| | esretass | TXM - Middle Tenn. St. Univ. Lib ILL Box 13 Murfreesboro, TN 37132 _ LIBRARY MAM — 2 — 2 2 2 8 I 2 2 g. 2 ete S 28 x 5 zs $ g 38 8 5 ~ sé 8 s E32 .- 3 S §495 S 8938 2 id Pe 4g G8 88 5 a 28a & 8 2 2 2g58e a8 5 5 SErES 8 6 z = £2235 a3 4 & @3is3 28 2 wei une MUN ATILIN NNN) 865682 > TI Iddississiqj Jo Altssaatur)lediaeval Studies Syllabus (Toronto, 1972-73). p13. am “seh Seminar der Universcin Wircburg or tis reference ‘Fredricks IL von Hohenstaufen. Woge der Forschung, CL ‘hy in Action: ‘The German Empire from Henry [10 Henn rnd Documents. London and New York, 1972). pp. 8. ‘ihe mite eld at UCLA in the summer of 198, of hich sis was om paleography and medieval Lain, with but one pls. ‘ium und Slawenmission im 12. Jabshundert. Historische "Neue Wege.” p. 363. mentions medieval themes only in ios History. pS. Renuisance Pistoia The Sacal History ofan talon Tan io ve Tuscan Town ia the Quattocento."” Mfecvuli e nd Renaissance Culture, NS. 141970), BU eval and Renaissance Studies.” Progress of Medieval and ‘tes und Canada, XX (1953), 20 p19, History” p. IN: “We have avoided significam problems als were lacking and that modern statistical methods couit ddocuist. We were wrong on both counts. There iy tn been used—100 unpublished cartularies in France alone. 19 rventored items in deparimental snd municipal archives io" The Agratian Revolution in Southern France and ls #8) 2046 CE shove, ote 3. Siowen, Mistersche Minclalter Schriften, 1 A9T0), and sveishen uns Slateesmboiik™ (Schvitien of the MGH. XII “tbor 1971 oF CARA (See note LP 7 race on Medieval Studies. April 30. May 1. 2. 3. 1972 te, Western Michigan University. Kalamazoo, Michigan The Celestial Sign on Constantine's Shields at the Battle of the Mulvian Bridge Charles Odaht 4 State Universi Most scholars now accept the reality and sincerity of Constantine's ‘eversion to Christianity during his military campaign against Maxentius for conteul of Rome in A.D. 312—provided that “conversion” is understood in cons of the superstitious religious environment of the times. ' The ancient jpusan and Christian sources that described the campaign all agreed that the ar sas waged in an atmosphere of intense religious fervor. even Sinerstitiosa maleficie us one source described it. and that each commander for aid against his enemy. ? Christian accounts of n reported that Constantine turned to the Christian God at this nie and adopted the use of a Christian talismanic symbol for his soldiers" ‘scupons that Successfully invoked the aid and power of this new divine patron lurhis ops and drove off the hostile demons and pagan deities supporting his enemy's forees. The emperor's victory behind a Christian sign at the hmactie Battle of the Mytvian Bridge convinced him that he had found the wand only true God. governor of the cosmos and repository of true powcr. Tereatter, he worshipped only the Christian Divinity Scholars cam agree on this general outline of the conversion narrative. Yet a paricular issue still contested is the precise form of the talismanie emblem shot Constantine employed at the ba In order co ascertain the form of this. sign, scholars usually turn to, Lovantius’s pamphlet On rhe Deaths of the Perseeuors [De Mortibus Porsecitariin, which contains the earliest account of the conversion by a smemparary. This Latin Christian rhetor and apologist wrote his account sound 315 at Trbves, where he was serving as tutor at the imperial court for Constantines oldest son. Crispus. He presumably had access 10 simess testimony about the events surrounding the emperor's yversion, But the conversion Story is only a small part of a larger work, the snnin theme of which is God's ation, revenge, against the evil persecutors of His Church. ‘The conversion narrative is thus rather concise, and cven somewhat ergptic. It reads as follows in Latin: #Charles Odaht Commonitus est in quiete Constantinu seutis atque ita proclium committerct liner. us caeleste signum Dei notaret it Facit ut iussus est et trunsversa summo capite circumflexo, Christum in scutis notat, Quo sign aarmatus esercitus capit ferram. td into English, it says: Constantine was warned in a dream, that he should mark the celestial sign» God! on his shields and thus commit himself to the battle. He did as he wis ordered and with the lester X traversed, with its highest tip bens round. matked Christ on the shields. Armed with this sign the army tok Pe battlefield The troublesom phrase is srunsversa X lestera, summo capite eireumfless I obsiousiy refers to some kind of Christian monogram, * but scholars hase” Aivided into 0.0 schools of thought concerning its graphic form. Emphasizing the adjectival rendering it “erossed through Burckhardt. AUGIdi, and Jones waditionally held that the phrase describes Christ monogram or Christogram—the Greek letter chi (X) with n Greek letter rho (P) slashed vertically through it, thus or®. © Emphasizing. the verbs) clement in transversa, translating it “turned round.” Vogt, Dirries. and MacMullen have recently suggested that the phrase describes. a cos, monogram or erossogram—the Greek leter chi turned on end to form a Gree ross with iy top bent into a Greek letter tho thus. ort. ~The fact ha Cicoro used transverse in the oblique sense of “across, crossed. er thwarted.""* may favor the former rendering, since Lactantius was such a devotee and imitator of Ciceronian language that he was nicknamed" Chistian Cicero" by the ancients Most of these scholars have relied primarily upon diffgring translations of the Livin phraseology of Lactantius for their interpretations, ‘These vers differences reveal that a solution to this problem cannot come from a literary analysis of Lictantian terminology alone. Other pieces of contemporan idence must be consulted. Unfortunately. no shields used in the Battle o the Mulvian Bridge are known (o be extant. Another literary account by 3 contemporary, albeit wo decades later in time of composition, dies exist. dio some picces of comtemporary Christian and imperial art, especi which are relevant 1 the issue under investigation “The literary account is that of he Greek Church Father Eusebius. bishop of Caesarea. important participant at the Council of Nicaea, and subsequently friend and advisor of Constantine during the later part of the emperor's reigh inthe cast, After Constantine's death, he wrote a culogistic biography in fo books on the emperor's religious life and benefactions to the Church, the Lif of Constantine (Vita Constantini), ca. 337-38." Book 1 is devoted Constantine’s early fife and conversion experience. Like Lactantius, Eusebius placed the fatiey in she campaign against Maxentivs for control of Rome force in trunsversa, 1 Sie this was the allimportant ini he dealt with it at greater length 1 allied was personal and swan Fusebius affered the following acco He jold how the emperor rellecte his military forees could afford him, Constant led that the perses uly. sactifives, oraeles. and the wh unhappy ends. 0 nonotheist sho worshipped a "Sur pnateetor and giver of good things, his father must be the holder of real prayer. entreating hier to reveal i coming trial, Constantine's answer, marvelous vision and an exphinat deceived and n pushing toward Rome. they encoun comss of Light above the sun bearing tc or Hoe signe victor eris).§! Phe import of this apparition was, ream. Christ appeared to the empe ordered that a cops of it be made fo Constantine followed inst ial vexillum, ‘This Christian cota Swe of a long spear. overlaid 9 ial portrait. and topped with a the Savior’s name. neo letters ind tmseribing of the initial characters. imp crnce this Christogram on his. helmet. a ule his soldiers inseribe it on their slivine power through the talism: Constantine marched to vietory aver The purpose here is not to confien Fusebian account of Const religious environment of the era th ‘emporaries, Rath uutifestation of Constatitie Constantine's eo phic say ae erons sision at all, it simply i divinity he should invoke for aid, A Standard as one inyplement of invoe the constitutive element of the ney helmet and shields—was the mono mtius, he identified it as than Uanfinus, us caelesre signwm Dei notaret in Facit ut iussus est et rransversa nnminteret nile Christum in seutis notat. Quo signs dream. that he should mark the celestial sign wt commit himself to the battle, He did as he was F graversed. with its highest tip bent round, be Is. Armed with this sige the army tok the nnd of Christian monogram. b sught concerning its graphic form, Emphasizing rendering. it "crowed through traditionally held that the phase describes a rani—the Greek letter chi (0 with a Greek fete bugh it thus For. °- Emp the verbal lating it “turned round,” Voge, Dirties, and uggested that the phrase describes a cross ¢ Greek letter chi turned on end to form a Greek 4 Greek letter rho thus. + or+.~ The fact tha the oblique sense of “across, crossed, ot onian language that he was nicknamed “the ots. © relied primarily upon differing translations of Tantus for their interpretations. These. ver tin to tis problem cannot come from a litera Other pieces. of contemporan Safortunately. no shiclds used in the Battle of 1 be extant, Another literary account by 3 aides later in time of composition. does exist 35 dorary Christian and imperial ant, espectalh of the Greck Church Father Eusebius, bishop of to atthe Counc of Nicaea, and subsequently 2 tine during the lave part of the emperor's rcigh "5 death, ie wrote a culogistic biography info ws life und benefactions to the Church, the Life antini), Ca. 337-38. rovers experience, Like Lactatius, Eusebius ign against Maxentius for control af Rome. nology alone. y , scholars have” * Book Tis devoted w+ Since this was he alliny Hiinmed was personal Fosebaus offered the follo He told how the emper cccult with i at greater length than his predecessor. ‘The Celestia! Sign porta initial event in the emperor's Christian life, Relying on what he and sworn testimony from Constantine himself. owing aeeount. vor reflected that he needed more powerful aid than lusruiliars forces could afford him, and so decided to seek divine assistance. Constantine recalled that Js. sacrifices, oracles, nnatheise who worshipp ovotector and giver of good things is father must be the hol waver. entreating him cong arial. Constantin cuselous vision and an fl Rome. th the persecuting emperors who had trusted in many and the whole paraphernalia of paganism, had been Is. Only his father Constantius, a philosophical ped a “Supreme Deity” all his life, had found a true Thus. Constantine decided that the God of lder of real power. He invoked this Deus Summus in reveal his identity and to provide his help in the “Sansiver, Eusebius asserted, came in the form of a explanatory dream. While he and his army were ey encountered & miraculous sign in the sky: a great crosyat Tight abowe the sum bearing the inscription “In this, conquer" (1007 1+ or foe signe vietor eris).!! The import of this apparition was explained to Constantine in a subsequent Jseam, Christ appeared to the emperor with the image of a celestial sign, and Constantine fol inperial vexillum. This posed of 3 long spear snperial portrait be Satior's name. 10 ascribing of the initial ov fanyptus 12. ). Fusebiuy repotted that the emperor was accustomed to wearing istogram on his that & copy of it be made for use as an apotropaic device against his lowed instructions and had workmen fashion a new Christian war standard. called the Laburum, was overlaid with a crossbar earrying a banner with the id topped sith an enwreathed monogram, “the symbol of letters indicating the name of Christ through the wracters. the P_ crossed through the middle" ( tfis to usehev, £49 + sxeasouevo & math 16 helmet, and in a later section, mentioned that he made his soldiers inseribe it on their shields as well. #7 Confident of invoking Jeise power through U Constantine marched tv the talismanic emblems on his war implements, ‘etary over Maxentivs, The purpose here is not to confirm or deny the miraculous elements in the Frsebian account of Co Jigiots environment of ‘opstantine’s contemporaries, crpihie manilestation of a evoss vision at all ssinity he should invoke Sondard ys one impleme + omstinucive element {rand shields vas iactantins, he iden ent of invacation tantine’s conversion, though in the superstitious the ert these elements were wholly acceptable to Rather. the concern of this study is with the Constantine's turn ta new patron deity, If there it simply indicated co Constantine the name of the for aid. Although Fuscbius deseribed a cruciform it iy obvious from his account that of the new vexillvim-—the clement also found on the monogram surmounting it. Much more clearly fied it ay a Christ monogram, or monogrammatic "7Charles dahl combination of the First two letters of the Greck work “Christ.” ehi and rh we A 1vailuble on the imperial cwinage of the era, and con! aphie representation of the emperor's monogrammed standard is ns the Fuschia description [Figure 8), Thus, if ane interprets Lactantius” account at he eaeleste signum in the light of Eusebi have been the original and official form of the new imperial talism An examination of the attistic evidence yields a similar conclusion. Threx samples of contemporary Christian art will illustrate this. In Be Constantine as raised to the imperial purple in 306, ala samy had evidence, the Christ ain, wher mosaic pa trom a Roman villa of the fourth century has recently been unearthed sillage of Hinton St. Mary in northern Dorset [Figure I, Now in the Britis museum, the polychrome mositie contains at its center a pirtrait of the young Crist with a monogram clearly marked above his headsin the chit fora. Ty Rome, where Constantine fought bis final battle against: Mayentiny Ihete are memerons pieces of early Christian art. On an early fourth conus wall patinting in the eatacombs of St. Domitilla. there is @ striking painting Sis. Peter and Paul linked together by a Christogram pliced above an between them [Figure 31.18 Again, on Christian grave stones darting from the lave third and ly fourth centuries found in the Roman catacombs there inuerous examples of the Christ monogram in either the usual chi-the ot jocenssional ioti-ehi form OR or $ J. typical specimen from the cemetary ¢ Callistts reads; PAX D(OOMUND EE > CUM FAUSTINO} ATTICO. "Ths pewe of the Lord and Christ be with Faustinus Atticus.” [Figure 3), However much these an he ‘other examples may confirm the fact tha Standard form of the Christian monogram in-use in the western empire i Comstantine’s time was the Christogram, they still are merely private, or best, communal eapressions of cultic belief, They relate only indirectly to th issue at hand—the precise form of the official moapgram employed Constantine at the Battle of the Mulvian Bridge. For relevant to this issue, on propaganda for the emperors, Soon alter Constantine’s conversion in 312, various Christian symbols ani ntfs began to» make their appearance on coins simultaneously with the gradual disappearance of pagan deities and motifs.” A word of caution ist ‘order concerning the interpretation of these Signs. though, Those signs invifs that are a part of the basic ieonographical design of the coin probat! originated in the central court and present Constantine's official poli aphic evidens \¢ must tura to the imperial coinage, long a medium Those added 1 the basic design as marks of issue, decorate einbellishments. e7 eezeru probably originated at the regional mint. and simply reflect the Christian predeleetions of mint administrators and workers who were now free 1 use Christian as well as non-Christian symbols f control matks and decorations, While certainly significant in revealing the rise of Christians in governmental service, * che latter type of signs hi value as evidence for the issue under investigation as they merely: refle. while the former type of signs actually represent, official poliey 18 The first specimen of the offic Republic silver medallion, appa donative to important individuals o 41, Celebrating the emperor's re Senate was simultaneously erectin the obverse side pictured the vie helmet with a Christogram badge Scholars also identify the implemer cross scepter with a globe atop it, awareness that he ruled as an ager Constantine"s personal and public Mulvian Bridge behind the name hie Once the imperial convert had pi mint officials and engravers bey Frequently as control marks and de the monogram is concerned, with always appeared in the Christ monc Possibly inspired by the Ticinese he Siscia mint, ca. 318-20, celedr Prince" showed the emperor in h decorations on the central bar of raved there by Christian mint © contemporary bronze coi Ticinum, Aquileia, Siscia, and Th The reverse motif celebrated the " below a war standard, Stylized Ch slashed through the chi were emph Ticld, ‘The appearance of the mon that the decision to use it came fi hierarchy of the empire, but whet Yet the monogram ina martial Constantine's conquest under the n Bridge, Some interesting and exceptio Tranquility” type were minted at doheerse the emperor's son Crispus shield varies from mint to mint. | lamitiay with the Lactantian aecoun jognizant of the current military pr Sembols, marked some of the shiel shi-tho [Figure 7], Since Lactanti De Mortibus Persecutorum at Tree sity would serve to butress the Ch crossngram interpretation of his cok Sn Rn enenenmmnn eatersau nn nun nun UNF UnP OnE TET ETTTUNTUNTENUTONEcEracrasraTTTETTETTETTETECTECTECOIETECETESTESPEaTTaTTaTS Tan EeTESTEGEPPETEEPEGPRGTTETTHRAEEEETEUTEGREPEE SEPERATE TESTERS ST RETR TERT Tetters of the Greek work “Christ.” chi and rhe ation of the emperor's monogrammed standard is andl confirms the Fusebisn Is. if one interprets Eactantias’ account of th of Fusebian cvidenee, the Christogeam had ificial form of the new imperial « istie evidence yields a similar conclusion. hhristian art will In Br Three 1 ‘imperial purple in 306, a kurge mosaic pavement aath century has recently been unearthed at the northern Dorset [Figure 1]. Now in the British osaie contains at its center « pRrerait of the soune his headin the chi-rho Teatly marked above sting fixught his final battle against Maxcntias, early Christian att. On an early fourth cent ahs af St, Domitilla, there is 4 striking painting of Etogether by a Christogram phiced above anc Again, on Christian grave stones dating from the cenuries found in the Roman catacombs there are Christ mon or). Atypical spec am in either the usual chicrho wr ich frum the cemetary 0) AKIN) EP CUM FAUSTINO) ATTICO. “The fst be with Faustinus Aticus.”” [Figure ¥, © 4 other examples may confirm the fact thar the an monogram in-use in the western empire ir they still Christogran re merely private, or. at sof cultic belief, They relate only indirectly to the form of the official monogram emploved hy of the Mulvian Bridge. For graphic evidence Lust turn to the imperial coinage. long a medium vf various Christian symbols and uaneously with th A word of caution is in Those signs o» conversion in 312, ir appearance on coins si aagan deities and motifs sretation of these signs, though. tusie ieonographtical design of the coin probabl sswurt and present Constimtine’s oficial polis marks of probably originated at the regional mint asic design as issue. decorative predelections of mint administrators and workers Christian as well as non-Christian symbols for While certainly significant in revealing the mental servive, "the latter type of signs hhave less ssue under investigation as they merely reflect nis actually represent, official policy The Celestial Sign The first specimen of the official type was the beautiful “Safety of the Republie™ silver medallion. donative to important individuals on Constantine's Decennatia in 315 (Figure 3)" Celebrating the emperor's recent victory over Maxentius, for which the Sonate was simultancously erecting a triumphal arch near the Roman Forum, ne obverse side pictured the vietorius Constantine in a high crested war cinet with a Christogram badge at the top front of the helm. Numerous wats also identify the implement over the emperor's shield as a Christian “ross scepter with a globe atop it, representing the emperor's new political aroness that he ruled as an agent for Christ on earth, 2 Here certainly is Constantine's personal and public testimony that he had won the Battle of the Mubvian Bridge behind the name of Christ and held power on earth from (ce the imperial convert had publicly revealed his new religious position, mvint officials and engravers began to use monograms and crosses quite frequently as control marks and decorative embellishments. 2? But as far as ine monogram is concerned, with only one late and eastern exception, it sinass appeared in the Christ monogram or Christogram form. Possibly inspired by the Ticinese helmet medallions, some bronze coins of she Siscia mint, ca, 318-20, celebrating the “Happy Vietory of the Perpetual showed the emperor in his new war helmet. Among the various decorations on the central bar of the helm were Christograms, probably tugraved there by Christian mint workers [Figure 5].2° More significant cre the contemporary bronze coins issued from the four western mints of Teinuon, Aquileta, Siscia. and Thessalonica between 319-20 [Figure 6]. 2 The reverse motif celebrated the “Valor of the Army."" and showed captives, hulow a war standard. Stylized Christograms with a pin-headed shaft or iota ough the chi were employed as issue and series marks in the left The appearance of the monogram in several mints probably indicates the decision to use A came from somewhere high up in the monetary but whether or not from the court itself is debatable in @ martial setting was evocative of the story of parently issued from Ticinum as a luxury Slashed fied irarchy of the empire Yet the monogram Ginstantine’s conquest under the name of Christ at the Battle of the Mulvian Bridge. interesting and exceptional bronze pieces within the “Blessed aguilty They pictured on the were the emperor's son Crispus carrying a shield, The decoration of the shield varies trom mint to mint, But at Treves, some engraver apparently vifiar with the Lactantian account of the Mulvian Bridge Battle, or at least nigant of the current military practice of decorating shields with Christian abols, marked some of the shields on these coins with a large and clear hivho [Figure 71.2 Since Lactantius had probably written and published the De Mortibus Persventorumn at Treves, these exceptional pieces from the same is would serve to butress the Christogram interpretation over against the «ssagram interpretation of his celestial sign description. type were minted at Treves in 322-23.Charles Odabl The most striking and clearly Christian motif among official issues was aminted at Constantine's new Christian city of Constantinople, et, 326-28 “Hope of the Commonwealth” bronze coins commemorated th victories in the east over Lieinius. the last of the pagar persecutory and imperial rivals for power. The reverse ivongraphy showed Constantine's Christian Laburupt piercing « wriggling serpent—an apoct Ivptic moti aimed at the Christian community familiar with pierced serpent imagery [Figure 8.2 The standard was donvinated by a lure and cles Chrisiogram at ity apex. and almost perfectly pictured the Luburum described in the Fuyebian account of Constantine's conversion, Along with the earlier Pecesmalia medallion. this coin represented the official form of the monogram 4s Constantine used itn the arms, and wanted the general pute to see it A contemporary silver medallion for “Constantine the Augustus” we snimed at Romie, ca. 326, dopieting the emperor holding a standard with hhanner carrying the chi-tho [Figure 9.27 Here way the first graphic representation of the simplified fcbarw that would become standard it Subsequent years—no crossbar or imperial portraits, just a banner with th saered monogram of Christ inn the west during the 330°Sa: Arlesor. as it way then known, Constanting. Here bronze coins celebrating the “Glory of the Army” carried a reverse motif of soldiers holding. war The chi-tho monogram appeared first in midfield between tt regular military standards in 334 [Figure 10) and then on the banner of Single Christian Jaburum in 336 (Figure 11}. This latter motif depicting the emperor's Christian vevilluo became a regular representation on coins ror aillthe minty throughout the empire in the hate 380" and 0's [Figure 12] Against all this evidence supporting the Christogram interpretation 3! Lactantius’s celestial sign. there way ining & eras monogram during Constantine's reign. I was a “Victory of Constantine the Auyustus” gold piece issued only at Antioch in the east, ea, 336-37. and the an appeared in the field as a mark of ise rather tan as an offic part of the ieonogeaphical motif [Figuee 13]. This form of the Christin: monogram appears to have developed rather late in Constantine's reign. an in the eastern part of the empire. Under the influenve of the Fusebian crow Mision story it became more popular in subscquicnt generations, and was usl interchangably with the Christogrant on both coinage and in other act forms Suet as sarcophagi reliets."" It had the advantage of combining both the fname and the cross of Christ into a single monogram. Yet, this was ni I appeared a stanelards apparently Constantine's practice early in his reign in the west, AS the graphic evidence reveals, the Christogram and cross were separate symbols even when appearing together, son the Ticinese medallions or the Constantinopolitan Labarwn coi wet entity Considering the evidence now available as a whole, it must be concluded that the cueleste signum on Constantine’s shields at the Battle of the Malian Bridue way the Christogram. The emperor, following Roman religins the Christ monogram was clearly + dist 2» twadition and early Christian usage, a city for poser in histime otal As he hac abundant proofs for the power: Returning finally to the disputed p that iCwas Christus not the crux the 1 ‘uithor states wats marked on the shiel the official version of the cunversion st in the century. In dhe 3350's, Consta emperor holding the monoxrammes Inscription “tn this sign sou will be vet the Theodosian empresses were ha bronze coiny carrying reverse motify the chi-rho on a shield [Figure 15]. ound marked otherwise, it is anwar Shields at the Battle of the Mulivan Br that the Christo Crist No’ nvaeies ofthe modern scolaely de W. Face. The Conversion of Crstaiine New ai. “Constantine's Comers Sack Catia: Mere, 19%), 1 Chesiani "pagan sources are tao contemporary the devade after the Mulsian Bridge BatteclY Seow Paneayricns Cnseaninn Distn 26 hh. $f the farmer work, The atin te oh in gtriques Lauins Tome H, Ba. F Galeier 152. The Chistian soutves are Faetant, de 1 sich 4 puis i the ConpuaSeriaenaon Vienna F.Tempsks. IN, and Fusebuve, De ish is published in Bis Gnechiscew Chis jie 1 C. Minvitsche Buchanan 198 Gn Lactantias, see: ER, Palangue, “Sur tad 1 Carconine (int. pp. THsi6: and Lunch.” Soudia Putin Val LS", Meudien & Other Essa, chy. 24 8 28 on “Lacan 4 De Sturt Pers. $41By talc S With the smth and papsthyial even uses. he old view of 4 Freeh seul sha ‘oncretstiessmbol sno longer tenable. Fi thao - =ely Christian motif among official issues was Christian wonwealth norated the + the east over Licinius. the last of the pagan Is for power. The reverse iconography showed srum piercing «| wriggling sexpent—an apace ‘stian community familiar with pierced serpent Standard was dominated by a large and clear Imost perfvetly pictured the Latharunn described Along with the earlier represented the official form of the monogram mg, and wanted the general public 10 see it dallion for “Constantine the Augustus"” wa picting the emperor holding a standard with s v [Figure 92° Here was the first graphic ified debara that would become standard in ar or imperial portraits, just a banner with the appeared again in the west during the 330°s a 1, Constantina, Here bronze coins celebrating tried a reverse motif of soldiers holding war gram appeared first in mid-ficld between two 334 [Figure 10), and then on the banner of a 36 [Figure 11]. This latter motif depicting the became a regular representation on coins fram inpire in the late 340°s and 340°s {Figure 12}. supporting the Christogram interpretation of shore was only one coin containing cross e's reign. It was a "Victory of Constantine the tonly at Antioch in the east, ea, 336-37, and the jeld as a mark of issue rather than as an official vif {Figure 13]. ™ This form of the Christian veloped rather late in Constantine's reign, and site. Under the influence of the Eusebian cross ypular in subscquent zenerations, and was used togram on both coinage and in other art forms It had the advantage of combining both the a into a single monogram. Yet. this was nor setice carly in his reign in the west, AS the Christogram and eross were separate symbols her, as on the Ticinese coins, the Christ monogram was clearly @ y of Constantinople, bronze coins comm vnstantine’s conversion, medallions. or the sow available as a whole, it must be concluded nstantine’s shields at the Battle of the Mulvian ‘The emperor, following Roman religious 32628. > , The Celestial Sign tradition and early Christian usage, appeated to the name of his new patron Deity for power in his time of trial, As Constantine indicated in the later edict, he batt abundant proofs for the power of Christ's name, and he held it in great Returning finally to the disputed passage in Lactantius, it must be noted. that way Christus not the crux, the name not the cross of Christ, which the sutliar states waty marked onthe shields, This marking of the name became Svc olfi ial version of the conversion story as seen on coin motifs minted later me cemtury. In the 350°s, Constantine's son issued coins depicting the crperor folding the monogrammed feburum and. surrounded by the luscriprion “In this sign vou will be victor” [Figure 14). Starting in the 380"s, honored with “Safety of the Republic™ Hs, showing an angel of vietory inseribing the Theodosian empresses wel lyiaze coins carrying reverse m the shistho on a shield (Figure 15]. "Thus, until a contemporary shield is found aiarked otherwise, it is unwarranted to assume that Constantine's shields at the Battle of the Mulivan Bridge were marked with any other sign that the Christagram. the monogrammatic name of his new divine patron. Chis NOTES " Far summaries ofthe mevdern seholasls debate over Constantines conversion. consult: J Wate The Comverson of Curstantine New York: Holt: Rinchart & Winston, 1971) and C. Coastatne's Convers ta Cesta won in Problems in European History Dathan saan sores are tw comtemporary panegytial addresses delivered 4 Constantine in wade after the Mulan Bridge Batlo~lY. Panegsricts Constamine Dictas (13). and X Sisua}Paneeus Comsteniy Dsdus AZ). The supersitinsa malefcia phase comes fm ot the former work, The latin tex: of both are published with French translations in ragses Lats, Te MF cr tParis: Societe edition “Les Helles Letes, The Chestian snutces ate Lacan's, De Moribuy Perwceusurum fea MSL the Latin text Ini published i the Corp Sorprorum Eevfessesscurue Tatianna Nol NANI, Fas 2 ‘arma: F Fempsks. 189° and Fuschiss. De Vite Comstontin tea. 197-38), the Greek teat of Ais published 19 Par Gecheschen Chorin Seheltseler Der Ersten Bret Fubrhurdr ee Fg dC Hani st Hut andling, FB) On Lastanins, sers JR, Palungue, “Si a date du De Mortis Perseratorom inn Uhh, pps HL Aes am I, Stevenson. Studia Patristics, Vl VAS), pp. Votes her Bsus chs. 24 28 on"Lastantns” Lond Melanges ‘The Life and Literary Activity of fan Norman H, Basmes. Bysuntine Unis: Press, #96, pp. 321-25, De Mor, Pars 444 My italien) 8h the mumismatic and pupstlogical evidence move wsailable that supports the Cristian unos te ld iow fa French school of scholars that Constantine's munegram was a pagan “sowetivicssmbol sno fonger tenable, For that older view, see the articles ol Greguire and Hatt 2Charles dah 1 awa BareShaedh, The Age of Constante Great Ve ML. Baul (Garden Cis. 89 Denied, 19) p84, Andrew AIG, The Clnserson af Constantine and Pagan Rome HU stosins sOslonds Clarendon Bress. 1080) pp eAN: A. HL ML Jones. Corti: ud Canersimray Earape Sow Yok: Coie Books. 1962) pp HEM sone h Vinh le Bevinop Rome, 3 Sondheimer (London: G. Weidenteld & Niholor ou wh pps: Hermann Dis, Constantine de Great Te. RH: Bainton «New Yk Harper a Ko 1), p88 Ramsay MacMulln, Cntawrare Sew Yorks Hagper & Ros 1 § Gis Fry. RV. Marchant gi 1 F. Chariey «New Yorks Funk atin Dsyoary 150, 9.34 © Ow Fusebias, see: Johannes Quasten. Poirvige. VoLIML (Utrecht: Specteum. 1. 5 ves Eo Hnakesclaukyn, Ease ive Parmphl A Stuike of the Man nd His Wri Canidae Wo Heller & Sons. Ms: and DS. Wallace Hadi, Fave oF Cars Westminster, Marston) Phe Canterbury Press 1800 Latin sersion fas bos 1 Vie Gig 1 28 imperil enimage, Sov Fig 1 sein gives iin Grech, hat the oli Via Cort ME ML 26 1V 21 19. aug. He Signs Visine Bis Beieige ue Gevhichte der Bekehrung Konstantin Gunn! Phvivalt Fesochntt far Ft Dolgor 1Munich. 193%, pp. 39%, an Conversa Conscannne. pS 13g MC tognees "4 Now Reman Mosaic Pavement Pound in Dorset.” Journal of Sdies AV. pp. Hb 1 Sievenson, Phe Catasmbs (ond, Thames & Hudson bi and Lh: for Chris monograms fr the catacombs. se: cone Beni exp. pp aH ATA A Henling, ant F- Kirshtwum, The Roman Catacombs & Their Manyrs, tt. J cases Beace Pubs Gn. 10) Hosen tectereg, “Chrismo.” Dicthanmure darchintagie Cheiienne ede urate. Uh etiriss Hees PUES. pp. HS. Fr standard surveys of Christin symbuls ot Constantinian coinage, see: Sales Mai Conuatérionne 3 Valse (Par; Tetous, 1H0R-12); Guido) Bruck. °D Reacen aneaticner Stnbole anf Manze sim Constantin Lis Magentis Moomismnano he: Zesserty UNNWEAL#SS pp 20-32, Patrik Bruun, “The Chrstan Signs 00 as Vol. M42), pp. 535: and M, Pierre Bastien. “Le chris tluny ie mustiemunague de ia dyoastic Consantinigane.” Collecrionnenrs et Collis sigs ain: Hagel de fa monte, 1968, pp. HE ime Aes, Ho * oo Husebins, Vite Cimsr pp. 8 171K, und 2824 Bastien, "Chrisme.” pp. 112 1 dns, “Christian Signs The Initials of Christ on the Helmet of Constante il Hoe Signa.” pp. lS. ad Sean in Roman Konic und Saka His NSH pp. Wht: Kontud Keaf "Das [Gnristasmonouram aut dey Hel.” Jair iy ISIo¥ IMC Tountee, Roman M ade mp 19, 21041 2” ani 21 cetompurary fierary statement 2 psmite ad Atari. the Latin of hh Par. TNodi, ans, 6A, CT AL Jone, Gorntamtine ws ROINOE. EMTEROMOE > pai, “C stam Signs." passin * rau “Christian Signs pp. 917 Homer of Constantine ath the Chistian fp. S123- ana" Hoe Sigh” pp. Fs and ¢ Hose Coan SAN. Vols SI AMIS. 4 trun, Signo." pe Christian Signs.” pp. 19.4 3 rvan, “ch Sink HA, iam Signs.” p17. note 2 tou, Christian Signs Petia i pp. 21-22 iow of Contant 2° fred R. Bellinger, “Roman and Ban DO Pagers. 12 Cambridge, 1958). pp. 138 2 tran, “Christian Signs” pp. 24-25: 8 \ tana PLC. Ket Late Roms Reon 2 Hoan. Cheatin Sgnse” pps 29.11 Sosincr Brun, J.P.C- Rent and CH Dbumarion Oakse Dicltin 1 Fugen Hi, “How Sign Praeger, NTH, ps 2 1p. 9-10: Micha Te asight be remarked Jest MacMalles gives oe the Conan fossa hus, hay oe red ot of eons 8 Cason Hil, Rem, ate Reman Bronce msm Chrstianits Lands Seabs. 18 wea A1 Conant the Great. Teo M. Hadas Garden City. 8 Rom Press 14091, pp TANG A. HL ME oes, Cannan ad Color aks T2- pp, SE, AM, he Civ exsaon at Constantine ed Pas me. Te]. Sonhcimer (London: G. Weidenfold & Nic ‘ares Constantine the Great Te. R. H. Btnon (New Yooh wv MceMullenCiurtuntine (New York: H he R.W. Marchant anu. F, Chastey (New Yorks Fund & Quasten. Parag: Null (Ltsecht: Spestrusy, 196%). pp sehian Pamphii A State of the Man wnt His, Weng WEN: sl DS. Wallace Hadi, Laseins 0) Caan ives Ie Greek, bul the offs Latin version hay hee See Fig is: Bote ur Geschichte der Hckchrung Konstantins és FJ. Dolger «Munich, 1939, pp. 39, and Comersiow sina Mosaic Pavement Found in Does” Journal of Roma svenson, Phe Catuoonbs cLondon: Thame & ads. (i an 5s For Christ momograms in the catacombs. see | Te Reman Catacnmbs & Their Mamyrs. teed Caste maine archevdoie Chrvienne vt de ‘on sembols on Constantin eninage, wee? les Mate Y'Viie Paris: Lens. 106-12 Gus Bruck. "Dy fe aut Manven_ von Constantin his Magenta, O88) pp. 26.1%: Park Bruun, "The Chistian Signs on Vol F114021 pp. £35; and ME Phere Bastion, "Le cbse rustic Constaminiense," Callctinncrs et Callen Tame, 1968). pp [T1119 ap. 9. 17S, and 2324 Hostion, “Chisme.”” pp. 1124: The tails of Christ om the Helmet of Constantine The Celestial Sign Violas iv Raman Keonomic und Socal Histary in Hanor of Allen Chester Johnson (Princeton. “1. pp. W-I1: Kosrad Kraft. “Das Silbermedaillon Constantins dex Gronsen. mit dem ‘tunruonngramin auf dem Helm.” Sulleuck Jur Numismart und Glee hichse (198439), “eMC Tuuntee, Roma Mealltons (Nem York: American Numismatic sovery rary literary statement which confirms this interpretation is Constantine’ potas ad Avdusuen, the Late of whichis published in Migne. Putrofigia Latina Val VI) srs Uae, ols. NS. CT A, Jones: Cinstuntine & Conversiin, p.'i7, and 1. Staub. stumine ws KOTNOE ENTEXOLOD.“ Puumburton Oaks Papers 31 «Wasbivanin 1902 nun, “Christian Signs” peso Henan “Chistian Signs." pp. 17. and M1: Bastien, “Chrisme." p. 113: AIRRGL “The ‘ime! of Constantine with the Christian Monograms.” Jounal of Reman Stars, XW 11933) "23. anu "Hos Sith.” pp. ts and C. Oda Hous SAN Vol, VIL AIS, pp. 56-38, ‘Christan Ss mols un Constantine's Siscia * taun. “Chriscin Signs. pp. 19-21: Bastien, “Chrisme.”" pp. 113-18; Alig “Hoe Brags, “Christian Signs." p. (7. notes and Raman Imperial Coinage, Vo spin tp YU London Broun. “Chistian Sign."* pp. 21 Basten. “Chrisme.” p. 112: and C. Odahl, “An ‘sfatoheial Interpretation of Constantive’ Labasum Coin.” SAN. Val. WT 1979). pps da hed R, Bellinger. “Roman and Byzantine Medallions inthe Dumbarton Oaks Collection, D0 ayers [2VCambridge. 198A). pp. HIS, * Bruun, “Chistian Signs.” pp. 24-28: Basten, “Chrisme.” pp. 11419: R. A, G, Carson P and 1. Rent Lae RApnan Rome Cae London: Spink, 19 Buon, “Christi Signs. pp. 298, MEM: Bastien. "Chrisme.”” p14: and AL Benet Braun. J.P. Ken amd C. BV. Sutherland. "Late Roman Guid and Silver Coins what Oaks: Divcletan to Eugenias.” DO Papers. 18 (Cambridge, 19e4y pp. 1&3 IA, “He Sinn.” pp. 940: Michael Gough. The Origins of Christian Art (New York: P20. Ie might be remarked here that an ankt sige eross 4) appeared om the ins reverses af the Bronze coins atthe Ageia mint ea. MIS, and approximates sented MacMullen ives the Constantinian nomograms twas merc @ variant ot ihe lel ards, fas he reed stot enmsidesation 8-4 momugram See: Bruun, “Cheston ‘antine"s Pet ot Rigo. ia Puseius, Vita Const 8 ° ar, Mil. Kewt, Late Reoman Bronce Cuinuge, pp. 70-89, and passim: Kenneth A. Jacob, nf Chrsiant nda Sea 1959), p26: and C- Oda ‘Constantine's Conversion BCharles Odahl ! manta niacreat Darton Oaks sh Mi a \ " HnThe Celestial SignCharles Odahl FIGURECharles Odahl FIGURE HL Reverse of Gir Rsers fo snl maitary standart, Stone British Mose Some Observatior of Archbishop Theo FIGURE 12, Reserse of Ev! Temp Repeat ' | Restoration of Happy Times! rye commen | a occ ming oni’ i Thomas F ‘Theodulf of Orleans, ¢ the Carolingian R the history of the eighth and ninth ev fhe best of the Carolingian era, and m Parunesis add iudices and his work on d by Ann FIGURE 11. Reverse of bier ini Ang tse of Natio H.3" igo, Dumbartan ‘ky Musca skilled controversialist. Finally. bi massive Carolingian treatise againy Sevosat Council of Nicaeit in 787, rel vinhis age. > Theodull was a Got trom Spain or Irom the Spanish Maret lowe know when he entered Charle * court for at Feast a few years before | Carulint in 790, In 798 Theoddulf + inspection through Septimania, and FIGURE 18 Reverse of tr Eris tsp: tom Sica depisting Sine Orleans, Not much is known about n important set of episenpal statutes vay legitimately conclude that hy xdministrator. There are, to be sure, pakes lim no diff portant, have o Neadull but this a sino, no matter how Ie is not with Theodulf’s substi generalities of his career. that the fall contribute something to solving the The termination of Theodull’s brill i FIGURE 15: Reverse of Sais & ‘ile, US fF chuenge, Heth Mise attention, but ao consensus has emi see. Tbelieve that this case deserve 28