Society For American Archaeology American Antiquity

Society for American Archaeology
THE CULTURAL EVOLUTION OF MATERIAL WEALTH-BASED INEQUALITY AT BRIDGE

RIVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA
Author(s): Anna Marie Prentiss, Thomas A. Foor, Guy Cross, Lucille E. Harris and Michael
Wanzenried
Source: American Antiquity, Vol. 77, No. 3 (July 2012), pp. 542-564
Published by: Society for American Archaeology
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23486288
Accessed: 27-06-2017 21:09 UTC
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THE CULTURAL EVOLUTION OF MATERIAL WEALTH-BASED
INEQUALITY AT BRIDGE RIVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA
Anna Marie Prentiss, Thomas A. Foor, Guy Cross, Lucille E. Harris, and Michael Wanzenried
A fundamental problem for anthropological archaeology lies in defining and explaining the evolutionary origins of so
inequality. Researchers have offered a range of models emphasizing variability in the roles of managers, aggrandizers, eco
logical variability, and historical contexts. Recent studies suggest that the form of emergent inequality may have varied s
nificantly between groups, implying that pathways to inequality may have varied as well. Unfortunately it has been difficu
to test many of these models using archaeological data given their requirements for fine-grained assessments of sp
tiotemporal variability in many data classes. Recent research at the Bridge River site in British Columbia provides th
opportunity to explore the utility of a range of explanatory models associated with early social inequality. Results of
study suggest that inequality, measured as significant variability in accumulation of a range of material wealth items, cam
late to the Bridge River site (ca. 1200-1300 cal. B.P.) and was associated with a period of demographic packing and app
ent declining access to some critical subsistence resources. Assessment of interhousehold variability in demography, wealt
accumulation, and occupational longevity suggests that markers of significant affluence manifested only in newly est
lished houses. An important implication is that material wealth-based inequality may not have been hereditary in nature a
Bridge River during the period prior to 1100 cal. B.P.
La definición y explicación de los orígenes evolutivos de la desigualdad social son problemas fundamentales para la arqu
ología antropológica. Diferentes investigadores han proporcionado una gama de modelos que enfatizan la variabilidad en
roles de administradores y aggrandizers, versatilidad ecológica, y de los contextos históricos. Estudios recientes sugieren qu
la forma de desigualdad emergente pudo haber variado notablemente entre los grupos, lo cual implica que los caminos hacia
la desigualdad pudieron haber variado también. Desafortunadamente ha sido difícil probar estos modelos usando datos arque
ológicos, debido a que estos requieren detalladas evaluaciones sobre variabilidad espacio-temporal en diferentes clases
datos. Investigaciones recientes en el sitio Bridge River (Columbia Británica) ofrecen la oportunidad de explorar la utilid
de un rango de modelos explicativos asociados a desigualdad social temprana. Los resultados sugieren que la desigualda
medida como variabilidad significativa en cuanto a acumulación de artículos de lujo, se presentó deforma tardía en Brid
River (1200-1300 AP); y que ésta es asociada a un periodo de concentración demográfica y a una aparente declinación
el acceso a recursos de subsistencia. La evaluación de variabilidad demográfica entre viviendas, acumulación de riquezas
longevidad ocupacional sugieren que los marcadores de afluencia se manifestaron solamente en casas recién establecid
Una implicación importante es que la desigualdad basada en riqueza material pudo no haber sido hereditaria en el sitio Bridg
River durante el periodo anterior a 1100 AP.
(Mid-Fraser) Canyon of British Columbia villages offers the opportunity to develop and test
Socialpriorinequality evolved
to European contact intheoretical
(Teit 1906). Long the Middle Fraser
models of emergent sons.
inequality (PrentissArchaeological research in the Mid-Fraser
before the coming of Europeans, the ancient peo- and Kuijt 2012; Prentiss et al. 2007).
pie of the Mid-Fraser Canyon constructed large vil- Our research is concerned with the emergence
lages (or towns) and their chiefs presided over of material wealth-based inequality. By emer
massive households of sometimes 50 or more per- gence we mean development of a new or previ
Anna Marie Prentiss ■ Department of Anthropology, The University of Montana, Missoula, Montana 59812
(anna.prentiss@umontana.edu)
Thomas A. Foor ■ Department of Anthropology, The University of Montana, Missoula, Montana 59812
Guy Cross ■ Terrascan Geophysics, 4506 West 4th Avenue, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada V6R 1R3
Lucille E. Harris ■ Department of Anthropology, 19 Russell Street, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, M5S
2S2
Michael Wanzenried ■ Department of Anthropology, The University of Montana, Missoula, Montana 59812
American Antiquity 77(3), 2012, pp. 542-564

Copyright ©2012 by the Society for American Archaeology
542
WEALTH-BASED INEQUALITY AT BRIDGE RIVER 543
ously unknown sociocultural configuration man- village g

ifested on the scale of a village (Prentiss 2009). change
Inequality accepts that individuals and/or groups analysis
seek to accumulate differential material wealth for variabi
self-serving reasons, particularly for economic population
and reproductive advantage (Ames 2008). The One sig
concept of wealth can include relational wealth wealth-bas
(one's position in social networks) and embodied vious indi
wealth (biological manifestation of opportunity as wealth
in immune function, strength, weight, etc.) greatest wea
(Bowles et al. 2010). Here, we focus on material and eco
wealth—things that "store" wealth such as land, ful house
food resources, household possessions, and items suggest gr
of adornment or jewelry (Bowles et al. 2010:9). late houses
Material wealth can be acquired through indi- result imp
vidual or group achievements (Hayden 1995) or it graphica
can be inherited arrangements (Ames 2008; e.g., Pacific N
Matson and Coupland 1995). Achievement-based mediate st
inequality in material wealth is theoretically pos- nomic eg
sible in virtually any ranked society, but inherited terial w
wealth is more tricky. Recent comparative ethnog- wealth m
raphy suggests that material wealth is most easily a cultur
inherited when it occurs in recognizable and de- graphical
fensible packages like field systems, livestock
herds, or fishing sites (Mulder et al. 2009). Among Theore
hunter-gatherers, these packages commonly in
clude seasonal access to concentrated food re- The evolutio
sources such as fish or sea mammals (Binford (henceforth
2001 ). While ecological heterogeneity may be op- a wide ra
timal for such a system to develop and persist, it eralizing
does not explain the historical process by which in- Process
equality develops (e.g., Wiessner 2002). Indeed, and have
there may be quite different pathways to the dif- condition
ferent forms of inequality depending upon whether man
one is measuring simple wealth-based inequality logical va
or an inherited status system. Here, we offer data ity and
that provides information on this process in one resource h
case study from the Pacific Northwest. bor managem
Recent excavations at the Bridge River house- socioec
pit village (EeR14 in the Canadian system) in trolling r
southern British Columbia (Prentiss et al. 2008) the Pac
record a complex historical process that led to 1983,19
wealth-based and eventually hereditary inequal- Anoth
ify. We use evolutionary models to help under- ality type
stand this process, assuming that any evolution- ity (H
ary history includes both deterministic law-like Patton 1
processes but also by incidents of historical con- competit
tingency (Prentiss 2011). Our initial review ex- ers) for pr
plores a range of theoretical approaches to in- cadres of f
equality. Then we provide a detailed case study of panding
544 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 77, No. 3, 2012
of marriages and children. Arnold (1993) fav

a similar scenario but implicates adverse con
tions as optimal for development of institut
ized inequality. Cultural macroevolutionists (Prentiss et al.
Human behavioral ecologists have also offered 2009) use the concept of
a range of general models. Smith and Choi (2007) situation where a trait t
recast population growth and information man- (whether adaptive or no
agement as managerial mutualism. Boone (1992; some other use, for exam
see also Henrich and Gil-White 2001) suggests churches (Gould and
that patron-client relationships develop under con- Lewontin 1979). With
ditions of differential access to critical resources, outcomes the concept o
Mulder et al. (2009) and E.A.Smith et al. (2010), explain the origin of
drawing from cross-cultural ethnographic data, strategy that does not di
agree that control of optimal resource patches Rosenberg (2009) ex
must be significant to the emergence of inequality, of coercive social inequ
Kennett et al. (2009) offer a mathematically so- elected leaders taking on
phisticated retake on economic and political pay- resolution. Inequality b
offs of controlling the best resource patches. when such social syste
A number of general models have also been of- Spencer 1997) on to ot
fered by evolutionary anthropologists (e.g., Rich- leading to greater dist
erson and Boyd 1999, 2005; Richerson et al. tential differential access to
2003). Henrich and Gil-While (2001) favor a gen- inal delegated leader an
eral social learning model in which inequality Prentiss (2011) addres
develops from the cultural transmission process non-equals in a differen
(e.g., people imitate those who are most success- equality is incipiently c
ful and in essence become their clientele; the egalitarian living arra
most successful persons compete for such groups house size evolves to sol
of followers). Costly signaling theorists (e.g., bor management, kin rela
Bird et al. 2001 ; Boone 1998; Gurven et al. 2000) once house-size inequali
provide general models of the competitive to represent differenc
process. Boone (1998) argues that the competitive evolve further in that d
signaling via altruism with food (e.g., feasting) cioeconomic conditions.
should most readily occur under conditions a built environment designe
whereby competition for access to food within the is instrumental in trig
group is severe, establishing cooperating groups ing institutionalized ine
(as in for territory defense) offers significant pay- ology and monument
offs, and that there is some long-term fitness pay- Although not origin
off for altruists as might occur during periods of ary terms, Sassaman
anticipated resource short-fall. outline a scenario whereby anthropogenic land
Not all scholars have favored generalizing ex- scapes of earthen mounds were created to cele
planations. Political economists and social theo- brate or reify new socio-religious beliefs but eve
rists recognize that historical contingency plays a tually came to provide the blueprint for a new
significant role in the development of social in- society featuring inequality. Theoretically, the
stitutions, particularly when considered in the concept of dualities (sacred and profane, earth an
context of the intended and unintended outcomes sky) evolved first and was later co-opted to fram
of actions taken by individuals and groups (e.g., relationships between human groups (e.g., non
Bender 1985; Pauketat 2007; Saitta 1997; Sas- elite and elite as manifestations of earth and sk
saman 2011). This perspective is also appropriate [e.g., Marcus and Flannery 1996]).
to a Darwinian evolutionary theory that promotes Other models of emergent inequality can be r
evolutionary explanations as historical narratives worked in evolutionary terms employing exapt
Prentiss et al.] WEALTH-BASED INEQUALITY AT BRIDGE RIVER 545
w j&SÇ í '' _
J$W£f*k&PT - \ P ' 'V --•■• -*'.''"
:>* :jpr><*§. * * keaile-y
' KEATLÉYcreek
CREEK site
SITE A
. _ r>l
#«£pL y ^*fy/ <&
{] ' %
* • . /
•iTV
1^, •
• 6f¿¿ s/rf
"^SSk --.jr.,
'
^ /-
BRJQGE
R ^ mVmSITJg
\j0Sr
*• A ^4A ^
• y
^ V I • . -
> j#
*Jjk r £ -mf- ■
%" <* 'J,
■<$>Li//ooe
r, •, ,**
*jBYW»-°
¿SoM 4Lt.WML.
/ ajjf . k
*nM
Figure 1. The Middle Fraser Canyon in context with key sites.
tion. Clark and Blake's (1994) model is a partie- ganize economically and/or militarily agains
ularly good fit since it asserts that institutionalized neighbors (e.g., Oliver 1962). Initial appearance
inequality in human societies is an unexpected through a competition for prestige, mates, an
outcome of competition between individuals. This resources followed by further evolution under
interesting scenario implies that social rules for say group selection for military advantage implies
structuring inequality come about as a by-product an exaptive process,
of struggles for wealth, influence, and reproduc
tive success by individuals within emerging The Br¡dge R¡ver s¡te and
transegalitarian communities. Under many see- Mid-Fraser Archaeology
narios this process would develop under more
adverse resource conditions implying fitness re- The Middle Fraser (Mid-Fraser) Canyon of
ductions during the transition period (e.g., Arnold British Columbia (Figure 1) contains a number of
1993). This presents the possibility that inequal- large and well-preserved winter villages that pr
ity could come about in a maladaptive or at best, vide abundant evidence for an in situ develop
non-aptive (per Gould and Vrba 1982) process, ment of wealth-based inequality during the past
Once stabilized it could conceivably have group 2,000 years (Prentiss and Kuijt 2012). The major
beneficial effects (e.g., Henrich and Boyd 2008), sites include Keatley Creek, Bridge River, Bell,
for example, if it permitted one group to better or- Seton Lake, McKay Creek, and Kelly Lake
(Morin et al. 2008/2009). The most extensi

excavations have been conducted at Bridge R
(Prentiss et al. 2008), Keatley Creek (Hay
1994,1997a, 1997b, 1998,2000a, 2005; Hayd
etal. 1996; Hayden and Mathewes 2009; Hay
and Schulting 1997 ; Prentiss et al. 2003 ; Pre
et al. 2005; Prentiss et al. 2007), and Bell (Str
1973), located near the rich 6-Mile salmon fi
ery (Figure 1). This work provides a platform
further developing ideas about processes of e
gent inequality. are present in other village sites, including Bell
and Kelly Creek (Sheppard and Muir 201
Keatley Creek seems likely that these could reflect
Our dating sequence at the large village of Keat- by distinct social groups like lin
ley Creek suggested a primary occupational his- are known from the ethnogra
tory spanning ca. 1700-900 cal. B.P. (Prentiss et 1906). They do not necessarily i
al. 2003; Prentiss et al. 2005). We argued that ma- terhousehold or inter-individua
terial-wealth based ranking did not characterize Radiocarbon evidence does
interhousehold relationships at the village until was substantial growth in the Br
immediately prior to abandonment (Prentiss et between ca. 1800 and 1100 cal. B
al. 2007 ; Prentiss et al. 2011 ). We also argued that ting of cumulative probability
hereditary inequality may have also been present diocarbon dates from Bridge
at Keatley Creek during the latter time frame (91 dates; see Prentiss et al. 2008
(Prentiss et al. 2007). Kuijt (2001) and Kuijt and 2010) and external cooking featu
Prentiss (2004) highlighted regional ecological Prentiss et al. 2004) using the
changes and population growth as contributing program and the CalPal-Hu
factors in the development of inequality and sub- data (Weninger and Jôris 200
sequent village abandonments after ca. 2010) demonstrate that the Bridg
1200-1300 cal. B.P. Prentiss et al. (2007; see also developed in a punctuated f
Prentiss 2009,2011 ) hypothesized that inequality plateaus during the periods w
may have emerged at Keatley Creek through a 2, and 3 (Figure 4). BR 3 may
competitive process to attract new members into terized by a potential doubling
demographically stressed households under in- that was short lived as the v
creasingly harsh foraging conditions. abandoned by ca. 1100 cal. B.P. An
plication here is that normal practices for cu
Bridge River ing excess population growth (e.g., H
The Bridge River site is one of the largest villages could have been relaxed und
in the Mid-Fraser area (Figure 2) consisting of ap- nomic conditions as was eviden
proximately 80 housepits and numerous external 1300-1400 cal. B .P. Interesting
pit features that include roasting ovens and cache ing ovens first appear in BR 3
pits (Prentiss et al. 2008). The occupational his- during BR 4.
tory of Bridge River is similar to nearby Keatley Zooarchaeological research co
Creek. Earliest housepit occupations occurred at suggests two major trends. Fir
ca. 1800 cal. B.P. followed by steady growth in salmon remains decline in most
housepit numbers from the initial occupational pe- BR 2 and 3 times suggesting th
riod (Period BR 1, ca. 1600-1800 cal. B.P.), clining access to this critical foo
through the second period (Period BR 2, ca. son 2010; Smith, Prentiss, L
1600-1300 cal. B.P.). Village size peaked at ca. and Endo 2010; Ward 2011). Th
1300-1100 cal. B.P. during a third occupational to what Prentiss et al. (2007) rec
period (Period BR 3) (Figure 3). The village was ley Creek at similar dates. I
Figure 2. Bridge River site map illustrating site grid, generalized c

test excavation units from initial testing in 2003-2004 (Prentiss et a
multiple EPFs west of Housepit 25 were unfortunately not included
Bridge River Site

British Columbia, Canada
EeR14
Bridge River 1 Bridge River 2

\
Figure 3. Map of occupation patterns at the Bridge River site including updates from Prentiss et al. (2008) based upon
radiocarbon dating results of 2008-2009 field investigations (Table 3). Note in particular addition of Housepit 20 to BR
2, Housepit 25 to BR 3 and Housepit 54 to BR 4.
Figure 4. Cumulative probability distributions for all housepit (lo

dates.
cological research suggests that declining salmon mestic activity areas (places where families con
in the eastern Pacific during the Medieval Warm ducted household work associated with artifact
period (ca. 1200-700 cal. B.P.) was a conse- manufacture and use, cooking, and food storage
quence of natural processes operating beyond hu- in a sample of BR 2 and 3 houses of different sizes
man control (e.g., Chatters et al. 1995; Finney et from northern and southern areas of the village
al. 2002; Patterson et al. 2005). Second, deer re- (Figure 5-7; Table 1). Excavations in these area
mains shift in nearly all houses from a pattern of were highly successful and typically resulted in
largely complete skeletal representation to a pat- identification of complex stratified sequences of
tern dominated by lower limbs (Carlson 2010; buried floors (often with domestic activity areas
Ward 2011), also similar to patterns recognized at include cache pits filled with refuse). Stratified
Keatley Creek for these dates and considered to floor/roof sequences (Figures 8-10) were highly
be a likely consequence of intense local prédation variable and ranged from very thin single floors
and resource depression (Prentiss et al. 2007). (Housepits 24 and 25) to stratified floor sequences
Normally this kind of change in foraging practice (Housepits 11, 16, 20, 54), some interspersed
implies a local population facing reduced local ac- with buried roof deposits (Housepits 16, 20, and
cess to its critical food sources, in this case salmon 54). While only a limited sample of houses was
and deer (e.g., Broughton 1994). Further work is investigated, we are satisfied that the range of
required to fully understand change in plant har- contexts identified with aid of geophysical re
vesting practices. connaissance yielded sufficient data for an initial
All told, it would appear that the Bridge River examination of the timing and pr
village grew significantly, developed geometric gent inequality at Bridge River,
arrangements of houses, and eventually suffered
some forms of subsistence stress between 1800 Ethnographic Framework
and 1100 cal. B.P. The history of nearby Keatley Ethnographies provide substantial
Creek (Prentiss et al. 2007) implies the possibility ing inequality in traditional socie
of social evolution favoring expanding material Fraser area (Kennedy and Bouchard
wealth-based inequality during this time. But we 1998; Teit 1900, 1906). Archa
cannot consider this without further analysis of in- drawn from these records to
ter-household variability in wealth/status markers, chaeological frames of reference f
the archaeological record (Alexander 1992,200
Inequality at Bridge River Prentiss 2000; Prentiss and Kuijt 201
traditional villages occupied by St'át'imc (Upp
The 2007-2009 excavations at Bridge River were Lillooet) and other ethnograph
designed to develop data permitting us to assess tioned economically as classic
the evolution of inequality in BR 2 and 3 house- Binford 1980) harvesting salmon,
holds (excavation details are outlined in Prentiss other items for winter survival an
et al. 2010). Briefly our approach was to use geo- ciopolitical ventures. St'át'imc vill
physical methods (Cross 2004,2005,2010; Pren- ganized socially using a system of in
tiss et al. 2008; Prentiss et al. 2010) to identify do- achieved statuses. Hereditary ch
\ 26
' so \ 25
I \
VwL
140 ]
120 '
100\
_ R""°r>c, Gr>J
~ Sun^yBKMn,
^ Hou»<=#Rim
2008 «W 2009.
C°1tours Cava'e« Houson,
Figure 5. Bridge River site highlighting housepits excavated in 2008-2009 field seasons.
heads of descent groups, termed "clans" by Teit chiefs served such roles as war chief, hunt chief
(1906), which could make up an entire village or etc. Elite (hereditary and achieved) familie
could be dispersed over multiple villages owned critical fishing rocks and likely controlled
(Kennedy and Bouchard 1978). Achieved status access to other segments of the landscape lik
135 140 145 1 50 155
AA-1 (2008) AA-3 (2008/9)
AA-2
| ^ (2008/9)
-
NO | tO |
=2
NO
NO
8 shl
115 120 125 130 135 140

in «r>
T . , . f
115 120 125 130 135 140
Figure 6. Surface measured vertical magnetic gradient for n

els are approximate and based on interpolation/extrapolati
Approximate distribution and designation of investigated exc
Housepit 24 is External Pit Feature (EPF) 13, a BR 3 roasting
25 is another large EPF, though not excavated.
75 80 85 90
AA-1 (2008) AA-2 (2008) AA-3 (2009)
AA-1 (2009)
AA-2 (2009)
AA-3 (2009)
SI
-
75 80 85 90
»
35 40 45 50 55 60
AA-1
(2009) o
85 90 95 100 105 110 115
AA-2 (2009)
Figure 7. Surface measured vertical magnetic grad

are approximate and based on interpolation/ext
Approximate distribution and designation of inves
Table 1. Excavated Housepit Components at Br
Occupation Neighborhood
Occupation Neighborhood House Size
House Size
Housepit (Bridge River 1-4) (North, South) (Medium, Large)

11 2,4 South Medium
16 3 South Medium
20 2,3,4 South Large
24 3 North Large
25 1,3 North
North Large
54 2, 3,4 North Medium
Note: Medium 10-14.99 m. maximum diameter across rim crests; larger 15+ m. maximum diameter across rim crests.
deer hunting locales and lithic quarries (e.g., lishment of patron-client relationships) as a means
Morice 1893). of preventing demographic loss.
Much as described by Ames (2006) for the Our challenge as archae
Northwest Coast, families sought to preserve sta- better understanding of
ble households socioeconomically through house- ied in the past, how they
hold production activities and exchange partner- reflected in material cu
ships. Solid household economies and good site provides an ideal opp
leadership could translate into effective political goals. In order to accom
ventures including hosting of public ceremonies ate measures that replica
like potlatches or "scrambles" (Kennedy and ganization. Drawing fro
Bouchard 1978). Well-functioning households tion it is clear that e
were also in a better position to attract new mem- successful if they main
bers (whether by marriage, adoption, or estab- source procurement loca
Figure 8. Housepit 24 Area 3 stratigraphie profile illustrating thin single BR 3 floor (Stratum II) capped by roof/rim an
roof deposits (Strata III and V). Features 1 and 5 are cache pits containing among other things remains of two butchered
domestic dogs.
Housepit 11, Area 2

aodta^V
North and East Wall Profile
Figure 9. Housepit 11 Area 2 stratigraphie profile illustrating multiple BR 2 floors (Strata IIA sequence) capp
gle roof (Stratum Va) and subsequent BR 4 floor (Stratum II) and roof deposit (Stratum V). Note Feature
capped by three episodes of hearth construction.
produce excess quantities of goods for winter sub- things being equal, we could expect th
sistence, exchange, and potlatching. While salmon ethnographic pattern (e.g., Teit 1906) i
was the core food resource, mammals were highly then markers for access to the most sou
sought after to relieve the monotony of dried fish foods (e.g., mammals) should correlat
but also as a feasting item. Favored mammals indicators of other material wealth (rare
cluded deer and other ungulates, but apparently gious lithic raw materials and artifacts). In
could also include dogs on some occasions (e.g., highly sought foods and material weal
Prentiss et al. 2003). Establishment of positive correlate with population density and
relationships between village groups could result house large numbers of persons (e.g., ho
in access to a variety of nonlocal goods such as size). Elite households should generat
rare lithic raw materials, artifacts, and foods. These scores on all of these items while poor
in turn could be used to signify household and in- would likely score lower.
dividual status (Teit 1906). Households needed
Measuring Variability in Subsistence, Material
to maintain enough members to facilitate the labor
Wealth,
needed during critical food harvesting and pro and Relative Population Density
cessing seasons (e.g., during the late summer sock- We employed a number of indices to
eye salmon run) but also to produce goods for variation in subsistence, material wealth, a
give-away in potlatches or exchange contexts, ative demographics (Tables 2 and 3). Su
Thus, there was a systemic relationship between variability was measured directly with a
household demographics, subsistence and goods index much like that of Broughto
production activities, and political ventures bring- whereby total NISP taxonomically iden
ing in new goods signaling status. mammalian elements per housepit component
If this social framework was operating in the were divided by the sum of total NISP mammals
past we should be able to measure archaeological and NISP fish (again relying only upon specimens
variability in these dimensions that should corre- to which a genus level taxon could be identified),
late with one another in predictable ways. All This index allows us to gain insight into access to
Figure 10. Housepit 54 Area 1 stratigraphie profile

roofs (Stratum V sequence).
mammals in comparison to the dominan

source, salmon. Subsistence was also mea
a secondary way using a biface index where
tal formed bifaces per housepit component
divided by bifaces plus other chipped ston
Data from this index correlated strongly
mammal index patterns in studies at Keatl
Creek where higher proportions of bifaces
pared in relation to all lithic tools) parallel
cumulation of mammalian remains (as a ra
all faunal remains), implying greater enga
in hunting activities (Prentiss et al. 200
Variability in material wealth was measur
several ways in an attempt to capture diff
facets of prestige economies (e.g., Hayden
We developed two measures of prestige
Table 2. Raw Count Data Used to Construct Indices (see Table
Exc.
Prest. N-L Prest. Bifaces M/ CP/ Cubic
Component Items RM RM Total tools M+F sq.cma FCR Meters
HP25/3 5 105 9 11/172 73/464 1756 2.34

HP 24/3 40 173 29 27/265 101/388 833/55 3933 1.87
HP 20/3 6 12 6 6/127 26/201 447/40 2972 1.76
HP 54/3 4 97 38 48/294 35/274 641/42.5 2179 2.5
HP 16/3 3 26 7 11/277 18/1201 704/42.5 4078 1.82
HP 20/2 7 17 14 21/200 103/1754 927/40 2340 .88
HP 54/2 10 4/33 15/163 27/22.5 411 .7
HP
HP11/2
11/2 10 29 16 22/210 70/942 638/43 3219 2.77
"thousands.
: Prestige; N-L = Non-Local; RM = Raw Material; CP = Cache pit volume in cm3; sq. cm = square centime
ters excavated; M = Mammal NISP for taxonomically identifiable elements; F = Fish NISP for taxonomically identifiable
elements; FCR = Fire-Cracked Rock; sq. cm. = square centimeters; Exc. = Excavated.
Table 3. Data Measuring Variability in Material Wealth and Relative Population Density.
Housepit/ Max. Prest. N-L Prest. Biface Mam. CP FCR

Component Diam. Items RM RM Index Index Vol. Index
HP25/3 17.3 2.1 44.9 3.8 .06 .16 751

HP 24/3 15.1 21.4 92.5 15.7 .1 .26 15.2 2103
HP 20/3 16.6 3.4 6.8 3.4 .05 .12 11.17 1689
HP 54/3 12.2 1.6 38.8 15.2 .16 .13 15.1 872
HP 16/3 13.4 1.7 14.3 3.9 .04 .01 16.56 2247
HP 20/2 16.6 8. 19.3 15.9 .11 .06 23.17 2659
HP 54/2 12.2 15.2 .12 .09 1.2 555
HP11/2 13.9 3.6 10.5 5.8 .1 .07 15. 1162
Note: Prest. = Prestige; N-L = Non-Local; RM = Raw Material; CP = Cache pit; Mam. = Mammal; FCR = Fire-Cracked
Rock.
2000b) as those raw materials recognized ethno- We employ three indirect measures of rela
graphically to have special value for performance tive housepit demographics (numbers and densi
characteristics but also other factors (e.g., color, ties of persons per house). Housepit diameter
luster, etc.). For purposes of our analysis we in- (measured as maximum diameter between rim
elude copper, obsidian, nephrite, and steatite.1 crests) has often been considered to be a good
Another potential measure of wealth could be ac- marker of demographics assuming that the larger
cess to lithic raw material that is highly useful in the house the greater number of inhabitants (Bin
manufacturing chipped stone tools but that do ford 1990). Indeed, large houses are routinely as
not occur in the Bridge River valley or immedi- sumed to not only reflect highest numbers of in
ately adjacent mountains. There are many lithic habitants but generally, highest status in
raw material types present in the Bridge River site Mid-Fraser archaeology (Sheppard and Muir
lithic assemblages, but very few can be confi- 2010). Measuring density of persons per housepit
dently associated with extralocal sources requir- is probably impossible for archaeologists but we
ing trade, travel to other valleys, and in some can gain some idea of potential variability in rel
eases probably some kind of sociopolitical or ative density using two additional measures. We
economic agreements with neighboring village developed a cache pit index consisting of exca
groups. Three of these are obsidian, Fountain Val- vated cache pit volume (cubic cm) per square
ley pisolite, and Hat Creek jasper (Hayden et al. meter of excavated floor as a crude measure of
1996). Our final wealth measure is the count of storage capacity assuming greater storage capac
these three raw material types per cubic meter of ity reflects greater numbers of consumers. Per
each excavated housepit component. formance of this index could be adversely af
Table 4. Correlation Matrix with Associated Significance

Food Storage/Preparation.
Prestige Non-Local Prestige Cache

Items Raw Mats. Raw Mats. Biface Mammal Pit FCR
Correlation Prestige Items 1.000 .799 .636 .068 .697 .380 .529
Non-Local Raw Mats. .799 1.000 .560 .205 .877 -.015 .084
Prestige Raw Mats. .636 .560 1.000 .540 .379 .695 .471
Biface .068 .205 .540 1.000 .185 .152 -.314
Mammal .697 .877 .379 .185 1.000 -.238 -.141
Cache Pit .380 -.015 .695 .152 -.238 1.000 .798
FCR .529 .084 .471 -.314 -.141 .798 1.000
Sig. (1-tailed) Prestige Items .009 .045 .436 .027 .177 .089
Non-Local Raw Materials .009 .074 .313 .002 .486 .422
Prestige Raw Materials.045 .074 .084 .177 .028 .119

Biface .436 .313 .084 .330 .360 .225
Mammal .027 .002 .177 .330 .285 .370
Cache Pit .177 .486 .028 .360 .285 .009
FCR .089 .422 .119 .225 .370 .009
Note: FCR = Fire-Cracked Rock Index.
fected by a number of variables. Sampling is one Data Analysis

possibility since we did not excavate entire floors. prior t() muitivariate statistical analysi
Another scenario is surplus production; if cache sessed the performance of the variables b
pit volume reflects production for exchange along ing for significant inter-correlations a
with winter subsistence then it cannot be a direct that ¡f any varjable fai]ed tQ produce at
indicator of variability in density of household then it was probably nQt relevant for furt
consumers. A final scenano concerns actual stor- tiyariate analysis We rejected housepjt d
age tactics. For example, a small house with a pre- on these grounds Given its failure t0 s
mium on floor space could have chosen to store cant]y correlate with subsistence, wealth,
some food in baskets on racks or m household mographic variables, housepit diameter is p
rafters. Thus, it is important to also measure vari- b]y not a reJiable measure of variabil
ability in numbers of potential consumers m a dif- household status at Bridge River
ferent way. To do this we developed a fire-cracked We employed principal C0mp0nents an
rock (FCR) index consisting of FCR count (in- (pCA) t0 better understand variability
cluding only pebble and more rare cobble sized tion wca]th^ and demography betwee
clasts [Wentworth scale]) per cubic meter of ex- components. The PCA was based upon a c
cavated sediment m each housepit component. All (ion matrix (Tab)e 4) and generated a very
things being equal, variability m FCR output solution with the first three components ca
should reflect cooking frequency and this should QVCr 95 percent of the variance (Table
be most strongly affected by number of occu- thr£e component solution was rotated usi
pants per house and average length of winter sea- Varimax method (Table 6) Factor scores
sons. We can hold the latter constant when com- captured for each component and case (T
paring simultaneously occupied houses since all Component one has rotated componen
would have been affected to a similar degree by on prestige objects, nonlocal raw materia
persistence of winter weather preventing advent üge raw materialSj and mammais near or a
of spring time mobility. If we achieve a strong in thg positive dimension suggesting that
positive correlation between FCR and cache pit nent one is measuring variabiiity in accum
volume we can mterpret these measures as good of different forms of material wea]th Fa
relative indicators of variability in housepit oc- sc()res indicate that Housepit 24 (BR
cupation density. tributes very strongly to this component fo
Table 5. Initial PC A Statistics.
Extraction Sums Rotation Sums
Initial of Squared of Squared

Eigenvalues Loadings Loadings
Component Total % of Variance Cumulative % Total fr of Variance Cumulative % Total ' /o of Variance
1 3.350 47.854 47.854 3.350 47.854 47.854 2.763 39.469

2 2.079 29.699 77.553 2.079 29.699 77.553 2.482 35.459
3 1.274 18.203 95.756 1.274 18.203 95.756 1.458 20.827
4 .139 1.984 97.739
5 .095 1.353 99.092
6 .055 .779 99.871
7 .009 .129 100.000
to a much lesser degree by Housepit 25 (BR 3)

variance. Housepit 54 (BR 3) is the only signifi
and then the others. Component two loads most
cant contributor in the positive dimension.
strongly on cache pit volume and FCR followedIt is clear that Housepit 24 (BR 3) stands out
by prestige raw materials and prestige objects. from all other housepit components given its
This component is likely identifying variabilitystrong
in scores on virtually every measure (Table
density of persons per housepit and this appears4). Housepit 25 (BR 3) is next in line but consid
to have some positive effect on ability to collect
erably weaker, particularly in prestige goods. Sig
some kinds of prestige goods. Cache pit volume nificantly, despite var iability in demographic sig
only correlates significantly with prestige raw nals there do not seem to be strong indicators of
materials and FCR (Table 5). Flousepit 20 (BR material
2) wealth accumulation associated with BR
contributes most strongly in the positive dimen 2 occupations. This outcome suggests that mate
sion to this component, followed by Housepits rial
16 wealth-based status inequality, at least as
(BR 3) and 24 (BR 3). Component three is less
quantified with these measures using current data,
did not develop until Bridge River 3 times.
easy to interpret given its loadings on bifaces and
prestige raw materials and its comparatively low These results combined with additional exca
vation data (Table 8) permit us to conduct a pre
Table 6. Rotated Component Matrix. liminary test of the hypothesis that "Classic Lil
looet" villages featured ascribed wealth-based
Component Index inequality (e.g., Hayden 1994,1997a; Prentiss et
Prestige Items .841 .047 -.017
al. 2007). Since component one clearly measures
Non-Local Raw Materials .959 .047 .14
variability in material wealth we can use the fac
Prestige raw Materials .456 .646 .571
Biface .085 -.044 .981 tor scores to effectively rank the house compo
Mammal .951 -.197 .108 nents. Then, if we plot the component one scores
Cache Pit -.09 .956 .217 against occupation floor thickness,2 we are able to
Fire-Cracked Rock .087 .937 -.3
test the hypothesis that prior success (reflected in
longevity) played an important role in emergent
inequality. Considering radiocarbon-dated floor
Table 7. Factor Scores.
sequences from housepits with the most strati
graphically distinctive floor sequences (Housepits
Component 1 Component 2 Component 3 11,16, and 54), reflooring events appear to have
25/3 .537 -1.29 -.712 occurred on 15-25 year intervals, coinciding with
24/3 2.249 .589 -.08
expectations for periodic reroofing events
20/3 -.267 -.043 -1.018
(Alexander 2000). Thus, floor thickness and num
54/3 -.1028 -.172 1.9
16/3 -.869 .736 -1.188 ber of floors is more likely a measure of house
20/2 -.441 1.581 .489 hold longevity than variability in household ap
54/2 -.48 -1.383 .35 proaches to cleanliness (e.g., Samuels 2006).
11/2 -.625 -.018 .26
Figure 11 demonstrates a significant inverse lin
Table 8. Number of Hearth and Cache Pit Features,

Occupation Component and Housepit
Bridge River Maximum Maximum

Housepit Occupation Component Floor Thickness (cm)'
(cm)" Number of Floors
25 3 25 3
24 3 10 1
20 3 35 2
54 3 40 7
16 3 70 6
20 2 20 4
54 2 50 5
11 2 40 11
"Rounded to the nearest 5 cm.
ear relationship between wealth ranking and floor Discussion

thickness (r = -.73,p = .04). Since floor thickness
could also be a measure of construction tech- The BridSe River villaSe was likely init
nique rather than occupational longevity, we also ar°und 1800 cal. B.P. and with a storage-bas
plotted a number of excavator identified occupa- economy centered on salmon and supplement
tion floors3 against component one scores (Figure a host of other food sources' Srew t0 subs
12), recognizing the same relationship, though Slze in what aPPears t0 be three Punctuations
the correlation coefficient is slightly less than rent data suS8est that the fmal 8rowth Peno
significant at the .05 level (r = -.611,/;= .108). We ver>' raPid and may have effectively doubled
interpret these results to suggest that the length of Population. Once at peak size (ca. 1200-125
prior occupations played an inverse role in the ac- B *•>the v,llaSc declined and was apparently
cumulation of wealth. In other words, the greater doned by sometime around 1100 cal. B.P. Z
the number of re-floorings of a housepit the less chaeological studies tentatively confirm indi
likely it was to develop significant wealth; rights of reduced access t0 salmon m many BR 3 h
to material wealth were unlikely to have been in- and a bkety pattern of resource depression
herited within Bridge River 2-3 houses under Broughton 1994; Janetski 1997) in ungula
this system quiring longer hunting trips and more extens
field butchery at the same time. Construction of
2.5
2.5
1.5
1
Factor
One
One 0.5
0.5
Scores
0
* 1 '
♦ 40 60 80
-0.5 36.2£ ♦ 40 60 80
-1
-1.5
Floor Thickness
Figure 11. Plot of Factor One scores against maximum housepit floor thickness per occupation component.
2.5
1.5
Factor
Factor One QOne
5 Q
Scores
0 0 H , , '
, ^ T
4 6 8 10 12
-0.5 -0.5 4
_» A+ 6 8 10 12
-1
-1.5
Number of Floors
Figure 12. Plot of number of Factor one scores versus excavator identified housepit floors per occupation component.
houses in this final time (BR 3) brought with it the access coincided in early BR 3 times (ca.
first appearance of quantitatively obvious material 1200-1300 cal. B.R). It may have created the
wealth-based inequality as new households (e.g., conditions whereby some family groups simply
Housepits 24 and 25) apparently collected prestige chose to leave the village while others developed
objects more effectively than others and appear to new strategies for survival. One option could
have put on feasts.4 Finally, it is also at this time have been establishment of new social networks
that we see the first appearance of large extra- of cooperators engaged in controlling access to
mural ovens5 likely used for meat, fish, and berry crucial food resources. This would help to explain
roasts (Dietz 2004). why only newly established housepits like House
All things considered, it would appear that the pits 24 and 25 would retain large
Bridge River village followed a similar history to guíate assemblages, while others (
that of Keatley Creek where we also recognize 20, and 54) would see declines in the
subsistence change and emergent inequality in the vestment in new social arrangem
same time frame. However, there are also some in- be marked by signs of costly si
teresting differences. Drawing on current data, Boone 1998) as manifested in possib
significant quantities of prestige items and other Housepits 24 and 25.
signs of affluence appear first in the newly estab- In contrast, current data from
lished houses of Bridge River, not the older pre- (Prentiss et al. 2007) seem to indicat
sumably well-established houses as seen at Keat- wealth was accumulated in large hous
ley Creek. Outdoor cooking ovens appear after ready been in existence for a numbe
1300 cal. B.P. at Bridge River while this is ap- thus implying a different comp
proximately the time when they disappear at Keat- whereby long-lived households pe
ley Creek. Finally, Bridge River was abandoned at vantage of prior social standing in
least a century if not earlier than Keatley Creek. In- to outcompete neighbors (e.g.,
deed, the abandonment process may have been un- Within this scenario it is even pos
derway even as inequality expanded.6 that the breakdown and final aban
These data may imply somewhat different his- Bridge River could have offered be
tories for emergent inequality in the two villages, households at Keatley Creek if som
Our current evidence suggests that population River peoples made moves to oth
packing and the beginnings of a decline in salmon sought refuge with those large ho
whenthe
Our understanding of reoccupied centuries later the
evolution ofsamemateri
village
appearsat
wealth-based inequality to have been characterized
Bridge River by the offers
ethno
plications for theoriesgraphic
of pattern that likely included
emergent hereditary in
inequality. I
equality (Prentiss et al. 2010;
evident that simple deterministic Reininghaus 2010).
models (resou
conditions, packing, This
and prompts us to ask, was the Mid-Fraser
personality types)aban a
problematic given thedonment an accident temporarily
possibility that disturbing a
emergent
long-lived
equality may have taken adaptation (e.g., Hayden
somewhat and Ryder pa
different
1991)?
even in villages 10 km Or could it mark
apart. To afully
more interesting his
underst
the cultural trappings
torical of inequality
process? we will
If so, then future researchers need
look beyond ecological
need conditions to consider
to further consider the impacts of the events
of 1100-1200 cal. B.P. on later
derlying historical/evolutionary developments in
processes.
the Mid-Fraser
Historical/evolutionary Canyon.
pathways are alway
constrained by previous designs; brand new
velopments do not simply
Acknowledgments. arise out
The 2007-2009 field of at
investigations nothi
the
(e.g.,Goldschmidt's [1940]
Bridge River site"hopeful monsters
were conducted under a partnership agree
ment with the Bridge River (Xwisten) Band and with the gen
even in cultural contexts. This implies that pr
eral encouragement of the St'át'imc Nation. We thank in par
ous developments provided structural constrai
ticular Saul Terry, Bradley Jack and Gerald "Bobo" Michel.
on future evolutionary
Funding forpathways
this research was providedand that
by the National Sci u
tended consequences and (Award
ence Foundation cultural
No. BCS-0713013).exaptati
Final profile
maps also
(Rosenberg 2009) may were drafted by Eric Carlson,
have beenLee Reininghaus, and Lisa
importan
Smith. GIS maps of the Bridge River site were produced by
Our data suggest that there had always been
Matt Hogan. A large number of students from The University
least some variability in household size, forag
of Montana, Simon Fraser University, and the University of
returns, and ability Michigan
to accumulate
participated in the project both injewelry
the field and lab an
other so-called prestige
oratory. objects.
We thank all of them It isdedication
for their possibleand hard t
the large houses thatwork. Radiocarbon dating was completed
originally evolved by the NSF Arizona
as an
AMS Facility, University of Arizona. Raven Garvey translated
fective way to shelter cooperating extended k
the abstract into Spanish. We thank Alison Rautman, Ken
groups and to organize defense and labor, now
Ames, Michael Lenert, and four anonymous peer reviewers for
came a tool for defining group
their comments success and we
on the manuscript.
(Prentiss 2009, 2011). Rules for food-shari
evolved as strategies for insuring all commun
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porary return to more residentially mobile lifestyles. This
Weninger, Bernhard, Olaf Joris, and Uwe Danzeglocke
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the Institutionalization of Inequality. Current Anthropolo Received November 15, 2010; Revised March 15, 2011;
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THE CULTURAL EVOLUTION OF MATERIAL WEALTH-BASED INEQUALITY AT BRIDGE

American Antiquity 77(3), 2012, pp. 542-564

ously unknown sociocultural configuration man- village g

of marriages and children. Arnold (1993) fav

Figure 1. The Middle Fraser Canyon in context with key sites.

(Morin et al. 2008/2009). The most extensi

Figure 2. Bridge River site map illustrating site grid, generalized c

Bridge River Site

Bridge River 1 Bridge River 2

Figure 4. Cumulative probability distributions for all housepit (lo

C°1tours Cava'e« Houson,

135 140 145 1 50 155

AA-1 (2008) AA-3 (2008/9)

115 120 125 130 135 140

115 120 125 130 135 140

Figure 6. Surface measured vertical magnetic gradient for n

85 90 95 100 105 110 115

Figure 7. Surface measured vertical magnetic grad

Table 1. Excavated Housepit Components at Br

Housepit (Bridge River 1-4) (North, South) (Medium, Large)

Housepit 11, Area 2

Figure 10. Housepit 54 Area 1 stratigraphie profile

mammals in comparison to the dominan

Table 2. Raw Count Data Used to Construct Indices (see Table

HP25/3 5 105 9 11/172 73/464 1756 2.34

Housepit/ Max. Prest. N-L Prest. Biface Mam. CP FCR

HP25/3 17.3 2.1 44.9 3.8 .06 .16 751

Table 4. Correlation Matrix with Associated Significance

Prestige Non-Local Prestige Cache

Prestige Raw Materials.045 .074 .084 .177 .028 .119

Note: FCR = Fire-Cracked Rock Index.

fected by a number of variables. Sampling is one Data Analysis

Table 5. Initial PC A Statistics.

Extraction Sums Rotation Sums

Initial of Squared of Squared

1 3.350 47.854 47.854 3.350 47.854 47.854 2.763 39.469

to a much lesser degree by Housepit 25 (BR 3)

Table 8. Number of Hearth and Cache Pit Features,

Bridge River Maximum Maximum

"Rounded to the nearest 5 cm.

ear relationship between wealth ranking and floor Discussion

Amsden, Charles Coupland, Gary G.

2000a Dating Deposits at Kuijt, Ian

lands. In Pattern and Process in Cultural Evolution, edit

Smith, Eric Alden, and Jung-Kyoo Choi Notes

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