administrative difficulties, two
things may be done, as follows:
(1) Party politics should be introduced so that the party with the
majority of seats (or sharing a coalition majority with other political
parties) in Legco may form the government, thus establishing the
principle of political accountability. The government's performance will
be judged by the voters, who will decide through the ballot box which
party or political group should govern Hong Kong.
(2) The other alternative is to form a ruling coalition by an agreement
between certain political parties or groups in Legco, so that the
government may carry out its policies effectively. The important thing is
that the coalition must be strong. At present, members of the pro-
establishment camp sometimes turn against the government to woo
voters.
As a ruling coalition is primarily founded on self-interests, its members
are not always steadfast in their support of the government, which
adds to political uncertainty. For the good of Hong Kong, the
introduction of party politics is the best choice.
明報社評 2013.05.28﹕政治體制與現實脫節 改組行會也無補於事
張震遠辭去所有公職之中，最具分量的當然是行政會議成員身分，連日來，
各方環繞行會種種事態，不乏討論，其中立法會主席曾鈺成說到行政會議發
揮的作用，認為不及港英時期的行政局，大有從根本上檢討行會角色與職能之
意。
近期討論，涉及行政會議與行政局的比較，主要指出成員不同和運作不同。成
員方面，港英時期的行政局，除了官方成員，英資大行包括匯豐銀行、怡和、
太古、會德豐等主要高層人物，是主要組成；另外，歷任總督由英廷派遣來港，
對香港內部事務、風俗人情等知之不多，於具體政策制訂多倚仗行政局，此所
以說當時的行政局是具有相當實權的決策機構。
此外，行政局的決定必然可以落實成為政策，這是主要由於港英政府充分掌
控立法局，在全部議席都由政府委任的年代，立法局根本就是橡皮圖章，即
使在 1991 年引入地區直選議席之後，立法局的親政府力量仍佔大多數，通過
法律，落實政策，是營造行政局權威和港英政府有效管治的重要因素。
現在即使行會仿效港英行政局以商界主導的結構，是否就可以達至殖民地時
代行政局的效果？只要對本港政治生態稍有認知的人，相信都會給予否定答案
現在立法會的工作，不會配合政府施政，由董建華到曾蔭權，經常發生政策受
制於立法會而未能落實的情况。可以斷言，即使當年港英政府的行政局遇上現
在的立法會，行政局和行政局議員的光環，也會褪色。
我們認為有兩個改變，可望把香港帶出管治困局：
（1）實施政黨政治，由在立法會佔大多數議席的政黨（或結合其他政黨形成
大多數）執政，建立起責任政治的倫理，做得好與不好，由選民以手中選票說
話，決定由哪個政黨（或黨派）組織政府，管治香港。
（2）另一選擇是聯合立法會一些黨派，組成執政聯盟，使政府得以施政。這
個執政聯盟必須強固，過去建制派成員為了選票而背棄政府，並不少見。
不過，執政聯盟主要建基於利益考慮，成員難以從一而終，為政府施政增加不
確定性。所以，為了香港好，應該推行政黨政治。
■Glossary
substantial ﹕ real, actual and important
thwart ﹕ prevent somebody from doing what they want to do
steadfast ﹕ not changing in your attitudes or aims