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Was Constantine’s Conversion Genuine? What were its results for the Church?
Introduction
The life of Constantine stands at a point in history which sees the close of the
Roman Empire and the establishment of the Byzantine state which was to
exist for more than a millennium after him. His rule came at a time when the
Roman Empire was recovering from half a century of a series of crises and
disasters in all aspects of its existence: political, military, economic, and
social.
1
Pohlsander, 2004 p4
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Church History
Diocletian who came to power in 285 remained there for 20 years, and
arrested and reversed the fortunes of the Empire. He instigated a new
system of joint rule with an Augustus and Caesar for the East and West of the
Empire, strengthened and reorganised the Roman army into a border guard
and mobile strike force; in addition he attempted to strengthen the economy
though tax reforms. He also sought to foster and re-enforce traditional
Roman values and restore the old Roman religiosity. Both Augusti took divine
titles, Diocletian Jovius (Jupiter) and Maximian Herculius (Hercules) suggesting
to their subjects they enjoyed divine patronage. He sought to build a new
basis for imperial legitimacy in the state religion, with himself as semi-divine
monarch and high priest. The old republican title of Pontifex Maximus would
begin to take on a new importance. Diocletian would actually sit on a throne.
He was not to be seen in public, and if an audience was required, he had
elaborate ceremonies in which the visitor would be required to lie on the
ground prostrate and never to look at the emperor, and would only be
allowed, perhaps, to kiss the bottom of his robe. In this way he created a
remote, mysterious, theocratic and autocratic office. According to an analysis
by Edward Gibbon in his book The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire,
Diocletian did not require such ritual out of vanity. This type of majesty
regarding the emperor had existed since the rule of Augustus. However,
whereas Augustus disguised it, Diocletian simply displayed it. Diocletian had
restored stability in the Empire against what were overwhelming
circumstances, the institutions and uniformity he put in place and enforced
left a greatly different Empire when he announced his retirement in 305.
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Church History
Constantine was born in the early 270s, son of Constantius who had risen in
the military to be Caesar to Maximian the Augustus of the western Empire.
On Diocletian’s retirement in 305 Constantius rose to Augustus, and Severus
was appointed his new Caesar, but when Constantius died at York in July 306
his troops proclaimed Constantine the new Augustus. The following six years
saw a period of military campaigns for Constantine and a time in which 6
powerful men, Constantine among them, vied for political dominance and
overall leadership. This was resolved for the western Empire in 312 following
the Battle of the Milvian Bridge, when Constantine emerged as undisputed
master of the West, with Licinius soon to deal with his rival Maximin and take
power as Augustus in the East.
Constantine’s Conversion
It was just before his final battle to secure his sole rule in the west that
Constantine’s conversion is said to have taken place. There are two differing
accounts of this conversion.
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Baker puts forward that Constantine discerned that by means of the Church
he was enabled to gain touch with and hold upon social elements which had
been out of control of earlier emperors2. The Church, far more than the
Roman Senate, embodied the experience and ambitions of the people of the
Empire. It clearly represented an organised and agreed set of ideas
concerning the essentials of human life and therefore could express a
coherent political philosophy applicable to contemporary conditions.
Constantine saw himself now not only as the divinely appointed ruler of the
world but he deemed himself also koinos episkopos (common bishop), that is
a general overseer and arbiter of church affairs. It appears unlikely that
Constantine admired the church because it was a weak, persecuted minority.
More likely he saw it was remarkably strong and dangerous to meddle with.
The church was under the control of the God of creation and it was plain to
see the unfortunate ends the rivals of Constantine had come to whilst
Constantine, the now friend of the church had been fortunate, even blessed
perhaps, in all he had just undertaken. Was this the moment for him to
capitalise to further his political ambitions?
Within months Constantine’s support and patronage of the church was very
evident. Letters to the Bishop of Carthage and the proconsul of Africa: allow
for subsidies for the church from public funds, the clergy and church leaders
are exempt from the Roman taxation system and other public obligations,
show Constantine’s belief that proper worship of “the Deity” to be of vital
importance for the empire, and show he regarded himself as God’s servant.
2
Baker GP, 1930 p161
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In James chapter two we read: “Show me your faith without deeds, and I will
show you my faith by what I do. You believe that there is one God. Good!
Even the demons believe that—and shudder.”
From 312 on Constantine clearly started to ‘do’ and display the impact of
Christianity on his life, however his Christian faith seemed to run alongside his
political ambitions and the latter was seen to take precedence sometimes in
brutal ways.
3
Pohlsander 2004 p75
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The church now public and under the patronage of state finds it has both
wealth and power and can exert its influence freely. The immediate result is
schism. Initially in the west in North Africa, where Donatus and his followers
believed the true followers of Christ were only those who had not
compromised in any way under the persecutions by either surrendering holy
scripture or making pagan sacrifice. Constantine had put himself, through his
patronage and position, of having to adjudicate in a dispute between
Christians without any real awareness of the doctrinal emphases and nuances
being resented by the opposing parties. Constantine took a position against
the Donatists and even attempted to reinforce it through persecution of the
movement between 317 and 321. The dispute was not resolved and went on
to embroil other emperors.
By 316 any accord between Constantine and Licinius had disappeared and
mounting anti-Christian measures were being taken by Licinius in the East. In
324 Constantine intervened and defeated Licinius. Constantine had achieved
his self-professed mission as one called by God to reunite the empire.
Now in control of the East, schism in the church reared its head in the eastern
half of the empire. Aruis and the church at Alexandria were in dispute over
how to conceive the person of Christ himself. ‘Was Christ one with God or
was he created’ was the essence of the argument. Constantine wanted to see
a settlement of this dispute as it had the potential to undermine his dream of
presenting an empire unified both politically and theologically – a church
divided was not capable of being the controlling influence Constantine had
conceived it could be.
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A dark period
In 325 and 326 we see a dark side to Constantine. In 325 Licinius having
surrendered himself to Constantine in defeat was executed, despite the pleas
of his wife, Constantine’s sister. Multiple ancient sources state in doing so he
broke a solemn oath to spare the life of Licinius4. The ten year old son of
Licinius was also executed around the same time on Constantine’s orders.
In 326 with no apparent reason Constantine orders the execution of his son
Crispus, and later the same year his wife Fausta. The laws issued regarding
the sanctity of marriage coincide with this period but there is no certain
connection, and there is nothing to suggest any attempt by Crispus to usurp
some of the power his father holds.
Conclusion
Constantine was a clear patron and committed supporter of the church, that
this was borne out of political ambitions is most likely, but there must be a
clear separation between motivations and results. To paraphrase the apostle
Paul – “If Christ is preached I don’t really care what the ultimate motivations
of the preacher are as long as the message is faithfully preached!”
4
Pohslander 2004 p45
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Alistair Kee in his book Constantine Versus Christ observes that Constantine
religion was “ neither profound or particularly edifying” although he “was
fanatically committed to it”5. At the end of his life as Constantine was finally
baptised and admitted to the church, the only real judge of the true level of
his personal commitment is Christ himself.
The legacy for the church Constantine left and the intertwining of Church and
state was to last centuries after him. In Mark Chapman’s Anglicanism A very
Short Introduction6 he refers to the study of religious organisations. The Tudor
Church of England could have provided the scholar with evidence of a
Western example of something approaching a Byzantine state church. Henry
VIII’s vision of power and authority was not so far removed from that of
Constantine or the Eastern emperors who followed him.
5
Kee 1982
6
Chapman 2006 p1
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Bibliography
Baker, GP, Constantine the Great and the Christian Revolution, (New York,
Cooper Square Press, c1930)
Davidson Ivor J, Monarch History of the Church Volume One The Birth of the
Church – From Jesus to Constantine AD30-312, (Monarch 2005)
Davidson Ivor J, Monarch History of the Church Volume Two A Public Faith
From -Constantine to the Medieval World, (Monarch 2005)
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