EMPOWERING INDIGENOUS YOUTH THROUGH HIP HOP 1

Running head: EMPOWERING INDIGENOUS YOUTH THROUGH HIP HOP

Empowering Indigenous Youth Through Hip Hop

Michael T. Cebuliak

University of British Columbia

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There is a prevalent misconception that many Indigenous youth of today exist in a state of limbo. They

seemingly are not permitted acceptance into the prominent Anglo society nor are they able to return to

the traditional way of life of their ancestors. As some scholars, such as Andrew Warren and Robb Evitt

(2010), have observed “Indigenous culture has often been assumed as static rather than as culture

always in creation” (Warren and Evitt pg. 143). This inertia commonly characterized, as in Donna

Dehnye’s work (1998) by the oft cited “walking in two worlds” metaphor implies that Indigenous youth

must walk between two inaccessible worlds so that they are essentially “disabled” from actively

exploring and creating their own culture. However, as further noted in Dehyne, disabilities are often a

hegemonic, cultural construct and as such this misconception of living in limbo, being frozen in time, or

“walking in two worlds”, for Indigenous youth perpetuates racist values and colonialism by ascribing

characteristics to young Indigenous peoples’ lives that these youth—and also those human instruments

of hegemonic institutions that they encounter in their quest for determination--are often unable to

escape from. Many indigenous youths have circumvented this problem by their adaption of hip hop

culture and have used it to bridge the gaps that exists between their past, present and future. In the

evolutionary process of doing so, they are forging identities for themselves, that are both based on

tradition while acting in recognition of their unique political and social predicament; consequently, hip

hop offers Indigenous youth a means of escaping the confines of living in limbo or other manners of

defining this commonly, but harmfully, perceived stasis.

As illustrated in such seminal classics as Tony Silver’s (1983) documentary Style Wars, hip hop emerged

within inner-city American ghettos during the 1970’s as a response to oppression and racism. African

American culture was seldom seen, or heard, in the major metropolitan centres of America;

consequently, within its emergence, most hip hop was unique, loud and brash in its presentation. To

illustrate their lack of voice many hip hop artists made their physical presence of paramount

importance: SEEN was the tag of one of New York’s most infamous first graffiti artists and his work
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could be found in spaces that were traditionally not accommodating to representations of African

America culture. His canvas of choice were the subway trains of New York, which promised exposure

across vast spaces in amongst many people, and by doing so African American art could finally be truly

“seen” within urban American environments. In similar fashion emcees, and DJ’s, would proudly

proclaim their name before announcing they were “in the house” as a means of addressing the problem

inherent within the many voices of this culture that were simply not being heard. During this time,

many inner-city African American youth felt alienated, marginalized and inconsequential within the

financial and cultural evolution of their county: Hip hop emerged as a consequence of this national

problem and incorporated the arts of rapping, break dancing, graffiti and DJaying as means of seriously

confronting the status-quo. In response, the powers that be, quickly attempted to discredit these art

forms and repress this socio-economic movement.

This anti-establishment, and empowering, stance is perhaps one of many reasons Indigenous youth

gravitated towards this movement. Certainly, these youth share many similarities to their African

American counterparts. They are living in poverty; many are marginalized within urban centres, and a

significant amount are depressed, frustrated or even angry about their circumstances. Celebrated

Indigenous hip hop artist Frank Waln (2015) has recognized his attraction to hip hop music as such:

“People often ask me why I and countless other reservation/urban Indigenous youth

connect and identify with Hip Hop. I’ve been asking myself this question for a few years

now. When we look at the foundation and birth of Hip Hop culture, we see that this

culture and the art forms that came with it are rooted in various African and Black

cultures. Hip Hop was born in the 1970’s in the Bronx during a time when the officials of

NYC decided it would be in the best interest of the city to build a new expressway right

through the middle of the Bronx, displacing their community. Their homelands were

being taken away in the name of “growth” and “expansion”. Their home was being
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colonized. Out of this time of peril, the roots of Hip Hop and its foundational elements,

including dance, music and graffiti emerged alive in well in NYC. The movement’s artists

were using the limited but powerful resources they had, such as music, dance, and

graffiti, to tell their story and that of their communities. Drawing from African tribal and

Black diasporic roots, Hip Hop was born” (Waln).

Seemingly many urban African Americans, just as well as their Indigenous counterparts, could also be

identified by the apparent inertia characterized within their evolutionary process of finding a habitable

place in contemporary American identity. Both cultures can certainly be seen as living in limbo;

however, it is questionable if this predicament wasn’t a purposeful construct of hegemonic forces that

sought to deny a place for these people in contemporary society. Urban and rural environments for

both people represented a means of manipulating the body and population into, reservations and

ghettos, of control. Bonar Buffam (2011) has alluded to the similarities between urban African American

ghettos and Urban Indigenous places in Canada: “Akin to the well-documented ‘ghettos in Chicago, Los

Angeles and Detroit, the inner city of Edmonton functions as a mechanism of ‘ethno-racial’ control

wherein ‘undesirable’ populations are confined to peripheral areas of the city…” (Buffam pg. 340). It is

not surprising, given the similar living environments and social conditions, that Indigenous youth both

found a recognizable voice in the foundations of hip hop and sought to emulate this genre in a manner

that would make it uniquely Indigenous. It is interesting to note that African American hip hop artists

recognized their Indigenous audience, and the social similarities to these performers roots, and actively

courted Indigenous youth. This acknowledgement of similar social circumstance is illustrated in Warren

and Evitt’s (2010) work when it is stated that, “…artists such as Snoop Dogg and Ice Cube have made

efforts to connect with local Aboriginal populations, referring to cultural similarities during interviews

and gigs, while making physical contact with communities…” (pg. 143) Of course, Indigenous audiences

felt kinship to the art in recognition of mutual concerns.

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The social role of hip hop in helping to define community and belonging can not be underemphasized.

From break dancing, DJaying to graffiti, this genre of art commands an audience usually organized in a

single, small urban environment. Bringing bodies together as a means of celebrating culture,

establishing community and confronting the status-quo is at the forefront of cultural determination as

the body, belonging to people of minorities, has long been an object of manipulation by hegemonic

powers. Much like African American hip hop artists, Indigenous artists wish to be seen as thriving and

relevant in contemporary urban environments. Colonialism has a longstanding history of removing the

Indigenous body from visibility. The savage Native has always been associated with the body rather

than the mind and this relationship was advantageous for the purpose of colonialization which sought to

keep the Indigenous body from view. Contemporary indigeneity seeks to celebrate the body, and re-

appropriate it, by making it visible in urban environments, such as night clubs and in areas of town

populated by Indigenous peoples. A Tribe Called Red, composed of three Indigenous men based in

Ottawa, fuse elements of hip hop and techno in their music, and are at the forefront of celebrating the

Indigenous body through their Electric Pow Wow presentations. Woloshyn (2015) states: “The pounding

electronic beats inspire attendees at Electric Pow Wow to listen kinaesthetically—a vigorous physical

response to the sounds resonating through the body and a celebration of the Aboriginal body

historically denied visibility and affirmation” (Woloshyn pg. 2). Consequently, such meetings not only

celebrate the Indigenous body but provide an environment for which Aboriginal youth feel like they

have a sense of belonging and a community. Indeed, such events, as ATCR’s Electric Pow Wow, are

great at creating intertribal bonds in urban environments. Many scholars, such as Woloshyn, Warren

and Evitt, have acknowledged a lack of concentrated neighborhoods for the, larger half of the entire

Canadian Indigenous population currently living in urban environments, which of course is of primary

concern because these youth do not have a place to partake in traditional ceremonies and social events;

consequently, Electric Pow Wow and other such practices of Indigenous hip hop, involving small groups,
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represent an evolutionary step in self-determination for Indigenous youth as the historically regulated

and controlled body is released to practice traditional culture, and engage in traditional ceremonies,

thus propelling the entire mix into the 21st century by fusing it with contemporary electronics and

mainstream audiences.

The importance of the body as a means of both controlling, as we have seen, and liberating Indigenous

peoples is an issue of longstanding scholarly research. Habirk and Fosyth’s (nd) work examines the role

of the body as a means of assimilation within residential schools. These authors, borrowing on the

theories of Michel Foucault, perceive the body as a cultural text and highlight the differences between

traditional indigenous bodies and those that were sculpted by means of sports at residential schools.

Popular depictions of the male body in hip hop celebrate muscle, bulk, strength and power while female

bodies are often depicted in overtly sexual ways that defy conventional western social norms for young

women. Although there are many exceptions to this in Indigenous and African American hip hop, they

do create an image of the body that challenges traditional structures of power. Certainly, this seeming

“appropriation”, but more likely “appreciation”, of the African American body, by Indigenous hip hop

artists and audiences, is in support of the hip hop tradition of using the body as a means of defiantly

challenging, and confronting the body of traditional Anglo powers.

Some may believe that Indigenous persons are merely appropriating African American culture by

utilizing many artistic elements of the genre; however, critics contend that appropriation illustrates an

ignorance of culture while Indigenous hip hop is empathetic, as illustrated by artists such as Frank Waln,

with the origins and contemporary state of hip hop culture. Conversely, much Anglo-American hip hop

not only appropriates artistic elements of African American hip hop but out right obscures the political

and social agenda that was the impetus for the movement, but this is generally not the case for a

considerable amount of Indigenous hip hop. However, if the removal of political and social elements

expressed within the origins of hip hop, by differing cultures, is overtly intentional or not is simply
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beyond the scope of this paper. Still, it is rather interesting to note that when an Anglo-American male

appropriates African American culture he is celebrated as the King of Rock and Roll and when

Indigenous peoples are seen as appropriating African American culture they are all too frequently seen

as thieving, and/or appropriating, Indians. Still, while there exist many similarities between how various

cultures express themselves in hip hop there also exists many differences and perhaps it is some of

these differences that lend themselves to understanding questions of authenticity. This element of

authentic representation, particularly as defined by the outsider, becomes so important within the

discussion of appropriation but several critics have noted that this perspective perpetuates colonialism

as “…’an ancient and universal feature of racism: the assumption of the undifferentiated other’. This

requires Aboriginal and other minorities to perform or be creative within symbolic frames installed and

maintained by demands of Western audiences for authenticity…. invoking sets of normative

expectations within colonial society about how minority texts and artists should look, listen, speak and

perform” (Warren and Evitt pg. 144). In short, authenticity should always be defined by those inside of

the culture as opposed to those on the outside.

What is authentic in Indigenous hip hop is debatable just as within any cultural expression of the art but

perhaps what is being appropriated/appreicated isn’t as important as to why it is being

appropriated/appreciated. Hip hop music is a wide and diverse genre with many subgenres

representing many cultures, sub cultures and individuals. It should be noted that much of the lyrical

content expressed in the origins of hip hop is empowering and optimistic. Much Indigenous hip hop

remains true to these elements and yet incorporates many traditional elements of Indigenous culture.

Alexa Woloshyn has noted this evolution within her work concerning A Tribe Called Red: “The members

of a ATCR are talented Aboriginal musicians whose sonic signature attempts to synthesize the past and

present into a compelling music that sounds and feels both connected to a vibrant cultural heritage and

relevant for twenty-first century urban based Aboriginal youth” (Woloshyn pg. 2). Still other Indigenous
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hip hop culture removes itself from such positive elements and addresses a bleaker reality that is a

reflection upon not only dissatisfaction but pessimism. Buffam speaks of the attraction of gangster rap

by young urban Indigenous males but acknowledges that there is a concerted effort by inner-city social

agencies to foster more socially responsible aspects of the hip hop community: “…the instructors

consumed, practiced, and dedicated themselves to what is often called ‘alternative’ or ‘progressive’ hip

hop, which stresses self-respect, social change and anti racism” (Buffam pg. 341). Suffice it to say more

research needs to be done into the possible origins for these differences as they each represent very

different outcomes for the identity of Indigenous youth and their acceptance within contemporary non-

Indigenous cultures. Nonetheless, when indigenous youth do have strong role models such as those

found within A Tribe Called Red, and other similar Indigenous hip hop artists, or when they have inner

city community centres that work at empowering youth through connecting them with tradition and

with the positive elements of ship hop culture, meaningful change can occur, as illustrated by Buffam,

“Because the [artists and ] instructors have committed themselves to a mode of hip hop that stresses

socio-political change, the aesthetic and ethical ideals after which they fashion their selves are

productive of politically engaged actors” (Buffam pg. 342)

Being politically engaged, as a minority, in todays technological world--fraught with all the dangers of

digital hegemonic cultural imperialism--is a complicated place to navigate, and while some may argue

that technology is not culturally neutral, many Indigenous hip hop artists are using technology in ways

that foster the evolution of Indigenous culture. A Tribe Called Red is well known for sampling the works

of other Indigenous artists so that the voice of Indigeneity, becomes bigger, louder and more diverse.

Such inclusion points to the historical nature of powwows as a means of building community and

celebrating. Also, technology remains an important element of building community and audience, via

the internet. Wolyshyn explains it as such: “…ATCR’s touring schedule allows Aboriginals across Canada

(and also the United States) to participate similarly in Electric Pow Wow, fostering community and
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cultural self-determination across time and space—even extending to virtual space where social media

posts display the sense of ownership Aboriginal individuals feel for the physical and musical space of

Electric Pow Wow” (Woloshyn pg. 4). And lastly, mastery of technology is a 21st century skill that insures

marketable skills in a world that permits such inclusion.

In this paper, it has been argued that hip hop is a means of circumventing the oppressive “walking in

two worlds” metaphor that has seemingly kept Indigenous youth in “limbo” and without identity. The

importance of an Indigenous hip hop community lies not just in its acceptance by indigenous youth and

elders but also by its acceptance within the highly influential mainstream Anglo audience. Two titles of

ATCR have been nominated for the prestigious Polaris Music Prize as well as garnering Breakout Group

of the Year in the Juno Awards and a nomination for Electronic Album of the Year. Australian Indigenous

hip hop artists OBHI have acknowledged acceptance of traditional culture by their elders. Mawpower,

of OBHI, has stated, “It’s Torres island hip hop, and Indigenous hip hop, we incorporate our language

and culture into that style, that genre…We get a great response form the elders cause that’s a new

genre for them. They’re not used to hip hop, and we show that we can incorporate our culture into hip

hop, and their like WOW, keep it up.” (as quoted in Warren and Evitt pg. 148). Artists like A Tribe Called

Red are courting this acceptance and promoting visible self-representation for the evolutionary, and

authentic, identity of Indigeneity: such developments could lead to the demise of the “walking in two

worlds” metaphor. Woloshyn has noticed the common perception of Indigenous youth as being caught

in a state of limbo, and the possible salvation provided by elements of hip hop culture, when she says,

“…ATCR see its music as an opportunity to bring visibility to twenty-first-century Aboriginals in Canada

and resist notions of a frozen culture” (pg. 7).

Certainly, hip hop is not the total panacea for any perceived stasis of Indigenous youth today;

nonetheless, elements of this culture afford those within a possible evolutionary path that may help

build both cultural and personal identity. Much hip hop culture does recognize a socio-political
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problem that impedes the growth of the many cultures that identify with it. It helps craft voices and

builds community. In the case of Indigenous people, it permits traditional cultural elements and allows

for the evolutionary development of similar practices. Also, it can’t be underemphasized that, it creates

a multi-cultural audience and fosters cultural appreciation, understanding and respect. In short,

because of all it provides, hip hop, most importantly, affords young Indigenous persons a feeling of

empowerment and pride, and because so many young Indigenous persons identify with it, it should

certainly be encouraged.
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