Professional Documents
Culture Documents
in Vedda agriculture
JAMES BROW- Washington University
At the beginning of the nineteenth century the Veddas of Anuradhapura District, Sri
Lanka, occupied a marginal position in relation t o the kingdom of Kandy-a position that
enabled them to enjoy a virtually tribal autonomy. Today they are almost fully integrated
into the national society. This change has been associated with some radical transforma-
tions of their economy that can most clearly be revealed by examining the forms of ap-
propriation to which their productive activities have been liable. In the early nineteenth
century, when they subsisted largely from shifting cultivation and food collection, there
seems to have been very little appropriation of the output of Vedda producers by non-
producers. Today, when they are more centrally engaged in irrigated rice cultivation, ap-
propriations take several forms and are a great deal larger.
This paper analyzes the changes that have taken place over the last 150 years in the
social relations of production that connect the Anuradhapura Veddas with their Sinhalese
neighbors.' Changes in the structure of relations among the Veddas themselves have been
described elsewhere (Brow n.d.) and are mentioned here only where they most directly im-
pinge on these external relations. The unit of analysis is the village, which is initially defin-
ed by both geographical and status criteria, for in this part of Sri Lanka each village normal-
ly contains members of only one variga, or subcaste. The Anuradhapura Veddas, who today
number about 6,600 people, form a single variga that occupies forty-six villages within
Anuradhapura District. Although status considerations define the group chosen for study,
the focus on appropriations gives analytical centrality to class relations. This is neither ac-
cidental nor contradictory, for the aims of the paper are precisely t o elucidate in terms of
Weber's classic formulation (1958:180-195) the complex interaction of class and status fac-
tors in the historical development of this social formation; and, further, to propose, by
means of this illustrative case study, that an understanding of the processes whereby tribal
and traditional peasant communities become more deeply implicated in larger economic
systems may best be gained by addressing the still momentous questions: how i s a surplus
generated, in what forms i s it appropriated, and what brings about changes in the form and
magnitude of appropriations?
After a discussion of concepts, a detailed account is presented of the appropriations that
An appropriation is a transfer of some value from one group or person to another by vir-
tue of a superior claim to it exercised by the latter. Appropriation i s thus to be distin-
guished, in the first instance, from exchange, which involves a reciprocal transaction. In
other circumstances finer discriminations among kinds of transfer would also be required,
but such are not necessary here because I am exclusively concerned with appropriations
that are made in the context of production; more specifically, I am solely concerned with
the acquisition by nonproducers of some part of the output of direct producers. In this con-
text my use of the term “appropriation” corresponds to the Marxian concept of “exploita-
tion.” Roseberry, for example, has recently defined “exploitation” as the “appropriation by
nonproducers of a portion of the total product of direct producers” (1976:45). I prefer,
however, to use the term ”appropriation” for two reasons. First, the common understanding
of the term “exploitation” is that it describes ”an unfair distribution of efforts and rewards”
(Scott 1976:158, emphasis in the original). Attention is thus immediately directed, on the
one hand, to the standard of equity held by the user of the term and, on the other, to the
standards held by the people who are described as exploited. Neither of these directions i s
unimportant, but the first seems more to inspire polemics than analysis (Dalton 1974),
whereas the second gives a priority to the problem of consciousness that may be unwanted
or unmerited. In the present case, the subjective feelings of the Veddas as to the fairness or
unfairness of the appropriations to which their production has been liable are certainly
relevant to an overall understanding of their socioeconomic history; however, my primary
focus is on changes in the organization of the material appropriations themselves rather
than on values as such. Second, “the appropriation by nonproducers of a portion of the
total product of direct producers” is never more than a part of a total socioeconomic for-
mation, and it may be preferable to describe as exploitative only those sets of relationships
in which appropriations are not matched by equivalent disbursements. For example, it i s
likely to be only misleading to label as exploitative a situation in which a group of direct
producers yields up a portion of its total product but then receives, in the form of welfare
services and so forth benefits that are equivalent to such appropriations. In this connection
it may be worth noting, because I shall have very little to say here about distribution, that
whereas the appropriations from Vedda agricultural production that are today made by the
state are much more modest than those obtained by private landlords, the benefits provid-
ed by the latter can hardly compare with the free provision by the state of educational,
medical, and other services.
An analytical focus on forms of appropriation enjoys strategic primacy in Marxian theory
because it immediately serves to expose the dynamic basis of the class structure. Indeed,
appropriation is an aspect of class relations, for classes are distinguished from one another
by their different relations to the means of production, and these different relations are
precisely what permits appropriation to occur. As Lenin put it, ”classes are groups of peo-
ple one of which can appropriate the labour of another owing to the different places they
occupy in a definite system of social economy” (Lenin, quoted in Terray 1975:8&87). These
appropriations shape the whole social structure. In Marx’s words, ”the specific economic
form, in which unpaid surplus-labour i s pumped out of direct producers, determines the
relationship of rulers and ruled. . . . Upon this . . . i s founded the entire formation of the
economic community” (1967:Vol. 3, 791). This quotation directs analysis to focus not simply
on the magnitude of appropriations but also, and especially for sociological purposes, on
their “specific form,” for it i s the latter that is held to “determine” the structure of social
subject to asymmetrical power relations which . . . [make] . . a permanent charge on his pro-
duction. Such a charge, paid out as a result of some superior claim to his labor on the land, we
call rent, regardless of whether that rent i s paid in labor, in produce, or in money (Wolf
1966.9-101 ’
More recently Roseberry has proposed that “any extraction of surplus value not based on
the sale of labor power” be defined as rent, which thus comes to include ”actual rent,
taxes, interest on loans, forced presale of product at less than market price, etc.” (1976:51,
emphasis added). Among the Veddas different forms of appropriation have been a t dif-
ferent times associated with different productive activities. Whereas food collection and
swidden agriculture, for example, always have been largely free of appropriation, wet rice
agriculture traditionally has been liable, in varying degrees, to several forms of ”rent” (rent
in kind, taxation, interest on loans) and now i s subject increasingly to appropriation by
means of wage labor. In the next section the principal types of Vedda productive activity
are examined in terms of the specific form and magnitude of the appropriations that are
associated with them at present.
Appropriations today are confined largely to irrigated rice cultivation. Other types of
Vedda productive activity may therefore be treated quite summarily.
hunting The Veddas traditionally bartered game and other jungle products for cloth,
salt, and possibly other foodstuffs. Some informants also say that their ancestors used to
yield up a portion of what they hunted to the local Sinhalese aristocrats as a kind of tribute.
But whatever i t s former significance, hunting now contributes only minimally to Vedda in-
come or diet, and appropriation i s absent.
food gathering Food gathering retains a somewhat greater importance. The Veddas, or
at least the poorest among them, do still gather wild plants from the jungle, and these
plants can make a significant contribution to their diet; but there i s no market for such pro-
ducts, and, with the exception of small gifts among close kin, they are entirely consumed
within the households of those who obtain them. In short, they are not subject to any ap-
propriation.
stock raising A few Veddas raise cattle and goats. The animals are maintained by the
household labor of their owners, who freely graze them at no charge on communal village
land and who sell them for meat to Moslem traders. There i s no appropriation.
Chena cultivation Most Veddas look upon their swiddens (hena in Sinhalese, chena in
Sinhalese-English) as their basic source of subsistence. Chenas are cultivated in the tracts of
Among the Veddas today both these forms of appropriation, including several forms of
rent, occur together in the social relations of paddy production. This section offers a quan-
titative estimate of their respective magnitudes during one year of production in a single
village. Analysis continues t o focus on relations of appropriation between the Veddas and
their neighbors, but estimates of appropriations among the Veddas themselves are also in-
cluded. These will show the comparative underdevelopment of class formation within the
Vedda village c o m m ~ n i t y . ~
The data are drawn from Kukulewa, which is the largest of the Vedda villages, but which,
on the basis of some research in all the Vedda villages in Anuradhapura District, does not
Inputs
Seed K s 4459
Labor 158 78
Depreciation of tools 20 00
Buffaloes and/or tractor 59 34
Total 282 71
output
36 82 bushels @ Rs 14 51 5 4ad
~ ~ ~ ~~~
the basis of a survey conducted in 1966-1967, the Central Bank (1969)estimated the average in-
puts and outputs per acre of paddy land in Anuradhapura District as follows labor costs, Ks 161 76,
nonlabor costs, Rs 141 92, total costs, R s 31068. gross value of output, Rs 461 42 Note that the
nonlabor costs include an average payment of R s 45 11 in rent to the owner of the land, a type of cost
that i s excluded from my estimate
ande The Sinhalese word ande may be adequately translated as "share-cropping tenan-
cy." In discussing such tenancies I use the term ''landlord'' to describe the person who i s in
effective possession of the land and who gives it out to be worked on ande, whether he is
the owner of the land or whether he holds it on mortgage. The normal terms of tenancy are
the same in both cases. The landlord provides certain specified factors of production,
namely, the seed paddy and the buffaloes that are used both in preparing the soil for sow-
ing and in threshing. If a tractor is used for ploughing, the landlord pays only half the rental
because this method reduces the labor costs, which are the responsibility of the tenant. The
landlord's share of the yield i s 50 percent.' When the costs of production that are met by
the landlord are subtracted from his share of the yield, the resulting figure describes the
surplus that he has appropriated.' In Kukulewa in 1969-1970 the average appropriation by
means of this form of ande was Rs. 190.49 per acre.
I t will be seen from Table 2 that somewhat more than half of the appropriations made
through ande tenancies were obtained by outside landlords. Ande tenancies were also im-
portant within the village, among the Veddas themselves, but there was only one instance
of a Kukulewa villager giving out land to be worked on a share-cropping basis by an out-
sider. Moreover, this case was doubly exceptional, for the landlord in question was not a
Vedda by birth. He lived in Kukulewa and had indeed grown up in the village, but his con-
nections with his fellow villagers were only affinal, and most did not consider him to be a
taxation The state exacts irrigation dues, known as a water rate, of Rs. 6 per acre. The
total appropriated from the paddy lands within the village in 1969-1970would have been
Rs. 738,with a further Rs. 72 being collected from the Kukulewa villagers who held land
outside the village. Not all of this amount went out of the village, however, for the agents
who collected the dues were allowed to retain 40 percent of what they collected, and these
agents were local men. They were in fact chosen by members of the local Cultivation Com-
mittee, which selected some of its own members to serve as agents. This committee is an
elected body that supervises agricultural practice in Kukulewa and three neighboring
villages, including Mekichchawa. In 1969-1970 the twelve-member Committee included
three Kukulewa villagers, one of whom was the Committee’s treasurer. These three men
were appointed the agents to collect the irrigation dues on the fields within Kukulewa and
so would have retained Rs. 295 out of the Rs. 738 that was collected.
interest on loans In recent years the government, as part of its program to increase the
output of paddy production, has sponsored a system of loans to cultivators. The money i s
intended to ensure that cultivators have available t o them the resources necessary for effi-
cient cultivation at the beginning of the season. I t is loaned at 6 percent interest by the Peo-
ple’s Bank t o the local Multi-Purpose Cooperative Societies, which in turn lend it to the
cultivators at 9 percent interest. Because of the failure of the rains the previous year, many
Kukulewa villagers had been granted extensions of time in which to repay their earlier
loans and were therefore already considerably in debt even before they obtained their
loans for the 1969-1970season. After they had obtained these loans, the basic amount of
Appropriations
made within
Kukulewa 4,201 8,076 295 ? 12,572
Outside landlords,
Kukulewa
laborers 4,759 73,275 - > 78,034
Kukulewa
landlords, outside
laborers 331 - - - 331
Appropriations
made by the state - - 51 5 2,279 2,794
Total 9,291 81.351 810 2,279 93,731
wage labor Most Kukulewa villagers derived a substantial part of their cash income
from wage labor. Some older people maintained that wage labor was demeaning, but few
could afford to abstain. Wage labor was mainly employed in paddy cultivation, although
occasionally other kinds of manual work were available, such as house construction or
employment in some outsider's attempt at the commercial production of chillies or gingel-
Iy. Such opportunities were infrequent, however, and the distortion will not be serious if,
for the sake of convenience, appropriation by means of wage labor is here treated as if all
such labor was engaged in paddy cultivation.
Wage labor was differentially available to men and women. Women were engaged only
for reaping and, in those villages where it was practiced, for transplanting. The standard
wage throughout the period was Rs. 5 plus a midday meal and refreshments for men and
Rs. 3.50 plus meal and refreshments for women. This wage difference is included here in
the calculation, for example, of the number of days of labor involved in cultivating an acre
of paddy; a woman's day of work is calculated at 75 percent of a man's day (the value of
the meal and refreshments i s estimated at Rs. 1).
A numerical estimate of the amount of appropriations from wage labor i s achieved by
means of the following formula:
A = 0-c - W
D
where A = appropriation from one man/day of labor
0 = the market value of the output
C = the costs of production other than labor costs
D = the number of man/days of labor
W = the wage paid for one manlday of labor
The total of nonlabor costs, including seed, depreciation of tools, and buffalo andlor trac-
tor costs, i s first subtracted from the market value of the output. The remaining figure is
then divided by the number of manfdays of labor used t o work the land. This represents
what would be the daily return to labor in the absence of appropriation, and the amount of
appropriation i s figured by subtracting from it the actual daily wage.
One complication stems from the difference in wages paid to men and women. If one
assumes that this is a "social" rather than an "economic" difference, and that women ac-
historical analysis'O
In 1969-1970 wage labor accounted for 90 percent of the total appropriation from
Kukulewa villagers' paddy production by outside landlords, employers, and the state. This
i s a very recent development, for no more than a generation ago wage labor appears to
have been virtually unknown in the local agricultural economy. I turn now to analyzing the
historical processes that have brought about this sudden change and to describing the shift-
ing interplay between status considerations and class relations that has resulted in the pres-
ent state of affairs.
The Anuradhapura Veddas, like the famous "Wild Veddas" of eastern Sri Lanka who
were the subject of the Seligmanns' classic study (1911), occupied a peripheral and
somewhat ambiguous position in relation to the Sinhalese kingdom of Kandy, which was
overthrown by the British at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The marginality was
expressed in several ways. Some observers tried to locate the Veddas within the hierarchy
of the Sinhalese caste system, whereas others have asserted that they stood completely
outside it. There has also been some dispute over what, if any, forms of tribute or other
dues ("rent") were owed by the Veddas to their putative overlords in the feudal-like Kan-
dyan political order. Today this marginality i s still expressed in rituals, as Obeyesekere has
convincingly shown in an article specifically concerned with homologies between the
Sinhalese supernatural order and the traditional structure of the Kandyan kingdom.
Obeyesekere's analysis clearly demonstrates the exclusion of the Veddas from "the
Sinhalese Buddhist moral order." At the same time it acknowledges that the Veddas "are
not total strangers, for both Sinhalese and Veddha are united in worship of the guardian
dieties, Saman and Skandha, protectors of the secular and supernatural order of both Ved-
dha and Sinhalese" (Obeyesekere 1966:20).In a different context, the ethnological interest
that has dominated the anthropological study of the Veddas has consistently emphasized
Kandyan period: the traditional hierarchy The Kandyan kingdom never embraced the
whole island of Sri Lanka. An independent Tamil province remained in the north, while
from the time of arrival of the Portuguese at the end of the fifteenth century, control of the
coast was gradually surrendered to the Europeans. Nor was royal authority everywhere ex-
perienced equally firmly even within the restricted confines of the kingdom.
Nuvarakalaviya, the traditional name for the region now contained within the boundaries
of Anuradhapura District, was one of the more remote of the kingdom’s provinces. For
more than a thousand years it had been the very center of an expansive civilization based
on a dual system of massive major irrigation works and small, independent, village tanks
(Leach 1959; Cunawardana 1971). but by the fourteenth century it had declined into an
area of poverty, underpopulation, and endemic malaria, its cities abandoned and its tanks
destroyed (see lndrapala 1971 for accounts of this decline). Separated from Kandy by ex-
tensive tracts of jungle and occupying an area that bordered both on the coastal districts
controlled by the Europeans and the Tamil province t o the north, the local aristocrats of
Nuvarakalaviya, the Vanniyars, were able to exploit their marginal position by playing off
against one another the Tamils, the Europeans, and their nominal superiors in Kandy
Under these circumstances it seems unlikely that more than minimal payments of rent
passed from Nuvarakalaviya to Kandy, either directly from the producers to the state
treasury or indirectly through the mediation of the Vanniyar aristocrats. Unofficial
payments may have been greater. In the seventeenth century Robert Knox had noted the
presence of traveling peddlers in Nuvarakalaviya (Knox 1911:246); and Nagel’s Account of
the Vanni, written in 1793, describes the activities of traders from Jaffna, who advanced
goods on credit to the cultivators of the region ”in order to receive in return at the next
harvest paddy at the rate of eight stivers per parra” (Nagel 1948:74).
Relations of appropriations on the local level, between the Vanniyar chiefs or local
temples and direct producers, probably resembled those between the central authority and
the region. The authority of the Vanniyar chiefs was nominally recognized, and their
hereditary control of the system of caste courts that regulated matters of material as well
as ritual importance to the members of the village communities (Leach 1961:69-74) gave
them a measure of real power. But in a sparsely settled jungle region with poor communica-
tions, their ability to extract a sizable surplus probably fell off rapidly with distance from
their local manors (valawwe). This would have applied particularly t o the Veddas, who oc-
cupied the most remote villages in an already marginal area.
During the Kandyan period, then, Vedda productive activities probably remained to a
very large extent free from appropriation. The earliest accounts that specifically identify
the Anuradhapura Veddas (Brodie 1883; Parker 1887; Lewis 1895) are not entirely in agree-
ment with one another on the subject of their subsistence, but there can be little doubt that
the Veddas lived mainly from hunting, food gathering, and chena cultivation, although not
necessarily in that order of priority. In all probability the Veddas had for a long time
operated as economic specialists on the margins of Kandyan society, exchanging a portion
of their jungle products with their Sinhalese neighbors (Fox 1969). But the only form of ap-
the colonial period: capitalist penetrationof the traditional economy it was not un-
til the last quarter of the nineteenth century that the British began to take a sustained in-
terest in the affairs of the region. Only in 1873 was a Government Agent dispatched to
Anuradhapura to administer the newly created North Central Province, composed of
Nuvarakalaviya and Tamankaduwa. These Sinhalese districts had previously been ad-
ministered as parts of the predominantly Tamil Northern and Eastern Provinces, respective-
ly. The British were doubtless motivated by a "blend of paternalism and self-interest"
(Roberts 1973:140). They wanted both t o improve the condition of the peasantry and to
raise revenue. To this end they again took up the task of improving irrigation works that had
been briefly attempted during the 18505, but the grain tax they had imposed encountered
successive problems and various forms of opposition and was finally abolished in 1892.
Concurrent with the attempt to improve wet rice agriculture, shifting cultivation was
systematically discouraged, but without significant success. Villagers maintained their first
loyalty to an agricultural technology that, in an area of uncertain rainfall in which irrigated
rice cultivation is successful in no more than three years out of five, more regularly ensures
at least their subsistence. The area was officially surveyed around the turn of the century,
and title to land was settled at that time. By and large, house sites and land under regular ir-
rigated cultivation were deemed to be ancestral private property; the tanks themselves and
the jungle land on which shifting cultivation was carried out were reserved as Crown land.
Subsequently, until 1935, Crown land could be purchased as freehold (sinakkera) for con-
version to wet rice agriculture. Since the Land Development Ordinance of 1935, however,
Crown land has only been obtainable on long-term lease (badu), with no right of alienation
or mortgage. This policy has been maintained since political independence was granted in
1947. A major government investment in the restoration of the larger irrigation systems of
the ancient Anuradhapura Kingdom was initiated before the Second World War and con-
tinues to the present. The immigration of settlers, who have mostly been landless villagers
from other, and more densely populated, parts of the country, in the agricultural colonies
thus established has contributed to a rapid rate of population growth.
In 1891 the population of Nuvarakalaviya was 69,302. By 1953 it was 171,268 Between
1891 and 1970 the Vedda subpopulation grew from 1,150 to 6,600. But rapid population
growth did not precipitate a drastic deterioration in average per capita holdings of paddy
(wet rice) land. Given the continued availability of more land to bring under irrigation, it
was accompanied less by an intensification of wet rice agricultural practice than by its ex-
pansion over a larger acreage. In the district as a whole, it was officially estimated at the
end of the nineteenth century that between forty thousand and fifty thousand acres were
under paddy cultivation (Fisher 1885; levers 1899). In 1952 the estimate was 115.670 acres
(Rajendra 1952). For the Veddas, I have estimated that although the most rapid population
growth has occurred in the last forty years, the average per capita holding of paddy land
only declined from about .35 acres in 1931 to .32 acres in 1970 (Brow 1976).
The causes of the initial population growth remain uncertain, but they can hardly have
included improved health care, which has been a more recent introduction. The hypothesis
i s highly speculative, but I suspect that improved communications were a decisive factor.
The construction of roads and railways made the district more accessible to the rest of the
country and would have stimulated the exchange of commodities between Anuradhapura
and other districts. The improved facilities would have encouraged traders, whose earlier
presence in the region has already been mentioned, to engage more actively and exten-
sively in the region's agriculture. By taking land on mortgage and by offering credit on the
security of as yet unharvested paddy crops, in the manner described earlier, they could
and the other Vedda villages. Enterprising native villagers did try their hand at shopkeep-
ing, but as Leach makes clear, in the traditional ideological context they could scarcely
avoid overextending credit to their kinsmen. An aspiring shopkeeper’s fellow villagers, who
were also his kinsmen, were willing enough t o give him business, but in return they ex-
pected the privileged treatment due to kinsmen. Such customers ”exert constant pressure
to give terms of credit which must ultimately lead to bankruptcy” (Leach 1961:131)
Notwithstanding such attempts at commercial activity, locally rooted people for the
most part held fast to the old hierarchical order. Service tenures, and hence traditional
forms of tribute, had been abolished by the British, but villagers continued to orient their
actions more to the acquisition of political power and social status than t o profit maximiza-
tion. Those who could dispose of a surplus were more likely t o use it in conspicuous and
prestige-gaining consumption (for example, in splendidly expensive marriage celebrations)
or in acquiring more land than they were to invest i t in commercial enterprise. Thus,
although larger appropriations could probably have been made by cultivating paddy land
with wage labor rather than by giving it out on ande, the latter method retained i t s populari-
ty, for the ande tenant was usually a reliable client and political supporter and the relation-
ship could express the landlord’s superiority in the status system.” Leach found that
despite the availability of wage labor the people of Pul Eliya preferred to employ workers
from the neighboring Vedda village of Tulaveliya, whom they claimed were their tradi-
tional ”tied-servants” (1961:75)or ”serf[s]” (1961:190),on the less profitable basis of pay-
ment in kind. They insisted that
they ought t o employ the Tulawelliya people because they were their established friends from
ancient times. In Tulawelliya the particular Pul Eliya landlords who employed Tulawelliya
laborers (for payment in kind] were singled out by name as individuals of especial merit (Leach
1961.252;emphasis in the original)
These traditional hierarchical values retained their force until the 1950s. The period from
the early nineteenth century to the middle of the twentieth century (essentially the period
of colonial rule) may thus be characterized as one of increasing capitalist penetration, the
extent of which was veiled by the fact that the agents of penetration were principally
traders (mudalalis) who stood outside the traditional hierarchy. The result was that village
landlords and cultivators who were socially rooted within the hierarchy were not directly
challenged in their loyalty t o the older order. But the extent of penetration was such that by
the 1950s the traditional hierarchy had become reduced to little more than a shell, and a
few further minor changes were sufficient to effect some major transformations.
postcolonial period: the spread of wage labor In the last twenty years important
changes have taken place both in the relations among fellow villagers and in the relations
conclusion
1 have attempted in this paper, by examining changes in the forms and magnitudes of ap-
propriation, to delineate the shifting pattern of class and status group relations in which the
Anuradhapura Veddas have participated. In the early nineteenth century the peripheral
social status of the Veddas seems accurately t o have reflected their marginal incorporation
into the larger Sinhalese economy and polity. Their social relations of production were
predominantly nonappropriative. From then until the 1950s the expansion both of the
population and of the area under irrigated paddy cultivation was accompanied by the in-
creasing penetration of the market; but despite this, village cultivators were able to sustain
a primary orientation to a traditional social order in which the forms of appropriation were
hierarchical and not capitalistic. By the 1950s this orientation had become so enfeebled by
i t s increasing remoteness from the realities of the developing economic system that in the
last twenty years it has been forced to beat a significant retreat. The status factors both of
kinship, which used to govern relations among the Veddas themselves, and of hierarchy,
which formerly governed their relations with other traditional caste communities, have
rapidly, but not yet entirely, become subordinated to the cash nexus. The Veddas may
themselves have retained a cultural focus on chena cultivation or on paddy cultivation
within the old hierarchical order, but quantitative analysis of the forms of appropriation
clearly shows that their chief function within the regional economy now is to provide a
source of wage labor.
notes
'Research was conducted under a grant from the Foreign Currency Program of the Smithsonian Insti-
tution, with supplementary funds from a Dissertation Improvement Grant from the National Science
Foundation. The data were analyzed with assistance from a grant from the American Council of
Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council I am grateful to Steven Piker, Jennie-Keith
Ross, and Robinson Hollister for their critical comments. An earlier version of the paper was presented
to the Stanford University Anthropology Colloquium in February 1977
zHereafter, my use of the term "Vedda" refers specifically t o the Veddas of Anuradhapura District
and not t o Veddas in any other part of Sri Lanka, unless so indicated.
'It will be noted that the idea of a "superior claim," introduced into my definition of
"appropriation," is derived from this formulation by Wolf.
'A more extended description of the ecological context and the technical process of labor in Vedda
production is given in Brow (n.d., 1976).
IAs mentioned earlier, the structure and process of appropriation within the Vedda village are
analyzed elsewhere (Brow n.d.). Briefly, differential inheritance and the transmission inter vivos of pro-
ductive property, especially paddy land, have allowed the development of considerable differences in
wealth within the village so that at any one time control of paddy land has often been concentrated in
relatively few hands. However, bilateral inheritance rights, ambilocal residential options, lucrolocal
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