A Growing

Universe:
Understanding
Scientific
Discovery
Through Art
An Exhibition at Ginsburg Galleries
Opening Date: December 11, 2017
Pranav Menon
Robert Katz
Paris Sanders
Jack Dunkleman
Isaias Cardona-Lopez
Catalogue Description;
Describing “Gallery” Event
The finite word of just eight letters carries the burden of signifying
the whole of the cosmos and our composite knowledge and sense
of it. Throughout human history, the term has been represented both
the sum total of what we know, and the vast, inconceivable reaches
of what have only yet to discover. “Universe,” as a word and as a
concept, is both an encapsulation of our species and an invitation
to the infinite, and its form has long had a profound effect on our
understanding of Earth, humanity, and our place in the cosmos.
In the context of the modern university, the term “Arts and Scienc-
es” seems to imply an inherent distinction between the two, but
one would do well to remember that the relationship between what
we’ve distinguished as “art” and “science” has not always been
so definite. In the Renaissance, scientific discovery often found its
true voice and intellectual thrust in the pursuit of artistic expression;
nowhere is this commonality clearer than in the term Creation, which
by most accounts preceded our contemporary, secular preference
for “universe.” 16 With this dialectic in mind, we have curated a
unique exhibition of significant artistic works informed by discover-
ies in astronomy throughout history. The select pieces were cho-
sen not only because of their technique and cultural relevance, but
also because these works serve as a meditation between scientific
discovery and culture, discovery and artistry.10 Over time, just as
scientific discovery has allowed us to witness extraterrestrial planets
and diverse galaxies, the works of artists reflect a more nuanced,
fragmented understanding of Earth, our solar system, and our place
in the universe.

Art and science have been used in tandem throughout human histo-
ry to give depth and interpretation to this word, “universe,” and help
us rationalize its inordinately large meaning. The works collected
here explore how art and science have worked cooperatively to help
humanity come to terms with the “universe”: a concept commensu-
rate to our collective capacity for wonder.
Preface:
Geocentric/Heliocentric models
The term, with its theological resonances, interprets the scientifi-
cally-explored cosmos themselves as the product of the meditative
and intense process of poiesis known to artists and creators. Cre-
ation envisions the “heavens” as the vast design in which God has
set down his designs; the human pursuit of science simply aims, to
borrow the words of the English poet John Milton, to “express un-
blam’d” the intricate detail of the Creator’s Work. As such, one finds
in scientific art a strong theological presence and sense of genuflec-
tion before the majesty of “God-as-Creator.”
The following section of the collection reflects on the blending of
science and art in several Renaissance-era works. The assembled
maps and projections intimate the important role of art in preserving
and propagating the perspective inhered in “Creation” as a term,
and indicate the extent to which Christian mythos subtly (though at
times quite overtly) flanked astronomical study.
Hartmann Schedel,
“Seventh Day of Creation”
in the Liber chronicarum, 1493
The KJV Bible
begins with the
original act of
poiesis: “In the
beginning, God
created the heavens
and the Earth”
(Genesis 1.1). In
the premodern
paradigm, all artistic
effort was designed
to pay tribute to the
original Creation;
indeed, it was
widely believed
that artistic genius
was the true divine
stroke, insofar as
it captured the
essence of God’s
own magnificence.
Real art imitated,
on a human level,
the creation of
the universe, and
carried with it the wonder of the whole cosmos.

The Germanic artist Hartmann Schedel, in his Liber chronicarum,

channels the energy of the divine in the plate entitled “Seventh Day of
Creation.” The copper print depicts God on his throne on the seventh
day of creation, surrounded by the nine orders of angels and presiding
over a freshly-minted geocentric universe. Schedel’s piece is defined
by its strong symmetry and order; concentric, circular orbits and the
four divine winds swaddle the infant Earth. Gazing upon the neatness
of the Biblical universe, one cannot help but wonder if the staunch
Christian belief in an ordered cosmos foreshadowed the discovery of
the mathematical laws that govern our universe.1
 Bartolomeu Velho,
“Figure of the heavenly bodies”
1568

The geocentric model of the Earth has long been debunked and refuted, but
gazing upon Portuguese astronomer and cartographer Bartolomeu Velho’s
magnificent model of an earth-centered universe, one cannot help but
acknowledge what the model represented in the early history of the West:
a concerted effort on the part of humanity to understand the nature of their
place in the universe as best as they could.

Velho’s print, published originally in his seminal star atlas, the

Cosmographia, depicts a harmoniously ordered vision of the heavens with
orbits and approximate orbital periods clearly marked. The projection of a
globular Earth at the center is nested in the electron-orbital-esque “shells”
of the celestial orbits, and the whole is surrounded by depictions of figures
from the Christian mythos, including Jesus and God. Despite the evidence
of considerable scientific thought in the mathematical data that appears on
the figure, one cannot deny that the main suggestion of a universe tucked
neatly under the watchful gaze of God is that the term of choice in Velho’s
time was not “universe,” but Creation.2
Orlando Ferguson
“Map of the Square and Stationary Earth”
1893
Galileo did much during his career to ensure that heliocentrism would go
on to dominate scientific thinking about the solar system, but even as late
as 1893, geocentric, flat-earth models continued to thrive in isolated cells,
serving as life-support for connections between astronomy and theology.
This “map,” drawn up by Orlando Ferguson, a South Dakota “professor,”
depicts a Biblical understanding of the Earth, derived from “four hundred
passages” in the Bible, replete with the promise of a book that can “knock
the Globe Theory clean out” for a scant mail-in price of 25 cents. Fergu-
son’s bold, if heavy-handed, map is a testament to the flexibility imposed
on science by the demands of religion, which even today maintains a
tempering relationship with the pursuit of scientific truth. The dimpled,
unique topography of Ferguson’s vision seems to subtly suggest the
protean lengths to which naysayers go to bend science to theological will.
Nowhere more than in astronomy is it clear that scientific progress and
the growth of human knowledge are not always in sync.

Furthermore, while it can not truly be classified as “art,” Ferguson’s

projection also illustrates the traditional role of art as a medium capable
of invigorating the relationship between astronomy and the fantastical—
whether the latter refers to the metaphysical, the theological, or the simple
sense of wonder that has welled up in humanity since first we gazed at
the stars.3
Andreas Cellarius
“Harmonia Macrocosmica”

The intricate, full-color plates of the Harmonia Macrocosmica are early examples
of the historical, documentary dimension that has long attended astronomical
study. Written by the Dutch-German cartographer Andreas Cellarius in 1660,
the major star atlas featured copper plate prints of the cosmological systems
of Ptolemy, Tycho Brahe, and Copernicus. Cellarius’s atlas presents each
astronomer’s vision in vivid, artistic detail, coupling science with a touch of the
otherworldly, here represented by Renaissance-era depictions of angels and the
astrological signs superimposed over the ecliptic.

The Harmonia Macrocosmica atlas is both a summation of the great

astronomical questions of its time and a strong indicator of the relation between
science and religion in the Renaissance. Pushed to the forefront of scientific
consciousness by Galileo Galilei’s work in the 17th century, the heliocentric
Copernican system makes a triumphant appearance among Cellarius’s plates
alongside the staunchly geocentric models of Ptolemy and the more complex
Tychonic model, which splits the difference between geo- and heliocentrism
by placing the earth at the center of a system around which the sun revolves,
carrying the planets with it. The challenges posed by these systems were of
significance to Church authority at the time, insofar as society had yet to fully
remove itself from Christian understandings of Creation and the bearing of the
Earth’s placement on the destiny of the human race.4
Unknown
“T’ien wên t’u (A Map of the Stars)”
Stele, approx. 1890-1910
This rubbing, produced at the turn of the century, is taken from
a star chart engraved in stone by Wang Zhiyuan in 1247. The
original stele work was placed in Wen Miao Temple from Suzhou,
China in Jiangsu Province.

The title at the top of the work,

from right to left, are the char-
acters 天 (Tiān) meaning heav-
en, 文 (Wén) meaning literary,
and 圖 (tú) meaning map.
Therefore the title can loosely
be translated to “Map of the
Stars.”

The map uses lines to depict

elements of the celestial sphere
such as the ecliptic and the the
celestial equator that are traced
by two circles. The mapping of
the stars in turn is based off the
a star catalogue composed by
Three-Kindoms period astrono-
mer Chen Zhuo a full millennium
prior, signifying the acuity of
Chinese attention to the heav-
ens, planetary movements, and positioning of stars.5
Unknown
Celestial Globe
Bronze, 1673
This celestial globe, cast
of hollow bronze, was
constricuted during the
reign of the Kangxi Em-
peror in 1763 during the
early Qing Dynasty. The
celestial globe as an
instrument was invented
in China by famed astron-
omer Geng Shouchang
in the first century B.C.E.
Throughout history, Chi-
nese celestial gloves were
driven by a water clocked,
which utilized the dripping
of water into a pan to
drive gears.

By the Qing Dynasty, con-

tact with the west had al-
ready began the process
influencing astronomical studies in China. This globe for example,
makes measurements based on 360 degrees rather than 365.24
degrees as was done in ancient times. Additionally, constellations
not originally part of the traditional Chinese consortium of con-
stellations are included on this globe, in particular those near the
celestial South Pole.6
Unknown
State of Shu Coin
Bronze, 214 C.E.
This coin was minted during the reign of Liu Bei, the ruler of the
State of Shu during the Three Kingdoms period. The coin is valued
at the “500 wu zhu” whiche was an atypically large denomination
that would only be issued during a time of war.

This coin, like many of its era symbolizes the “Gai Tian” astronomical
model, one the the earliest Chinese concepts of the heavens. Under
this model, the Earth was understood as flat and square shaped,
which is encircled by a round heaven, which took either a spherical
or hemispherical shape. The square gap in the coin therefore rep-
resents the Earth and the round coin represents the heavens.7
Cosmas Damian Asam
“Vision of St. Benedict”
Oil on canvas, 1735
By the eighteenth century,
techniques for predicting
the paths and natures of
eclipses were becom-
ing standardized. As the
nature of solar eclipses
came to be better under-
stood by Enlightenment
astronomers, these phe-
nomena worked their way
into depictions of ancient
events in Christian mythol-
ogy.

Asam’s Vision of St. Ben-

edict, which followed a
1726 depiction modeled
after the solar eclipse of
May 22, 1724, in turn
continued his theme of
symbolizing a holy vision
as a solar eclipse. In this
depiction, the corona
surrounding the moon has
just been broken immedi-
ately after totality, result-
ing in the beam of visible
light peeking out from the
bottom-left corner of the
eclipse’s image.8
Giovanni Battista Riccioli
Frontispiece to Almagestum Novum
Page image from bound volume, 1651
Giovanni Battista Riccioli, a professor at the Jesuit College in Par-
ma, taught logic, natural philosophy, mathematics and theology,
and among his other works developed Almagstum Novum, one of
the earliest books published on astronomy. A Jesuit critique of the
Copernican heliocentric theory, the book credited both Copernicus
and Kepler with advancing astronomy, but attempted to show that
the earth was still immobile. 9
The frontispiece of the critique features the virgin Astraea, represent-
ing astronomical theory, holding a scale weighing Riccioli’s system,
wherein most of the
planets orbit the sun,
which orbits Earth,
against the Coper-
nican system, which
is shown to be less
substantial. On the
ground is the failed
Ptolemic system
and Ptolemy himself.
One of the biblical
quotations Astraea
utters refers to a line
of scripture: “thou
didst fix the Earth on
its foundation that it
never can be shak-
en,” applying biblical
material as a critique
of the Copernican
system.10
Lieve Verschuier
“The Great Comet of 1680 Over Rotterdam”
Oil, 1680-1685
This comet was first seen by German astronomer Gottfried Kirch, giving
it one of its other names, Kirch’s Comet. One of the brightest comets of
the seventeenth century, it came to a distance of 0.42 AU from Earth on
November 30, 1680. As a sungrazer, or a comet that came very close
to the sun’s surface, its longest tail (at least 70 degrees, or about 150
million km long) was a result of its close proximity to the sun when it
reached a perihelion of 0.01 AU.

Members of the crowd are shown carrying cross-staffs, which are

used to crudely measure angles and preceded the much more precise
sextant.11 As well, the comet was followed for four months by astrono-
mers in Europe and beyond, including Isaac Newton. Ivan Ratkaji, who
observed from Mexico, described the comet as “dim at first, but bright-
ened from day to day,” until “after three or four weeks...it showed up
again after sunset with a horrifying tail.”12
Albrecht Durer
The Celestial Map
Woodcut, 1515
Durer’s star chart was is the
first printed star chart in Eu-
rope, and could be printed
in large numbers of identical
copies. The left and right
charts depict the northern
and southern skies, respec-
tively, featuring Greco-Ro-
man stylized constellations.
The zodiac runs around the
rim of the sphere, with radial
lines extending from the cen-
ter at 30 degree intervals,
corresponding to the 12
signs of the zodiac.

The northern chart’s corners

each feature an ancient
astronomer: at top left is
Aratus of Soli in Cilicia, a
poet who focused on the
skies; top right is Ptolemy;
bottom left is Marcus Ma-
nilius, a Roman astrologer;
and bottom right is Azophi
Arabus, an Arab astrono-
mer who revised Ptolemy’s
star catalog. The southern
hemisphere is much more
sparse than its companion
as European astronomers
had not mapped much of
the southern skies by the
early 16th century.13
Giotto di Bondone
“The Adoration of the Magi”
Fresco, c. 1304 - c. 1306
The main subject
of this piece is the
introduction of the
Magi to an infant
Jesus Christ,
but of particular
interest is the Star
of Bethelehem
which can be
seen at the top
of the image as
a burning comet
traversing the sky.
Its depiction was
inevitably inspired
by Halley’s Com-
et, which Giotto is
said to have wit-
nessed in 1301.14

Some research-
ers believe the “star” was most likely a conjunction of Venus and Jupiter
in tight proximity, which would have appeared as one “bright beacon of
light” that actually shone above Bethlehem, Christ’s birthplace, on June
17, 2BC.15 Others have attributed the star of Bethlehem to a comet that
appeared around 5 BC, among other possible explanations.16
Unknown
Madrid Codex
approx. 1100 A.D.
One of the three surviving Mayan
Codices, the Madrid Codex
provides a colorful view of life
in one of the great Empires of
Pre-Columbian America. Detail-
ing rituals, daily life, and social
structures, the Madrid Codex
also captures the Maya’s intricate
knowledge of Astronomy- drawn
heavily from the importance
placed in Astrology within their
belief systems.

The central image in Page 34 of

the Madrid Codex (pictured) is
an astronomer- surrounded by
a sphere, from which multiple
orbs emanate. The astronomer’s
eyes are focused on particular
point- perhaps To the right of
the astronomer is a ritual priest,
showcasing the inseparable link
between faith in the Maya Em-
pire and the cosmos. Surround-
ing the two images are glyphs
which dictate expected seasonal
harvests during the 260-day cycles of the particular Mayan year used
in the Madrid Codex. Mayan almanacs, which codified the schedules of
harvests were largely rooted in observations of constellations and their
relative positions in the night sky.17

While the multiple Mayan calendar systems (260-day cyclical, and linear
Long Count) were not based on astronomical observation, instead a
product of their base-12 numeral system, the Mayan understanding of
the cosmos was often more developed than that of the Occident. The
Mayans had more precise estimates for the length of synodic months
as well as tropical years.
Unknown
The Stone of the Five Eras
approx. 1100 A.D.
Like the Maya, the Aztecs had a
highly-developed calendar sys-
tem that was heavily informed by
the cosmos. Using the standard
Meso-American calendar of 260
days, the Aztecs were unique for
also adopting a 365-day calendar.
Every 52 years, the two calendars
synchronized and began a new
“century”. The Aztecs divided their
solar year into 18 20-day months.
The last 5 days of the year, known
as the nemonteni or “useless days”,
operated outside of the symbology
of Aztec Astrology/Religion. Accounting for the fractional differences
in their calculation of the leap year, the Aztecs scrapped the nemon-
teni for a 13-day trecena that served in place of a leap day every 4
years.18

The Stone of the Five Eras, discovered during the Spanish Conquest
of the New World, buried during the Mexican Inquisitions, and redis-
covered during renovations to the Mexico City Cathedral in 1790, the
calendar stone shows the intricate knowledge of the Cosmos that the
Aztecs had built up. The central image of the Aztec Sun God Tonati-
uh is surrounded by glyphs that represent the various months of the
Calendar- represented by an image of the month’s celestial Zodiac
sign. The outer glyphs represent the days of the months and contain
auxiliary glyphs which denote seasonal solstices and the historical
positions of other celestial bodies, namely Venus and Jupiter, during
the specific era in which the stone was carved.18

Keeping with tradition, the Aztec built their scientific infrastructure/ca-

pabilities under the auspices of religion. Like all other Mesoamerican
cultures, the Aztec’s scientists were all members of the spiritual class.
Priests, along with sacrificial duties, studied the cosmos to reinforce
religion as a logistical, as well as spiritual, force in society.
 Chelsey Bonestell
“Saturn as Seen from Titan”
1944. Acrylic on Canvas.

Chelsey Bonestell is often referred to as the “father of modern

space art,” which is also known as “astronomical art.” Years
before technological advancement allowed for space travel,
and before satellites orbited the earth and provided space
photographs, visual artist Chelsey Bonestell painted visions
of space that are surprisingly similar to images captured by
modern pace photography.19 Bonestell combined his extensive
knowledge of astronomy with artistic technique to illustrate
distant, uncharted landscapes and burgeoning conceptions of
space-travel technologies.21 This painting, “Saturn as Seen from
Titan” is a detailed, thoughtful rendering of Saturn’s moon Titan,
once again illustrating growing knowledge of extraterrestrial
worlds in the mid-20th century.20
Tai Xiangzhou
“Celestial Tales No. 4: The Terrain of the
Universe”
2016, Ink on paper
In this work, Tai incorporates the old master’s tradition of landscape
painting with a fresh approach incorporating the philosophies and scien-
tific understandings of today. Exclusively using paper created with 10th
century techniques and Qianglong era ink, Tai believes that “to present
landscape painting that meets modern tastes, we must start from the
experience of modern society” – by exploring and accessing the living
spirit of art, researching the materials, techniques, medium and space-
time experience.24 Likewise, each work in Xiangzhou “Celestial Tales” se-
ries features an abstract composition of rock formations and meteorites
surging through mist and billowing clouds. In this sense, Tai incorporates
old techniques to explore new concepts, such as nebular formation, solar
wind, and intergalactic dust--to him, “the terrain of the universe.”8
Yayoi Kusama
“The Galaxy”
Acrylic on canvas, 1994
Kusama’s The Galaxy works
are a development of her
“infinity” theme--a motif
she has explored both in
paintings, in sculptures, and
in large installation pieces
around the world.22 Through
her work, Kusama brings her
obsessional vision to its limit,
creating environments which
overwhelm the visual and
cognitive apparatus of the
viewer with her imposition of
shape, pattern, and color.23
This “overwhelming feeling”
experienced when viewing
Kusama’s work can also be understood in scientific terms,
given contemporary discoveries.23

In the 20th and into the 21st century, explorations of

extraterrestrial planets and solar systems have led to a
boundless understanding of our universe. In many ways,
although Kusama’s work appears abstract, contemporary
knowledge suggests that over 100 billion galaxies exist within
our observable universe.24 In 2016, for example, a deep-sky
census assembled from surveys taken by NASA’s Hubble
Space Telescope and other observatories led astronomers to
conclude that there are at least 10 times more galaxies in the
observable universe than previously thought. Thus, Kusama’s
work reminds us of how infinitesimally small our own galaxy is,
much less our solar system.(ibid)
Irene Chou
“The Universe is my Mind”
2004, ink and acrylic on satin
“The Universe is My Mind” is a series of paintings inspired by the
quote “the universe is my mind; and my mind is the universe” by the
Neo-Confucian philosopher Lu Jiuyuan (1139-1192). In this work,
Chou visualizes her exploration of the boundless universe in her
mind with vibrant colours and expressive brushstrokes. The cosmic
symbols and abstract composition are uniquely her own and, in con-
trast to earlier periods of introspective and melancholic motifs, The
Universe is My Mind best exemplifies her mature painting style.24 As-
tronomically, the painting symbol-
izes an expanding cultural knowl-
edge of worlds, solar systems, and
far-off galaxies. As one can note,
the upper right hand corner of the
work appears to represent multiple
suns--known as binary suns--in
view from the surface.25 This rep-
resentation mimics contemporary
understanding of solar systems be-
yond our own. For example, unlike
our own solar system, Kepler-47 is
home to two stars. (NASA, 2017)
One star is similar to the sun in
size, but only 84 percent as bright.
The second star is considerably
smaller, measuring only one-third
the size of the sun and less than
one percent as luminous.. As the
stars are smaller than our sun, the
system’s habitable zone is closer
in, and both suns are in view from
each planet’s horizon. (ibid)
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