Professional Documents
Culture Documents
the
Rainforest:
The
Social
and
Environmental
Costs
of
Hydropower
in
the
Amazon
Justin
Calles
Anthropology
11SC
11
October
2010
ABSTRACT
Recent large-‐scale dam proposals in the Amazon rainforest prompt analysis of how tropical
dams affect the environment and rainforest societies. In addition to being massively expensive,
dams unleash a plethora of environmental problems, including unexpectedly high amounts of
greenhouse gas emissions. They also have histories of disturbing indigenous societies and severely
harming non-‐indigenous peasant communities in ways that only exacerbate deforestation. Seeing
hydropower in the tropics as a “green” source of energy must be stopped in order to halt
INTRODUCTION
Dams that have been operating for decades—including the Tucuruí Dam and Curuá-‐Una
Dam, which this paper will focus on— provide a trove of information about how dams operate in a
tropical rainforest environment. Hydroelectric dams require the Olooding of the river upstream
from the dam, creating a reservoir that destroys habitats, displaces communities, creates
dams is the large amount of methane they are capable of
bubbling,
diffusion,
turbine
and
spillway
emissions,
and
Fig.
1.
The
Tambopata
River,
relatively
close
to
the
location
of
the
proposed
Inambari
Dam
(D.
Schwartz).
1
from
the
river
downstream
(Fearnside
2005:
675;
Guérin
2006:
1).
Because
of
the
tendency
of
rainforest reservoirs to have large drawdown zones, they are capable of perpetually producing and
emitting methane. Furthermore, considering the carbon dioxide equivalents of these methane
emissions, studies have revealed that Amazonian dams emit more greenhouse gases than would
have been emitted from similarly productive burning of fossil fuels (Fearnside 2005: 686).
BACKGROUND
Proposals for new hydroelectric dams in the Amazon Basin has experienced a considerable
resurgence in the past decade, due mostly to Brazil’s growing demand for energy, which has called
for the planning of new multi-‐billion-‐dollar projects that can provide many thousands of megawatts
of power. This echoes the hydroelectricity boom from 1969 to 1979, when hydroelectric output
tripled, helping bring hydroelectricity to the point of producing 84% of Brazil’s electricity by 2007
(Barrow 1988: 67; World Nuclear Assn. 2010). The proposed 2000 megawatt (MW) Inambari Dam
is one such example. Estimated to cost US$4 billion, the Inambari Dam would be located in the
buffer zone of Peru’s Bahuaja-‐Sonene National Park and would be built primarily to power far-‐away
Brazilian urban centers. It would also Olood 400 square kilometers—including the village of
Inambari at the conOluence of Rio Madre de Dios and Rio Inambari as well a portion of the newly
built Inter-‐Oceanic Highway—and it would displace over 3,200 locals (Barrera-‐Hernández 2009).
Similar projects in varying degrees of size, governmental approval, and construction
progress exist throughout the Amazon region, most notably including the recently approved Belo
Monte Dam on Brazil’s Xingu River and the Rio Madiera hydroelectric complex at the border of
Brazil, Peru, and Bolivia. Hydroelectric dams such as these are touted as “non-‐polluting” sources of
electricity that can provide much-‐needed employment and infrastructure for sparsely inhabited
regions (Giles 2006: 524; Fearnside 1999: 492). It is easy for a citizen of the developed North,
inOluenced by romantic notions of the ingenuity and efOiciency of Hoover Dam and the Tennessee
Valley Authority, to see hydroelectric dams in the Amazon as approaches to producing energy that
are both conservation-‐minded and economically stimulating. Two decades of evidence, however,
points in the opposite direction. Not only have hydroelectric projects in Amazon provided only
2
minimal
employment
relative
to
their
massive
costs,
the
various
environmental
costs
of
rainforest
dams dispel any idea that they are “non-‐polluting.” Furthermore, indigenous groups suffer directly
and indirectly from the introduction of dams near their lands.
HYPOTHESES
Using established case studies of existing Amazonian dams of varying size and age, this
paper will provide evidence for the environmental and ecological destruction, methane emissions,
and detrimental effects to Amazonian communities caused by dams. The goal of this case study
synthesis is to reverse any misconceptions about the effect tropical rain forest dams have on their
local environment and on global greenhouse gas emissions. This paper’s primary hypotheses about
1. River disruption and Olooding in the Amazon caused by the construction of dams and Oilling
2. Dam projects fail to help their surrounding regions socially or economically because they
involve the costly relocation of communities and don’t themselves provide enough
3. Dam projects jeopardize or directly Olood indigenous reserves, irreversibly endangering
4. The carbon dioxide and methane released from hydropower projects produce more potent
METHODS
As mentioned, this paper will primarily use case study Oinding from the Tucurí Dam on the
Tocantins River in eastern part of the Amazonian state of Pará, Brazil and the Curuá-‐Una Dam on the
Curuá-‐Una River in western Pará, Brazil. Tucuruí Dam opened in 1984 and Curuá-‐Una was
completed in 1977, so the dams have been operating long enough for data to be collected. Their
built capacities and reservoir sizes differ considerably, allowing for more variety of research
Oindings: Tucuri has a 3,960 MW installed capacity with a 2,430 km2 reservoir surface area and
Curuá-‐Una has a 64 MW installed capacity with a 65 km2 reservoir reservoir surface area. Other
3
dams
will
be
brieOly
considered
for
comparison,
including
the
Petit
Saut
Dam
in
French
Guiana
and
The Tucuruí case studies will provide information about local environmental concerns as
well as the effect the dam project had on indigenous and non-‐indigenous communities. Studies on
Curuá-‐Una will allow for a more detailed explanation of methane and carbon dioxide emissions
from Amazonian dams which can be extrapolated to larger dams like Tucuruí and future dam
Finally, these Oindings will provide a basis for assessing how proposed future Amazonian
dam projects may affect the environment and human populations. This paper will conclude with
recommendations for assessing future projects and will attempt to suggest alternatives to
Fig.
2.
Map
of
Tucuruí
and
Curuá-Una
Dams
(Google
Maps).
FINDINGS
Although Tucuruí Dam is not located in a biological “hotspot” such as that of the transitional
elevation rainforest regions of southeast Peru, it is still within the humid Amazon rain forest,
4
allowing
the
region
to
support
incredible
amounts
of
biodiversity.
Prior
to
Olooding,
the
region
contained particularly rich populations of Brazil Nut trees and lianas (Barrow 1988: 73).
Unfortunately, because of inadequate assessments of the Olora and fauna prior to the construction of
dam, due to both the sheer volume to species to catalog and to insufOicient resources allocated for
such assessment, the full effect of wildlife loss will remain unknown. How manatees, river dolphins,
Amazon dolphins, turtles, and caimans have fared within the river will remain undocumented, but
there is little doubt that their populations will suffer with altered breeding habitats, stunted
migratory routes, and higher hydrogen sulphide content in water containing decomposing organic
Fig. 3. Tucuruí, before and after (NASA/International Rivers). reported human and livestock deaths (Barrow
Tucuruí reservoir area. Figure 3 illustrates the deforestation that occurred within the ten years
after starting construction of the dam; the red on the left image indicates intact forest, the green and
5
parallel
lines
on
the
right
signify
deforestation
patterns.
Deforestation
caused
by
increased
human
pressure unsurprisingly causes loss of habitat and increased erosion (see Oigure 4 for deforestation
The Parakanã are the primary indigenous group to focus on when assessing how Tucuruí
has affected indigenous populations. The Tucuruí reservoir Olooded 38,700 hectares of Parakanã
land, so Brazil’s Indian agency, FUNAI, was contracted to aid in the resettlement process. The strain
of persistent and inadequate resettlement eventually caused parts of the group to split up, causing a
breakdown of long-‐standing social relationships. After years of poorly orchestrated resettlement,
the Parakanã protested for more services and eventually received from more aid from FUNAI for
community development, which included schooling and health centers (La Rovere 2000: xvi).
Although FUNAI’s aid program failed to involve the Parakanã themselves in the decision-‐making
process and used an aid model based more on assimilation than cultural preservation, FUNAI’s aid
Still, community development aid came only to the Parakanã after they threatened to block
the Trans-‐Amazonian Highway and blow bridges. Protest by indigenous groups is among the Oirst
reactions to dam proposals; it was, after all, to protest Amazonian dams that anthropologist Darrell
Posey famously brought Payakan of the Kayapó to Florida. After a gathering in Altamira in 1989,
building of Amazonian dams became an issue of both environmental concern and international
settlement to the region, which increased by Fig. 5. Road-building; often accompanies dams (J. Calles).
6
400%
after
the
reservoir
Oilled
and
was
encouraged
by
newly
built
highways
(see
Oigure
5
)
(La
Rovene 2000: 79). According the World Commission on Dams case study of Tucuruí, he vastly
underestimated relocation efforts unexpectedly resulted in resettlement in inadequate areas, high
rates of land abandonment, breakdown of social and economic organization (La Rovene 2000:
129-‐30). Finally, the longer-‐term jobs created by construction of the dam (mostly in the associated
aluminum plants) number no more than a few thousand; with the Oinal cost of the dam at US$8
billion, each job created is estimated to have cost the Brazilian government US$2.4 million
tropical rivers to Olood annually in accordance with dry and
Una dam has a drawdown zone that is 48% the size of the
zone size is typical of reservoirs for large Amazonian dams
Samuel dams are 51% and 66%, respectively (Fearnside 2005: 680). The drawdown zone mudOlats
studied at Curuá-‐Una grew considerable amounts of soft vegetation in the low-‐water season that
later became submerged in the high-‐water season. The decay of these macrophytes decay in the
anaerobic Olood conditions releases methane, wahich builds up within the reservoir until it released
into the atmosphere by bubbling, diffusion, turbines, spillways, and downstream turbulence, the last
7
Table
1.
CO2-equivalent
methane
emissions
from
Curuá-Una
Dam
in
1990
(Fearnside
2005:
686).
three methods releasing the vast majority of the methane (Farrèr 2007: 6-‐8). Because the
reservoirs constantly Olood and re-‐Olood, the methane production could continue indeOinitely.
Methane is an especially undesirable emission because it is 21 times more potent than
carbon dioxide, giving it 7.6 times more impact on global warming than carbon dioxide(Fearnside
2005: 681). When the methane emissions measured 13 years after the Oilling of the Curuá-‐Una
reservoir are converted to equivalent carbon dioxide emissions, it becomes clear that the net carbon
emissions from Curuá-‐Una actually exceed what would have been released if the same amount of
energy produced at Curuá-‐Una during that time was produced with the burning of fossil fuels.
Table 1 lists these carbon-‐equivalent emissions, adds carbon emissions from aerobic decay of forest
biomass (such as from trees left to decay above the reservoir’s water line), and takes into account
ecosystem Oluxes. Whereas burning fossil fuels would have emitted about 40,000 tonnes CO2-‐
equivalent carbon, the dam produced about 140,000 tonnes. Fearnside’s analysis concludes that 3.6
times more carbon was released from Curuá-‐Una than would have been released from fossil fuels;
8
he
estimates
that
in
the
same
year
Tucuruí
emitted
1.8–2.6
times,
Balbina
emitted
11.6
times,
and
Samuel emitted 22.6 times what would have been emitted from fossil fuels (Fearnside 2005: 687).
Similar effects have been observed at other tropical reservoirs from separate research,
though there is variation in how much methane is released due to the uncertain nature of
measuring methane release (Guérin 2006: 5-‐6). One thing remains certain, however: at Amazonian
dams of varying size, age, and location, methane emission is a potent yet overlooked constant factor.
CONCLUSIONS
around the dam and reservoir, and to the global climate
receive adequate aid, and even that aid is aimed at
Fig.
7.
Forests
surrounding
this
one
are
under
assimilation
rather
than
cultural
preservation.
Perhaps
threat
by
Peruvian
dam
proposals
(J.
Calles).
the
increased
pressure
the
international
community
has
placed on Brazil in the past two decades for protecting indigenous lands has put indigenous groups
in slightly better position to survive after a dam project. They may not fare as poorly as
hypothesized, but increased assimilative forces will fundamentally alter indigenous communities.
Greater social and economic devastation seems to afOlict non-‐indigenous peasant communities who
do not get the degree of federal protection and aid as indigenous groups do. Large dam projects
displace tens of thousands of people and attract rural settlement, exacerbating deforestation as well
9
as
social
unrest.
Finally,
the
sheer
cost
of
the
dams
compared
to
the
relatively
few
jobs
they
produce
RECOMMENDATIONS
What the developed world must first do is fervently resist the greenwashing of hydropower in
tropical areas. Prior evidence makes it painfully clear that hydroelectric dams in the Amazon help
neither conservation efforts nor efforts for development, “sustainable” or otherwise. A bad public image
of Amazonian hydropower could discourage investment and, if strong enough, affect governmental
policies in Brazil, Peru, and other Amazonian nations. It is too late to stop the construction of Belo Monte
Dam, but enough forces against future dams may halt plans for constructing the Rio Madiera complex
and the Inambari Dam in Peru, located near one of the world’s greatest hotspots of biodiversity. And for
existing dams and those slated for construction, community development efforts for indigenous
communities must not be overlooked. In order for them to succeed, they must involve the indigenous
communities directly in the decision-‐making process and must not assume that assimilative practices
are the best option for the groups. Governments will have to put considerable resources into making
relocation as smooth as possible for non-‐indigenous communities as well, since poor relocation efforts
But the question remains, how will Brazil satisfy its constantly growing demand for electricity?
A study by WWF-‐Brazil claims that by 2020 Brazil could cut its expected demand for electricity by 40%
by investments in energy efficiency—equivalent to 14 Belo Monte Dams (Yan 2010: 11). While such
investments should definitely be encouraged, implementation to that degree could hardly be realistically
expected. Brazil must turn to other forms of energy as well, including wind, for which Brazil’s 7,400-‐km
windy coastline has great potential. Most realistically, perhaps, and with a nod to Gaia-‐theorist James
Lovelock, would be the development of nuclear power. Technology exists to produce large amounts of
electricity from nuclear with relatively low safety and environmental risks. Although nuclear has stalled
in Brazil in the past due to shaky economic factors, funds diverted from hydropower projects could ease
nuclear’s safe and effective expansion (World Nuclear Assn. 2010). The risks inherent with nuclear
power cannot match the destructive capabilities of expansion of large-‐scale hydropower.
10
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