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17. Jahrgang 2017 · Heft 1 1

Inhalt

Vorwort 3

A Shipyard on Dana Island, Cilicia


Twohundred and seventy-four slipways recently discovered 4
Hakan Öniz

Moving across rivers and lakes in prehistory


Andrea Vianello 17

A Bronze Age underwater site near the islet of Ričul in northern Dalmatia (Croatia)
Martina Čelhar – Mate Parica – Mato Ilkić – Dario Vujević 21

A safe haven for ships


Recent underwater research in Mozia, Western Sicily 35
Francesca Oliveri – Antonina Lo Porto

Archaeological site survey using 3D sub-bottom profiler


A case study from Phanagoria 40
Sergey Olkhovskiy – Alexey Shmatkov – Andrey Verhnyatskiy

Byzantine maritime trade


based on underwater archaeological finds of the eastern Adriatic 46
Vesna Zmaić Kralj

The STORM Project and Coastal Erosion


The case of Tróia (Portugal) 62
Patrícia Brum – Inês Vaz Pinto – Ana Patrícia Magalhães – Filipa Santos - Johann Müller

Neolithische Fischsperren an der Neva


Die Fundstelle Okhta 1 in St. Petersburg 69
Petr E. Sorokin – Tatiana M. Gusentsova

Underwaterarchaeological report on Mozia, Sicily 2017


Tobias Pflederer – Max Fiederling – Daniel Neubauer – Detlef Peukert - Gerd Knepel 76
– Sebastiano Tusa – Francesca Oliveri
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Stone sarcophagi as filling material of the breakwater of ancient Side (Turkey)


83 Hakan Öniz

Die FRIDERICIANIA ALEXANDRINA NAVIS (F.A.N.)


87 Nachbau sowie wissenschaftliche Erprobung und Einordnung der Replik von Oberstimm II -
Stand des Baus Anfang Februar 2018
Boris Dreyer

Early examples of the protection of underwater cultural heritage in Turkey


97 Osman Hamdi Bey and the Ottoman government in the 19th century
Hakan Öniz — Okay Sütçüoğlu

Im Meer versunken
105 Mathias Orgeldinger

110 Das Bücherbrett

Titelmotiv

Scientific divers of the BGfU with the


discovery of late Roman ceramic.

Aus: T. Pflederer et.al.,


Underwaterarchaeological report on
Mozia, Sicily 2017, Abb. 8.
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17. Jahrgang 2017 · Heft 1 3

Vorwort

Nachdem bereits im vorigen Sizilien berichten F. Oliveri und A. stellt ausführlich ein interdiszi-
SKYLLIS-Heft zehn Beiträge veröf- Lo Porto. – Ebenfalls von der plinäres, auch Schüler, verschied-
fentlicht worden sind, die auf Re- Transgression betroffen ist die im ene Fachberufe und andere In-
ferate oder Poster-Vorstellungen 6. Jahrhundert v. Chr. gegründete teressierte einbeziehendes Projekt
während der 22. Tagung „In Posei- Stadt Phanagoria am Schwarzen des Department. Geschichte - Alte
dons Reich“ im März 2017 in Kob- Meer. S. Olkhovskiy, u.a. geben Geschichte der Universität Er-
lenz zurückgehen, können hier Einblicke in ihre mittels 3D Sub- langen-Nürnberg vor. Es gilt, das
abermals sieben Arbeiten vorgelegt bottom Profiler betriebenen For- römische Wrack Oberstimm 2
werden. Weitere sind in Vorbe- schungen im Bereich dieser einst- nachzubauen und in jeder Hinsicht
reitung, was zeigt, dass die von der mals bedeutenden griechischen praktisch zu erproben. Beachtliche
DEGUWA und dem Verein zur Kolonie. – V. Zmaić Kralj behan- Ergebnisse konnten teils schon er-
Förderung der Unterwasser-archäo- delt anhand von Funden aus einem zielt werden, teils darf man sie von
logie e.V. (FUWA) mit vielfältiger Wrack in der Adria die Frage, wie weiteren Tests erwarten. – H. Öniz
Unterstützung seitens Koblenzer aus einer gemischten Fracht Han- und O. Sütçüoğlu weisen anhand
und rheinland-pfälzischer Einrich- delsrouten erschlossen werden alter Schriftstücke nach, dass die
tungen durchgeführte Tagung in können. – Tróia (Portugal) ist ein Altertümerverwaltung des Osma-
der internationalen Fachwelt als lange bekannter, wichtiger Ort rö- nischen Reiches bereits viel früher
wichtiger Ort des wissenschaftli- mischer Salzfischproduktion, des- als anderswo ein Augenmerk auf
chen Austauschs große Wertschä- sen Ruinen stark von der fortschrei- Funde aus dem Meer gerichtet
tzung gefunden hat. tenden Ufererosion bedroht sind. hatte. Von solchen Bemühungen
P. Brum u.a. stellen die Ziele eines um den Schutz kulturellen Erbes
Wie in dieser Zeitschrift üblich, sind internationalen Projekts zur Siche- ist es nur ein kurzer Schritt zu ei-
die Artikel annähernd nach der rung von Kulturerbe vor und ner demselben Geist verpflichteten
Zeitstellung ihres Gegenstandes berichten über ihre Untersuchun- Ausstellung in Bonn mit dem Titel
geordnet. Zunächst begeben wir gen des Ortes im Rahmen dieses „Im Meer versunken – Sizilien und
uns in frühe Zeiten. H. Öniz be- Projekts. die Unterwasserarchäologie“, deren
schreibt eine erstaunlich große wesentliche Aspekte M. Orgeldin-
Zahl ins Felsufer der kleinen Insel Sechs frei eingesandte Beiträge ger schildert, indem er gleichzeitig
Dana vor der türkischen Südküste schlagen unter wiederum mannig- den Leser auf einen gedanklichen
geschlagener Hellinge und macht faltigen Aspekten einen Bogen von Rundgang durch diese lehrreiche
sich ausführlich Gedanken über der Steinzeit bis in die Gegenwart. und anregende Schau führt.
deren Datierung und besonders P.E. Sorokin und T.M. Gusentsova
über die mögliche Identifizierung liefern eine detailreiche Beschrei- Der Kreis schließt sich mit zwei
der für die Seefahrt offenbar sehr bung hölzerner neolithischer Rezensionen zu Büchern, die von
wichtigen Insel in altorientalischen Fischfangvorrichtungen, die im Schiffen handeln. J. Daum be-
Schriftquellen. – A. Vianello reflek- heutigen Stadtgebiet von St. Peters- spricht ein Werk über ein Beispiel
tiert über die soziale Bedeutung von burg entdeckt worden sind. – Der der Experimental-Archäologie, näm-
Wasserfahrzeugen und deren Be- anschließende Beitrag von T. Pfle- lich den Nachbau einer römischen
herrschung in prähistorischen Ge- derer u.a. führt uns noch einmal in sog. Lusoria, und R. Nawracala stellt
sellschaften. – Ergebnisse ihrer die Lagune von Mozia, wo außer den Sammelband „Schiffe und ihr
Forschungen an einer unter Wasser dem Damm weitere Bereiche per Kontext“ vor, der 18 Beiträge eines
geratenen bronzezeitlichen Siedlung Side Scan Sonar untersucht und internationalen Kongresses mit
in der Adria legen M. Čelhar, u.a. vor. vielleicht ein römischer Ankerplatz demselben Titel enthält.
festgestellt wurden. – In spätanti-
In historische Zeiten führen uns ker Zeit wurde der Hafen der Stadt Die Redaktion hofft, ihren Lesern
die nächsten vier Beiträge, wenn Side an der Südküste der Türkei recht abwechslungsreichen Lese-
auch unter ganz verschiedenen mit einem langen Wellenbrecher stoff dargeboten zu haben – dies
Fragestellungen. Über ihre Unter- geschützt. H. Öniz berichtet über freilich nicht ohne die Hilfe der
suchungen an einer infolge des einen Unterwasser-Survey, aus Autorinnen und Autoren, denen
Meeresanstiegs heute unter Wasser dem sich ergibt, dass unter an- für ihre Beiträge ein herzlicher
liegenden Mole oder Fahrstraße derem antike Steinsarkophage ei- Dank gesagt sei!
zwischen der schon von den Phö- nen Teil der Anschüttungen bilden,
niziern bzw. Puniern besiedelten die offenbar aus nahegelegenen Die Redaktion
Laguneninsel Motya/Mozia und Nekropolen stammen. – B. Dreyer Februar 2018
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46 Byzantine maritime trade · V. Zmaić Kralj

Byzantine maritime trade


based on underwater archaeological finds of the eastern Adriatic
Vesna Zmaić Kralj

Abstract – On the example of several shipwrecks of the eastern Adriatic underwater, like Maharac-Tatinica and
Cape Stoba sites on the island of Mljet as well as on the Lucnjak shallows near the islands of Korcula, Merara and
others, it is possible to follow the chronological and typological development of the Byzantine amphorae from the
end of the 7th until the 13th century and compare them to similar finds from the Aegean and the Black Sea, the Sea
of Marmara and the eastern Mediterranean in general, together with the amphorae found in Italy. One of the most
important merchant routes was passing by the east Adriatic coast, connecting the capital of the empire and the
Mediterranean to the Byzantine enclaves of great commercial importance in the northwest of the Adriatic like
Ravenna, Comacchio and Venice. Amphora finds were almost absent in areas belonging to the Duchy of the Croats,
however, some finds of Byzantine origin from the graves indicate that the trade and exchange between Byzantine
merchantmen, urban Dalmatian centres on the coast and other ethnic communities in its hinterland had also ex-
isted, but mostly in the circle of nobility.

Inhalt – Anhand der Beispiele etlicher unter Wasser liegender Wracks in der östlichen Adria wie sowohl von den
Fundstellen Maharac-Tatinica und Kap Stoba der Insel Mljet als auch auf den Lucnjak-Untiefen bei der Insel
Korcula, Merara und anderen kann man die chronologische und typoloische Entwicklung der byzantinischen
Amphoren vom Ende des 7. bis zum 13. Jh. verfolgen und Vergleiche mit ähnlichen Funden aus der Ägäis und dem
Schwarzen Meer, der Marmaris und dem östlichen Mittelmeer allgemein sowie mit den in Italien gefundenen zie-
hen. Eine der wichtigsten Handelsrouten führte an der östlichen Adriaküste entlang und verband die Hauptstadt
des Reiches und das Mittelmeer mit den byzantinischen Enklaven großer wirtschaftlicher Bedeutung in der
Nordwest-Adria wie Ravenna, Comacchio und Venedig. Amphorenfunde fehlen fast völlig in zum Herzogtum der
Kroaten gehörenden Gebieten, jedoch einige Funde byzantinischer Herkunft aus Gräbern zeigen, dass Handel und
Austausch zwischen byzantinischen Händlern, städtischen dalmatinischen Zentren an der Küste und anderen
Ethnien im Hinterland ebenfalls existierten, wenn auch meistens im Kreise des Adels.

Introduction long foot used as the third handle sites with the ceramic kilns for
was no longer needed due to the their production2. On the basis of
Maritime trade of the mediaeval lower capacity of the vessel1. It was general development of their shape
period along the eastern Adriatic compensated by the horizontal ribs during the mediaeval period, the
and the Mediterranean in general on the outside, which gave addi- eastern Adriatic Byzantine am-
can be traced on the basis of ship- tional stability to the vessels during phorae can be divided into three
wreck finds with the remains of the transport, and that became one basic groups with numerous types
Byzantine amphorae and the spo- of the basic characteristic of the and varieties (Fig. 2):
radic finds of the same provenance. Byzantine amphorae. All the finds
Unlike the roman or late roman- of the Byzantine amphorae from 1. Early Byzantine Amphorae
containers characterized by a wide the eastern Adriatic can be com- (EBA): 7th/8th - 9th c.
range of shapes used during the pared to similar finds from firmly 2. Middle Byzantine Amphorae
short period, the Byzantine con- dated stratigraphic layers of the (MBA): 10th/11th - 12th c.
tainers emerged in the limited inland archaeological sites and 3. Late Byzantine Amphorae
number of shapes and could main- architecture, or shipwrecks, mostly (LBA): 12th - 13th/14th c.
ly be recognized by their globular, from the eastern Mediterranean
oval and piriform bodies, later and Black Sea area under Byzan- The second part of the 7th and the
more elongated or spindle-shaped tine rule with Constantinople as beginning of the 8th century is at
with lower capacity. The neck the administrative, cultural and the lower chronological border of
became smaller, and massive han- commercial centre (Fig. 1). How- this division, when LRA began to
dles raised more above the less ever, some finds can be compared transform into the EBA ones, and
obvious rim. The base of the ves- to the amphorae produced in the in that form could be traced until
sels was mostly oval or straight south of Italy, which was con- the 9th century. The middle phase is
with concave centre, because the firmed by the discovery of several determined by the changes in
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17. Jahrgang 2017 · Heft 1 47

Fig. 1: Map of the Byzantine archaeological sites in the eastern Mediterranean, Black and the Adriatic Sea: 1. Yassi Ada shipwreck,
7th c.; 2. Bozburun shipwreck, 9th c.; 3. Serçe Limani shipwreck 11th c.; 4. Çamaltı Burnu shipwreck, 13th c.

shapes after the period of stagna- half of the 7th century. The dimen- fundia of the south and east Me-
tion during the 9th/10th century, sions became smaller as well as less diterranean, whose major destina-
when a new impulse of amphorae carrying capacity, the shapes and tions were the ports in the north-
production and active Byzantine details were simpler, while the west Adriatic, primarily Ravenna
maritime trade of the 11th and 12th bulges at the bottom disappeared with its harbour district Classe3.
century had arrived. The upper in favour of stability, and the hori-
chronological border is represent- zontal belly ribs became more dis- The end of Justinian’s reign was
ed by the period of the 13th and 14th tinguished (Fig. 2.1). Those innova- marked by a crisis in the Empire
centuries, when no more traces of tions were caused by new models that caused serious social, political
economic and political presence of of maritime trade in the Mediter- and economic changes. Major
the Byzantine Empire on the ranean that emerged as the reflec- changes on the commercial plan
Adriatic, and the remains of LBA tion of new tendencies and changes were caused by the Arab forces,
cargos suggest commercial con- in the Byzantine Empire. who reached the Mediterranean
tacts related probably to the local shores of Syria and Egypt in the 7th
wine production in the last Byzan- This period is preceded by the rule century, and through the 8th centu-
tine possessions on the Pelopon- of emperor Justinian, when the ry added North Africa and Spain to
nese and Apulia, thus maintaining Empire was the indisputable ruler their domination, which stopped
the last hints of amphorae trade of the whole Mediterranean, and a the production and trade of many
along the eastern Adriatic mar- basic connection between Con- latifundia4. The danger and sus-
itime route. stantinople and the distant parts of pense on the sea, the narrower
the Empire was made by a network trading space and diminished
of maritime routes protected by a amount of the goods involved in
Transition from Late Antique shapes fortress chain with a well-organ- maritime commerce, induced the
(LRA) to EBA during the 7th and 8th ised communication system for production of cheaper, low status
centuries safer navigation. The remains of ships of less capacity, suitable for
the fortifications positioned on the shorter trading routes, fast and
The lower chronological border of Dalmatian islands, witness the agile enough to be easily managed
the research represents the end of importance of the eastern Adriatic and manoeuvred5. The lateen sail
great LRA production, together maritime route with urban centres replacing the antique square sails
with the emergence of amphorae (Fig. 4), harbours and anchorages also contributed to that fact, to-
which showed the obvious process with continuity from the antique gether with the innovations in hull
of transition from the LRA shapes period, used as logistic support for construction and ship’s equipment
to the EBA ones during the second trading goods from the rich lati- (Fig. 5). The medieval Rhodian Sea
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48 Byzantine maritime trade · V. Zmaić Kralj

Fig. 2: Three basic groups of the byzantine amphorae: 1. Early Byzantine amphorae (EBA): 7th/8th - 9th c.; 2. Middle Byzantine
amphorae (MBA): 10th/11th - 12th c.; 3. Late Byzantine amphorae (LBA): 12th - 13th/14th c.
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17. Jahrgang 2017 · Heft 1 49

Law (Nomos Nautikos, Lex Rhodia)


represents regulations governing
commercial trade and navigation
in the Byzantine Empire beginning
in the 7th century, and suggests that
ships’ owner, captain, and merchant
often were the same person6.

But despite the apparent break of


trade relations, the archaeological
researches showed a certain conti-
nuity of trade between the
Byzantine Mediterranean and the
northwest Adriatic, primarily in
Ravenna’s port Classe, where the
LRA were found in the same con-
text with the early Byzantine ones7.
But, during the 8th and 9th centuries
the less circulation of merchandise
in Ravenna was noticed, in relation
to the newly established Byzantine
emporiums: Comacchio, Venice
and Cervia together with the
restored antique centres of Rimini
and Grado8 (Fig. 4), with the im-
portant role of mediations between
the Mediterranean and European Fig. 3: Map of the Adriatic Sea with Byzantine amphorae finds: 1. Tatinica-Maharac
markets9. (Island of Mljet), 7th/8th c.; 2. Cape Stoba (Island of Mljet), 11th c.; 3. Lučnjak shallows
(Island of Korčula), 12th/13th c.; 4. Islet of Merara, 13th c.; 5. Sv. Petar (Island of Ugljan),
One recently discovered shipwreck, 13th c.; 6. Ždrijac, Nin, 12th c.; 7. Grebeni near the Island of Silba, 13th c.; 8 Pijan Bay,
on the island of Mljet (Tatinica- Savudrija, 12th/13th c.
Maharac)10 (Fig. 3/1) represents
remains characteristic for that
period, with globular amphorae
cargo, ship’s equipment in the form
of several incrusted iron anchors
of type ‘T’ (or Type D according to
Kapitän’s typology)11, and movable
metal and ceramic finds from the
galley inventory12. A similar find-
ing with many analogies was dis-
covered in the 1960’s on Yassi Ada
site in Turkey (Fig. 1/1). Extensive
underwater researches of the sites
gave us much knowledge of the
maritime trade during the 7th cen-
tury and a wider picture of the
organization of navigation, the
appearance of the merchant ships,
their cargo, equipment and con-
struction in the early Byzantine
period13 (Fig. 5/1).

Considering the fact that the


research on the Island of Mljet is at
its beginning, the data gained from
the Turkish researches can partly
illustrate the appearance and the
equipment of the ship. The Yassi
Ada ship was 18,6 m long, 5 m Fig. 4: Map of the Adriatic Sea with the major maritime routes in the Roman and
wide, with 40 tonnes carrying Byzantine periods.
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50 Byzantine maritime trade · V. Zmaić Kralj

Fig. 5: Hull remains on the Byzantine shipwreck sites and their reconstruction: 1.Yassi Ada; 2. Bozburun; 3. Serçe Limani; 4.
Contarina I.

capacity, equipped with eleven iron Seven hundred amphorae be- several amphorae of small dimen-
anchors of type ‘T’, and the cargo longed to the globular Yassi Ada 2 sions with flat bottom. Similar
of over 900 amphorae. The analo- type, known as the LRA 13 am- globular amphorae have been dis-
gies between the two ships are also phorae, Pieri LRA 2B-2C or LRA tributed on the wider area of the
demonstrated in numerous ceram- 2/13 variants, produced in various Mediterranean: on the islands of
ic and metal dishes from the galley parts of the Mediterranean, mainly Aegina and Crete, as well as in the
inventory, among which the re- in the Aegean area from the 7th to Saraçhane15 and Yenikapi16 excava-
searches of Yassi Ada recovered the 9th centuries. (Fig. 2.1/1,2). tions in Istanbul and in the cargo
coins from the time of Emperor of the Bozburum shipwreck17 in
Heraclius (610-641) dating the The rest of the amphora cargo was the southwest coast of Turkey. The
shipwreck to the year 625/614. composed of mostly individual same shapes have been found at
Thirty amphorae in the cargo types of LRA belonging to the peri- excavations in Butrint18, at an early
belonged to Yassi Ada type 1, a od of 6th and 7th centuries. The Byzantine shipwreck near Otranto
cylindrical body vessel with round cargo of Tatinica-Maharac is com- in Apulia19, and in the north part of
base, known as the later version of posed of vessels that belong to the the Adriatic, in Comacchio and in
LRA 1 type or LR 1B amphorae, LRA 2B type, several versions of Venice (Fig. 2.1/3-5)20. They started
dated to the 6th and 7th centuries. globular LRA 13 amphorae and to appear from the 7th to the 9th cen-
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17. Jahrgang 2017 · Heft 1 51

tury, and many variants in forms


indicate different production cen-
tres: from the island of Chios or the
coastal part of Anatolia, the Büyük
Menderes River estuary to Cyprus
and Crete21. Through the shape of
LRA 2/13 we can follow the devel-
opment of forms and some kind of
link and continuity between the
LRA 2 types and globular middle
Byzantine vessels like type Günsenin
I, produced from the 9th to the 11th
century on the Byzantine territory.

Middle Byzantine amphorae in


the Eastern Adriatic

The following period, which takes


place from the 9th to the 11th cen-
turies, shows some kind of gap in
circulation of the Byzantine am- Fig. 6: Cape Stoba shipwreck: complete 3D virtual model with amphoras of 2009-2015
seasons.
phorae and trade relations in the
eastern Adriatic. This coincided
with the general political state of
the Empire, where the Iconoclast
emperors of the 8th century turned
to overland trade, thus enabling
Italian, Arab and Armenian traders
to intermediate and to control
maritime trade in the Black Sea
and in the western Mediterranean22.
In 826 the Arab fleet conquered
Crete, and later the Balearic Is-
lands, Sicily and parts of southern
Italy leaving the Byzantine Empire
no control over the West. The
power ratio in the market turned
in favour of Venice, where the finds
of middle Byzantine amphorae
from the 10th and 11th centuries
were recorded, unlike in Coma-
cchio, that had shown a fall in
trade. Trade in the Po River valley
would lose its significance, while
Venice would become the sole
provider for the Carolingians and
transalpine market23, taking the
role of the leading maritime trade
power in the Adriatic. But, in the
second half of the 10th century the
Byzantine Empire had another ter-
ritorial expansion.24 Byzantine rule
over southern Italy and Crete was
re-established, restoring the Byzan-
tine maritime trade in the Adriatic.
Fig. 7: Cape Stoba shipwreck.
A re-launch of maritime trade
awakened the production of new
forms of Byzantine amphorae by One of the most important ship- from this period is the Cape Stoba
the Aegean, Marmara and the wrecks for establishing the typolo- site, located on the seabed off the
Black Sea coastal workshops. gy and chronology of amphorae island of Mljet25. There, on the area
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52 Byzantine maritime trade · V. Zmaić Kralj

around 3 mina. Their shape, like


from the previous ones, came from
the early Byzantine globular LR 13
amphorae of Aegean provenance.
According to Garver’s classifica-
tion37, they belong to group 1 and
to the period of the 9th to 11th cen-
turies. Sixteen examples from the
Museum of underwater archaeolo-
gy in Bodrum indicate they be-
longed to the east-Aegean produc-
tion that could have emerged from
the production centres of the earli-
er period. Similar examples had
been found in Istanbul38, in Cher-
sonese in the southwest coast of
Crimea39, in Sarkel on the Don
River, in Preslav in Bulgaria40,and
embedded in the vault of 11th cen-
Fig. 8: Cape Stoba, amphora of group I closed by stopper.
tury church of St. Sophia in Ohrid
in Macedonia41.
of approximately 100 square me- would be equivalent to 3,7 mina,
ters, over 200 middle Byzantine the most common Byzantine More than 84 examples belonged
amphorae and numerous pieces of weight measure for the wine to group III (Fig. 9/3). They can be
luxurious glass objects, equipment trade29. The funnel neck ends with divided into several versions on the
of the ship and galley inventory wide profiled rim, shaped inside as basis of their size and capacity
were discovered. The wooden con- a slot for a cork stopper. Many of ranging between 4,8 (1.6 mina) to
struction of the hull wasn’t pre- Group 1 amphorae were closed by 7 litres (2.3 mina), and their vari-
served, but two iron anchors re- stoppers made of cork oak (Quer- ous deviations in appearance and
mained partially preserved. Both cus suber L.) covered with a layer of production methods. These vessels
anchors belonged to the type ‘Y’ or resin30. According to the classifica- have a characteristic body shape
Type E according to Kapitän’s ty- tion made on the basis of Bodrum that tapers in a cone shape, there-
pology26 (Figs. 6, 7), the typical Museum amphorae31, they belong fore they entirely have a form of an
Byzantine ship’s equipment in the to group 8, dated to 9th -11th cen- elongated rhombus, like the earlier
period from the 10th to the 13th turies, after the amphorae embed- Late Roman ‘carrot’ or Agora M334
century27. Similar anchors with ded in the buildings in Mangala amphorae. The most similar speci-
arms that slant downward, with the (Istanbul), built during the reign of mens were discovered embedded
obtuse angle between the shank Emperor Basil I (867-886)32 and in the dome of the 9th/10th century
and the arms, were discovered in related examples from the Agora of church of St. John the Baptist in
the shipwrecks at Serçe Limani Athens dated to the layers from the Kerch42, in Preslav and in the mon-
(Fig. 1/3) and Camalþ Burnu I in 9th and 10th centuries33, Sarachane astery near Karnaach Teke in Bul-
Turkey28 (Fig. 1/4), while in the in Istanbul, from the first half of garia, dated to the 10th and 11th cen-
seabed of the eastern Adriatic they the 11th century34, and from the turies43. Their form indicates they
were recorded near the island of Serce Limani shipwreck cargo in could have derived from one ver-
Korcula, in the waters of Palagruža Turkey, dated in 102535. The place sion of late antique Agora M334
and Šæedro near Hvar, and in of their production hasn’t been amphorae produced around Ac-
Sustipan bay on the island of Brac. determined so far, but their shape con44. As in the case of the ampho-
Galley inventory consisted of a resembles one of the versions of rae of group I, a large number of
small ceramic two-handled vessel, early Byzantine LR 2/13 amphorae, these vessels were found closed
a ceramic flask and various dishes produced in the territory of nowa- with wooden cork stoppers soaked
for storage and preparing food. So days Tunisia during the second half with resin.
far over 200 amphorae were recov- of the 7th century (Fig. 2.1./10)36.
ered from the site, belonging to Six small piriform amphorae with
over ten different types with many Eleven amphorae belonged to a stubby neck and oval handles
variants (Fig. 9). group II (Fig. 9/2). They have a reaching from the rim belong to
short neck, simpler rim and body group IV (Fig. 9/4). Their capacity
Over 60 amphorae belonged to of slightly rhomboid form, with is only 1.8 litres, which would be
group I (Fig. 9/1), a vessel wide in round or conical bottom without equivalent to 18 Byzantine litrai.
shoulders slightly narrowing standing surface. The capacity of According to Günsenin’s classifica-
towards the base with concave cen- the vessel is 9 litres, which would tion, they belong to the Byzantine
tre and 11 litres capacity, which be a weight measure equivalent to amphora Type XI dated to the 10th
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17. Jahrgang 2017 · Heft 1 53

Fig. 9: Distribution of various types of amphorae discovered in the cargo of Cape Stoba site.

and 11th centuries45. The closest par- amphora kiln sites at Ganos, on the belong to group VI. They can be
allels had been discovered in Serçe north-west coast of the Sea of Mar- divided into several versions on the
Limani ship’s cargo, in the Agora of mara, at Chora, and on Marmara basis of their diameter and capacity
Athens and in Preslav and Kar- Island, that produced this type of ranging between 6.7 litres (2.2
naach Teke monastery, in the layers amphorae48.The same amphorae mina), 15 litres (5 mina) and 21
dated to the 10th and 11thcenturies46. can be found within the cargos of litres (7 mina) (Fig. 9/6). Together
shipwrecks in almost all parts of with the previous group, this is the
Two globular amphorae with wide the Byzantine Empire, including best represented type of Middle
piriform body belong to group V, the most significant one, the Serçe Byzantine amphora, and while the
and unlike the previous ones they Limanþ shipwreck49. Although they Ganos type is mostly distributed
can be linked to the place of pro- appeared frequently in numerous on the eastern Mediterranean, the
duction (Fig. 9/5). According to sites of the eastern Mediterranean, amphorae of group VI amphorae
Günsenin’s classification, they the Black Sea, lower Danube region are more specific for the western
belong to Type I Byzantine ampho- and Balkans, amphorae from Cape region. In Bakirtzis’ typology they
rae, dated from the 10th to 12th cen- Stoba are the only two such speci- represent the Type 1 of Byzantine
turies. She linked them to the pro- mens recorded so far in the Adria- amphorae, which were dated to the
duction of wine at the Ganos mo- tic. A ceramic ball with diameter late 9th to 11th centuries51. According
nastery in the Marmara region, fitting the rim of group V amphora to Garver’s classification they be-
which was founded in the 10th cen- was found on the site, which coin- long in Class 5 and are dated to the
tury47. Their quantity and the wide cides with finding from Silistra site period from the 9th to the 13th cen-
distribution in the territory of the in Bulgaria, where a stone ball was turies. Their shape suggests they
entire Mediterranean and the Black found in situ, stuck in the mouth could have derived from the widely
sea, up to Ukraine, Russia and Swe- of an amphora, used as a stopper50. distributed LRA 1 type of the east-
den show us a widespread trade ern Mediterranean provenience,
network of the wine production. Twenty-four piriform vessels with which was used during the Late
Surveys in the 1990s located several rounded base and short neck Roman and early Byzantine period
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54 Byzantine maritime trade · V. Zmaić Kralj

and established in the whole of


Mediterranean affecting the ap-
pearance of many MBA variants.
Similar amphorae have been found
in pottery kilns dating to the end of
9th and 10th centuries in Chersonese,
an important commercial Byzan-
tine centre on the northern coast of
the Black Sea, suggesting their
provenance52. But other areas of
production cannot be excluded,
given their widespread distribution
across the Aegean Sea, in Bulgaria
and Romania, and on the Balkans
inland sites, while in the Adriatic
they were discovered in many ex-
amples and variants: on the Ždrijac
site in Nin, and like sporadic finds
near the islet of Ošljak in the Zadar
Channel, in the Port of Hvar, Split
and Umag53. Their presence had
Fig. 10: Cape Stoba, fragments of the glass objects from the ship’s cargo.
also been recorded in San Fran-
cesco del Deserto and on Torcello
Island in the Venice Lagoon, testi-
fying another rise of the Byzantine
maritime trade and restored con-
nections54.

Two ovoid amphorae with a stubby


neck, highly placed handles and
capacity of 6 litres (2 mina) belong
to group VII (Fig. 9/7). In Gün-
senin’s classification these belong
to type XV, based on specimens
found in the Agora of Athens dat-
ing to 11th and 12th centuries55.
According to other findings, from
the construction of the 11th century
church of St. Barbara in Trogir
(Central Dalmatia)56, in Albania,
Aegean islands and in Apulia (Mo-
la di Bari, Brindisi, Capo San Vito,
Taranto), these amphorae gravitate
towards central and west Mediter- Fig. 11: 1. Glass bottle from Serce Limani ship’s cargo; 2. Ždrijac in Nin 9th c.: glass
ranean. Excavations at Otranto and bottle from grave no 322.
in the site of Quattro Macine, An-
tifano, the monastic sites of S. One fragment of neck with a base Athens. On the basis of chemical
Giovanni Malcantone and Le Cen- of the handles and distinctive broad analysis of the fabric and compari-
toporte as well as surveys of the angular rim (Fig. 9/8) suggests that son with clay and other ceramics
underwater sites around Apulia it belonged to a type of piriform from the sites of Middle Greece,
during 1980’s and 90’s have re- amphora with bowed handles, well Thebe, Chalkida and Evvoia, the
vealed an abundance of amphorae represented on the eastern Medi- production of Günsenin II ampho-
made from a distinctly local terranean and the Black Sea basin rae can be assigned to Chalkida,
Apulian fabric and ceramic kilns from the 10th to the 12thcenturies, the important Byzantine harbour
for their producing, in contexts but a very rare find in the western in the Aegean Sea, an area famous
dating from the 10th/11th to the 13th region. According to the Günsenin for its wine and olive oil produc-
centuries57. Therefore, a future ana- typology it belongs to the group tion60.
lysis of the clay of the Cape Stoba IIB58, and in the Bakirtzis classifica-
amphorae and a comparison with tion in Type IV59. Westernmost One example of a small amphora
the clay from local deposits could similar examples were discovered with wide, round or slightly polyg-
indicate these origins. in Thessaloniki and at the Agora in onal body of 6 litres capacity (2
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17. Jahrgang 2017 · Heft 1 55

Fig. 12: 1. Ždrijac in Nin:.Amphorae and other finds from the site; 2. Amphorae from the bay of Pijan (Savudrija) in Istria; 3.
Ceramic clay recipients from the bay of Pijan.

mina), a profiled neck with a fun- from Serçe Limanþ site, with almost graveyard in Nin with findings of a
nel shaped rim and a base with a identical forms of graffiti63. bottle and a cup of the Levantine
concave centre belongs to group IX glass production (Fig. 11/2). The
(Fig. 9/9). Top and the bottom of The next connection between Cape bottle has an elongated neck deco-
the handles are decorated with four Stoba and Serçe Limanþ shipwrecks rated with three wavy glass applica-
horn-like bulges, hence the analogy is a cargo of precious glassware in tions and round body made from
for this vessel has not been found the Islamic tradition, produced in yellow green glass in a blowing
yet, but according to its dimension the eastern Mediterranean. It was technique, with a decoration of a
and shape, there are certain simi- made in a complex glass blowing stylized × motif65. The decoration
larities with amphorae produced in technique which combined cobalt and shape are quite similar to the
Apulia, on the Mitello site with blue and greenish glass decorated glass bottle from Serce Limani
ceramic kilns discovered in the area with undulating or spiral applica- ship’s cargo (Fig. 11/1), while the
of Otranto (Fig. 2.1./7,9)61. tion of glass in different colour and neck decoration is analogue to
with a stylised concentric ‘eye’ those from the Cape Stoba site.
Many amphorae of group I, II, III, motif, imprinted on the hot glass Therefore, we can assume that the
V and VI in addition with stamp of surface, a characteristic of Levant’s bottle found in that grave had been
the manufacturer have graffiti in- glass production, dating back to produced in Levantine glass work-
scribed on the upper part of the the second half of the 9th or the 10th shops, and it came into the family’s
body which may be related with centuries (Fig. 10)64. The discovery possession like a purchase or as a
trade regulations and standardiza- of manufactured goods far from political gift, through the media-
tion of merchandise and container their place of origin reflects the tion of the Byzantine merchant-
for trade during transportation reputation of these products and men, like those found at Cape
and distribution (Fig. 8). They interconnectedness of Mediterra- Stoba or at Serce Limani. Latter
appear in the form of single-mark nean trade. It can be assumed that one was dated by the glass weights
or multiple-mark in Greek letters such luxurious items were intend- used for weighing coins belonging
or runes, as well as geometric, pic- ed for the market in Venice or to the Fāṭimid Dynasty, dated to a
torial symbols or numerals62. The other urban Byzantine centres in year of 1024/1025, which gave us a
most common symbols are X, M, the Adriatic, but some Byzantine chronological benchmark for the
and A and appears in multiple finds in the early Croatian period ship’s foundering.
character marks, including liga- graveyard show an interest of the
tures: XM, AX, MAX, ΧMΛ, XMD early Croatian nobility for import- Serce Limani glass items take us
or NX, and the M appears in liga- ed luxury items. into relation with another middle
tures as well: XM, AM, MD, MP, Byzantine shipwreck in the eastern
MF, MFT, XMD. There are plenty This is clearly evident from graves Adriatic discovered in the Ždrijac
parallels of amphorae with similar with Byzantine and Carolingian Bay in 1966 (Fig. 12/1). A mer-
graffiti found on sites around the imported items, including a grave chantman was carrying a number
Black Sea basin, as well as from (n.º 322) of an early Croatian of iron tools, amphorae, ceramic
Byzantine shipwrecks, especially nobleman’s family in the Ždrijac and bronze dishes, roof materials
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56 Byzantine maritime trade · V. Zmaić Kralj

Fig. 13: Lučnjak shallows: Günsenin Type III amphora, Fig. 15: 1. Amphora from the Sobra bay on the island of Mljet;
12th/13th c. 2. Amphora from Hvar town harbour.

and glass objects of which one ed in Byzantine amphora finds, near Korcula (Fig. 13), together with
globular bottle with wide horizon- especially in the piriform amphora late Byzantine finds, like small pear-
tal rim is analogue to the one from characteristic for this time, with shaped clay recipients, filled with
the Serçe Limani cargo (Fig.12.1/7). narrow elongated neck, small ring- pale grey sediment and the frag-
A Byzantine ship from the 11th/12th shaped rim among massive high- ments of spindle-shape amphorae71.
century, is not entirely preserved, bowed handles and densely ribbed Clay recipients, 9 cm high and 7cm
nevertheless, diverse Byzantine wide belly (Fig. 13). According to wide, probably represented flam-
cargo, and its position in the vicin- Günsenin, it belongs to Type III of mable projectiles or grenades, used
ity of Nin, one of the centre of the Byzantine amphorae, dated from in the Byzantine Empire from the
Duchy of the Croats, clearly show 12th to 13th centuries, and it can be middle of the 8th century. They had
the trade relations between the traced along the Anatolian coast, emerged from the well-known
Byzantine merchants and the local Aegean, Marmara and Black Sea, to Byzantine invention called ‘Greek
early Croatian population. the south of Italy, so it appears they fire’, a flammable substance used in
were a part of one widespread naval battles to great effect, as it
trading network. So far, their pro- could continue burning while
Late Byzantine amphorae in the duction has been connected to var- floating on water72. Small clay or
Eastern Adriatic ious areas; from the Anatolian glass recipients in a form of hand
coast to the Crimea or Boeotia in projectiles filled with similar flam-
In the second half of the 11th centu- Greece, but the latest analysis of the mable substance were a simpler
ry the influence of the Byzantine fabric connects them to the ceram- version of this weapon. Chemical
Empire started to decline. The ic production of Chalkida, an im- analysis of the sediment from the
Normans had conquered their portant harbour for the distribu- projectile, showed it had 91, 31%
lands in the south of Italy, while tion of agricultural products from of calcium carbonate (CaCO3) and
Italian cities had managed to middle Greece. Considering the other trace elements suggesting the
become the leading maritime and existence of transition variants recipients were filled with quick-
commercial force in the Mediter- between Günsenin type II and III, lime. In the chemical reaction with
ranean66. Also, in the beginning of made from the same fabric, it water the lumps of quicklime break
the 12th century, the Kingdom of appears that type III gradually down to a dry fine white powder
Hungary emerged as the major emerged from the previous type, known as hydrated lime or lime
rival of the Byzantine in the probably in the same ceramic hydrate (Ca(oH)2), and during the
Adriatic and Balkans. The Empire workshops68. long contact with moisture and
responded by a military campaign carbon dioxide in the air, it forms
which ended with re-conquering of Several sporadic finds of these calcium carbonate (CaCO3)73.
Dalmatia which briefly renewed its amphorae appeared in the eastern
domination and trade contacts Adriatic: from the port of Hvar, Similar recipients have been dis-
between 1165 and 118067. Porec69, and from the seabed off covered in 1995 on the seabed of
Mljet island (Fig. 14)70. An example Pijan Bay near Savudria (Fig. 12./3),
This brief period left a trace in of this amphora was discovered in in the context with an almost
material culture and is also reflect- 2008 on the shallows of Lucnjak entirely preserved amphora of
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17. Jahrgang 2017 · Heft 1 57

in the Sobra Bay on the island of


Mljet (Fig. 15/1)76. The full profile
of the last-mentioned vessel was
preserved giving us its dimensions
and a capacity of 2,5 litres, clearly
indicating the tendency for smaller
forms of clay containers in the later
period. This is obvious in the shape
of another type of late Byzantine
amphora found at the shallows of
Lucnjak. It is a spindle-shaped am-
phora covered with horizontal
grooves with a little toe at the bot-
tom, convex, sloping shoulders,
short neck and elongate handles
arising from the rim in high arches
above the vessel. A site with con-
centration of these amphorae shards
was discovered near Merara islet
(Fig. 16/1) in Central Dalmatia77,
and similar remains of cargo were
recently discovered near St. Petar
Bay on the island of Ugljan in the
Zadar archipelago78. In both cases
amongst a large field of fragments
of the same type, there was not any
Fig. 14: Günsenin’s Type III amphora finds in the eastern Adriatic.

ribbed piriform body with concave


base, small neck with ring-shaped
rim and high bowed handles (Fig.
12.2/1)74. It belongs to the late vari-
ant of Byzantine amphorae of Ba-
kirtzis’s Type 1, with obvious dif-
ference in the handles, which are
higher positioned than in the pre-
vious, early variants of these am-
phorae. They were characteristic
for the 12th/13th centuries in varied
forms, particularly along the east
Adriatic coast, and can be traced in
the Ždrijac-Nin shipwreck, and as
the sporadic finds in Umag, in
Trogir’s harbour, near the island of
Žuthet, islands of Silba and Ošljak
near Zadar, on the island of Hvar,
and embedded in early mediaeval
churches, like St.George on the
island of Vis75.

In the context of the mentioned


finds from the Pijan Bay, upper parts
of two smaller amphorae were
found (Fig. 12.2/2,3). According to
their necks and high raised hand-
les, these probably belong to nar-
row, elongated amphorae, most
similar to the amphora discovered Fig. 16: 1. Fragments of the Merara site amphorae; 2. amphora from the Franciscan
in Hvar harbour (Fig. 15/2), in Vela monastery collection on the island of Krapanj; 3. Amphorae from Agios Stephanos in
Arta near the island of Murter and the south of Peloponnese; 4. amphora from Torre dell’Orso in Apulia.
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58 Byzantine maritime trade · V. Zmaić Kralj

complete specimen of amphora, a renovation of the church of the events during the 13th century
therefore the real dimensions of Afendiko of the Brontochion when William of Villehardouin in
the vessel couldn’t have been estab- Monastery at Mistra on the Pelo- 1248 in the name of the French
lished until a comparison to the ponnese.83 During the church re- kingdom occupied the last By-
amphorae from the Franciscan storation two small amphorae were zantine possessions in the southern
monastery collection on the island discovered in the central dome, Peloponnese, conquered Monem-
of Krapanj (Fig. 16/2)79. Although it embedded during the church’s vasia and built a city-fortress
misses a little fragment of the bot- construction, between 1310 and Mistras, where spindle-shaped am-
tom, when compared to other frag- 1320, suggesting that these am- phorae were found87. According to
ments the basic dimensions could phorae had been used as transport some authors88, after the French
have been established: it was containers earlier, during the 13th had taken over Monemvasia, local
around 40 cm long, with the dia- century. Analogue examples were wine called ‘Malvoisie’ became
meter from 15-17 cm, therefore it found in Corinth and Agios Ste- popular in Europe and started to
had a same capacity as the previous phanos in the south of the Pelo- be exported under the anglicised
types. This amphora was a gift ponnese, embedded in the archi- name of ‘Mamsley’, northwards
from Krapanj sponge divers in the tectural buildings or in the layers across the Adriatic coast and
1960s, without any data about the dated to the 13th and 14th century Venice to the European market.
location of discovery. (Fig. 16/3), along with Frankish
coins of the early 14th century, and So, from the fall of the Byzantine
An interesting fact is that the large quantities of Archaic Majoli- Empire in 1204, their relations
Museum of the city of Šibenik pre- ca and ceramics of local produc- with the Western market became
serves a large bronze bell, found by tion, made by the clay of similar so weak and almost non-existent.
Krapanj spongers in 1960’s in the composition like amphorae.84 An- On one hand, the Croatian-Hun-
vicinity of the island of Silba. In the other similar amphora was found garian rule was established and on
notes on the circumstances of the overseas, on the Torre dell’Orso the other hand Venetian traders
finding is stated that the bell was site in Apulia (Fig. 16/4)85, one of took over most of the Adriatic
discovered on the seabed together the rare provinces in medieval Italy trade. Although the barrels took a
with amphorae, marble tiles and an with a vital production and trade leading role in trade, the clay con-
iron anchor. The bell gives a plenty connections with other remaining tainers had still retained in the
of information because of an en- Byzantine provinces. form of spindle-shape amphorae
graved inscription that mentions and were still used in certain areas
that it was casted by Jakob from Otranto, the major harbour of as late as in the 13th and the 14th
Messane and Andreot from Pisa at Apulia, had a trading and food centuries, after which late Byzan-
Accon (Syria) in 1266, therefore, supply contract with Venice to tine amphorae trade along the
the ship with the bell could sank Christian towns in Syria since Adriatic completely disappeared.
between 1266 and 1291, when 1104, which fits into the archaeo-
Accon fell under the invasion of logical picture of the late Byzantine
the Muslims, before which the amphorae sites in the eastern Notes
Christian immigrants, Templars Adriatic and puts the shipwreck
and members of the other Orders with bell from Accon in the same 1 Günsenin 2009, 145.
gradually started to leave their pos- context. At the same time, coins 2 Arthur – Auriema 1996, 14-17; Im-
sessions in Syria and Palestine80. and Archaic Majolica of the Italian periale 2004, 327-342; Auriema – Quiri
workshops found in the Pelopon- 2007, 31-64; Vroom 2012, 354-391; Vroom
The assumption that the Krapanj nese confirm the close relations 2017, 285-310.
amphora comes from the same site and trade connections between
as the bell is probable, if we take Apulia and the Peloponnese. Ac- 3 Cirelli 2014, 541-552.
into consideration that both arte- cording to the evidence of the 4 Laiou – Morrisson 2007, 24.
facts were at the same time donat- finds, the trade took place from
ed by the Krapanj sponge divers, Otranto across Butrint in present- 5 van Doorninck 1972, 139.
and the fact that notes about the day Albania to the Byzantine pos- 6 van Doorninck 1972, 140-141; Raut-
location mention amphorae81. Also, sessions in the Peloponnese and
man 2006, 150.
the bell was dated to the period backwards, and along the eastern
during which there were no other Adriatic, the unavoidable route to 7 Gelichi – Negrelli 2008, 307.
types of amphora in the Adriatic. Venice86. 8
In Bakirtzis’s classification this is ibid. 310.
Type 7, the final type, after which Traces of spindle-shaped amphora 9 From Comacchio through the Po River
the amphorae meant for trade and along the eastern Adriatic could be valley route the supply of the Kingdom of
transportation were no longer pro- linked also to the trading of wine the Lombards took place, while the supply
duced82. It was dated to the 13th/14th called ‘Malvoise’ originally from of the Carolingian dynasty and transalpine
market in Europe took place through
century, based on the similar am- the region of Monemvasie in the
phorae that were discovered during south of the Peloponnese and to Venice (Negrelli 2007, 458).
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17. Jahrgang 2017 · Heft 1 59

10 Discovered during archaeological sur- 36 The finds from Chios, Saracane in 67 Goldstein 1999.
vey of the seabed of Mljet in 2015 (I. Istanbul, Crypta Balbi in Rome, S. Antonio
68 Waksman et al. 2016. Article in press.
Miholjek, Department for underwater di Perti in Liguria, in Marseille and
Archaeology, Croatian Conservation Tarragona show us the widespread of 69
Tunisian LRA 2/13 along the entire Brusiæ 2010, 247-248.
Institute).
11
Mediterranean (Reynolds 2016, 147). 70 Zmaiæ Kralj 2015a.
Kapitän 1984, 43.
37 Garver 1993, 57-60.
12 Zmaiæ Kralj 2015. 71 Zmaiæ – Miholjek 2012, 162-166.
38 Ibid.
13 72 Roland 1992, 657-664; Shavit 2008,
Bass – van Doorninck 1982.
39 Jakobson 1951, 333, fig. 6/25-27. 101-103.
14 bid. 145.
40Doncheva-Petkova 1977, 193-4, pl. 73 Zmaiæ – Miholjek 2012, 166.
15 Hayes 199.2, 15-18. XXX:356.
74 Brusiæ 2010, 249.
16 Kocabaý 2012, 25-30. 41 Aleksova 1960, 202-203; Brusic 1976, 39.
75 Ibid. 248. Fig.9/2.
17 Hocker – Scafuri 1996, 5. 42 akobson 1979, 75.
76 Ideal reconstruction of the lower parts
18 Vroom 2012, 371-373. 43 Todorova 2012, 18-9, 23. of two amphorae from Pijan Bay (Brusiæ
19 44 Agora M334 amphora was found on 2010, 246. Fig.5/2.3.) doesn’t indicate the
Auriemma – Quiri 2007, 42-43.
Yassi Ada shipwreck, at Crypta Balbi site in noted types of amphorae, but on the other
20 Gelichi – Negrelli 2008, 307. Rome, in Arles and Marseille and near the hand their upper parts match the elongat-
islet of Veliki Maslinovac near Mljet, so ed amphorae from Hvar, Vela Arte-Murter,
21 Auriemma – Quiri 2007, 41 during the 7th/8th centuries they were wide- and Sobra Bay.
22 van Doorninck 1972, 146. spread along the whole Mediterranean 77 Zmaiæ 2010, 238-240.
(Reynolds 2008, 68).
23 Gelichi – Negrelli 2008, 326. 78
45
Kaleb – Bekiæ 2016, 50-53.
Günsenin 1990, 39.
24 Laiou – Morrisson 2007, 44. 79
46 Brusiæ 1976, 48.
Todorova 2012, 19, 23.
25 The first survey was carried out in 1975 80 Bach 1972, 47.
by the Institute for Protection of Cultural 47 Günsenin 2009, 147.
Monuments and the Maritime Museum in 81 Zmaiæ Kralj 2013, 85.
48 Günsenin 1999, 19.
Dubrovnik (J. Luetiæ, Z. Brusiæ and A.
Kisiæ) and between 2010 and 2015 excava- 49 Günsenin 2001, 117-133.
82 Bakirtzis 1989, 74-75.
tions have been carried out by Department
83 Sanders 1989, 196.
for Underwater Archaeology of the Croa- 50 Todorova 2011, 133.
tian Conservation Institute (I. Miholjek), 84
51 Bakirtzis 1989, 74-77. Sanders 2008, 397-402.
joined by the Department of Studi Uma-
nistici of the Universita Ca’ Foscari of 52
85 Arthur – Auriemma 1996, 16.
Jacobson 1979, 75.
Venice from 2012 (C. Beltrame).
86 Vroom 2012, 353-355.
53 Brusiæ 2010, 246.
26 Kapitän 1984, 43. 87 n 1259 the Nicaean emperor Michael
54 Toniolo 2007, 103.
27 Beltrame 2012, 222-223. VIII Palaeologus reconquered Mystras, and
55 two years later after conquering Consta-
28 van Doorninck 2004, 235; Kocabaý Günsenin 1990, 308 pl. 84/3; 313 pl. 86/1.
ntinople he restored the Byzantine Empire,
56 Brusiæ 2010, 249; Jurkoviæ – Turkoviæ
2009, 227-237. and Mystras became the seat of the gover-
29 Due to the policies of trade control and 2012, 137. nor of the Byzantine territories in the
regulation of the Byzantine State, potters 57 Peloponnese.
Arthur – Auriemma 1996, 16.
trading within the Empire were attempting 88 Sanders 1987, 191; Harris 2007, 249
58 Günsenin 1990, 31-34.
to follow a new standard of amphora regu-
lation based upon the Byzantine litra. 1
59 Bakirtzis 1989, 74-75.
mina = 30 Byzantine litrai (1 Byzantine
litrai = 320 g.) measure was known as the 60 Waksman et al. 2016. Article in press.
thalassion metron or “sea measure”
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