Can You Save Me?: Black Male Superheroes in Hollywood Film

Can You Save Me?
: Black Male Superheroes in Hollywood Film

Author(s): Tia C. M. Tyree and Liezille J. Jacobs
Source: Spectrum: A Journal on Black Men, Vol. 3, No. 1 (Autumn 2014), pp. 1-24
Published by: Indiana University Press
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Can You Save Me?:
Black Male
Superheroes in Film
Tia C. M. Tyree and Liezille J. Jacobs

“Be careful, hear. Cuz you ain’t Superman, and you
damn sure ain’t gettin’ paid.”—Uncle Joe in Steel
ABSTRACT: Film is an important component of society and works

to influence how Blacks are viewed and constructed in the world.
Today, as in the past, media are spaces of struggle over power and
meaning in our culture as well as mediums where dominant power
relations are reproduced. American cinema has normalized White-
ness of superheroes in action films, classic examples of which include
Superman, Spider-Man, and Batman. The purpose of this study was
to investigate how Black superheroes were constructed in films. This
project used the Afrocentric approach as a lens to uncover moments
when films play on the unconscious adoption of Western worldviews
and perspectives on race and gender roles. This analysis included
Black superheroes’ appearance, bodies, actions, histories, language,
purposes and missions, performance of their duties, and positionali-
ties in the community, which is important to add to literature focus-
ing on stereotypical representations of Black males and masculinity.
INTRODUCTION
When the average American moviegoer thinks of great cinematic super-

heroes, many will probably envision Superman, Captain America, Batman,
Spider-Man, or Iron Man. Among those who have become the staple visual for
the American superhero is the White male. In essence, cinematic portrayals
have normalized Whiteness as the standard, which could be seen as a natural
Spectrum, Volume 3, Number 1, pgs. 1–24, Autumn 2014 ©2014, Indiana University Press
2 S P E C T R U M 3 . 1
reflection of the White males who hold power positions not only in American
society, but the film industry. Yet, a small number of films over the last few de-
cades provided an alternate view of the superhero, one with the Black male as a
central heroic figure. While these representations were few, they are worthy of
investigation, because film works to influence how Blacks are viewed and con-
structed in the world.
In America, the degrading misrepresentations of Blacks occupy a long
and consistent history in our culture (Morris, 2011). With films, these preex-
isting images that are so pervasive in our society as well as the stereotypes that
exist in our cultural space “burst into vibrant life” (Campell, 1997, p. 74). For
Black men, the problem is very complex. As noted by Danielle Wallace (2007),
racial and gender socialization positions the Black man where he is attempting
to not be “the most rational of the irrational and the most unemotional of the
emotional—defying those racial stereotypes that position Black people as ir-
rational and animalistic and adhering to those pertaining to gender which po-
sition men as human and rational” (p. 15).
Black men in film have historically held a troublesome position that dates
back to the historic film The Birth of a Nation in 1915 (Wallace, 2007; Winn,
2001; Miller, 1997; Marshall, 2014). One hundred years later, scholars, critics,
and moviegoers still find representations of Black men to be points of conten-
tion. At the core of the argument are often problematic representations that
continue to be mass-produced throughout film and other US mass mediums,
including television and news. Further, as Blacks first began to consume film
and television, it was done with the understanding that there was a system of
knowledge and power at work maintaining White supremacy and by engaging
or consuming its images, Blacks were engaging in the “negation of Black repre-
sentation” (hooks, 1999, p. 95).
Today, as in the past, media are spaces of struggle over power and mean-
ing in our culture and they are sites where “dominant power relations of race,
class, and gender, and sexual preference are reproduced . . . in popular film and
television” (Sholle, 1994, p. 16). Research from media communication scholars
is often concerned with racial representations in film and television and the
media must include texts that clarify divergent views (Hall, 1980; Sholle, 1994;
Tyree, Byerly, & Hamilton, 2011). Further, questions regarding ethnic, racial,
gender, and class-based views of the world are important as these inquiries
showcase many views vying for attention (Winn, 2001). By analyzing the Black
male superheroes in film, this study intends to contribute to the discussion of
media perspectives and challenge the longstanding reproduction and cultural
acceptance of White males as superheroes. By design, the superhero stands for
Tia C. M. Tyree and Liezille J. Jacobs / Can You Save Me? 3
what is “right,” upholds justice, and is a crime-fighter. Yet, the media often con-
struct young Black men as dangerous through the use of the gangster, drug
dealer, and violent criminal stereotypes in television and film (Rose, 1994).
Therefore, the Black male superhero is ripe for investigation as it could put
forth a new perspective of not only an oppositional image of the superhero, but
one of the Black male in mass media.
ROLE OF MEDIA IN THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF RACE

AND GENDER
Race and racist imageries have been a part of and influenced film narra-
tive since its inception and these imageries have roots in the “narrow and de-
rogatory repertoire that has infected the White imagination for hundreds of
years” (Campbell, 1997). Black imagery was formulated through the norma-
tive order of White supremacy, which distorted Blacks’ cultural and human ap-
pearances, relegated them to particular roles, and created a subordinate rela-
tionship with Whites (Seemes, 1992). Yet, this has not gone unnoticed or
unchecked. Often, mass media productions receive criticism because of the
exclusion or minimization of minority roles or presence of traditional stereo-
typical roles. These representations, or lack thereof, are critical in the public’s
social construction of reality for they can support racism and sexism (Es-
chholz, Bufkin, & Long, 2002).
Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann’s book, titled The Social Construc-
tion of Reality: A Treatise its the Sociology of Knowledge, outlined several key con-
cepts concerning the interactions between individuals and society. Most nota-
bly, Berger and Luckmann (1966) argue society is a human product; society
acts as if it is an objective reality and man is a social product. Further, they
conceptualized notions of race and gender as socially constructed. Social con-
structionist orientations provide useful understandings of making meaning
about individuals’ interactions and experiences (Gergen, 1985). In the social
constructivist tradition, James (1994) resolves “the construction of personal
identity . . . is a dialectic between the self and the culture in which it evolves”
(p. 43), which includes several socializing individuals and institutions, includ-
ing the mass media (Winn, 2001).
While commonsense understandings of what is “reality” are in flux, as the
social structure within which they operate changes shape (Lears, 1983, p. 5),
media work to help consumers understand reality at any given time. Eschholz,
Bufkin, and Long (2002) posit that representations biased toward a particular
common set of social, gender, or class stereotypes can logically play some role
4 S P E C T R U M 3 . 1
in the reinforcement of common race, class, and gender role stereotypes. Gray
(1989) argues the “constant quest for legitimacy and the need to quell and dis-
place fears at the same time as it calls them forth are part of the complex ideo-
logical work that takes place in [media] representations of race” (p. 378). This
means that a Black man would constantly be forced by a hegemonic system to
systematically negotiate his identity.
Others, such as Hecht, Jackson, and Ribeau (2003), also agree self-identity
is constructed through social reality. Similar to J. Emmett Winn’s (2001) study
of Spike Lee’s Malcolm X, this work will attempt to understand the Afrocentric
perspectives that challenge the ideological stereotypes within film as well as to
uncover if roles with Black male superheroes deviate from and confront the
longstanding racial and gender representations within movies. Afrocentricity
is often seen as a radical approach, because usually the Eurocentric approach is
reflected in the White-centered hegemonic ideology of America. Afrocentric-
ity argues the primary issue with African people is the unconscious adoption of
the Western worldviews and perspectives and their attendant conceptual
frameworks; in essence, Africans exist on borrowed terms and have none of
their own. Blacks or African Americans are included as individuals under Afro-
centric thought. For it is not only about African ancestry, but what constitutes
“Blackness.” Afrocentrists accept “Blackness” as it has been institutionalized
in American history, customs, and legal traditions (Mazama, 2001).
Within the Black community, Afrocentric perspectives and nationalistic con-
structions of identity are of interest and can serve as “compelling guides for action,
as utopian visions of possibility, and as ways of making sense of the world and their
experience of it” (Gray, 1993, p. 365). According to Asante (2003), Afrocentricity
positions centeredness—location in relation to African interest and culture—as
“standard for action” (p. 3). Within this paradigm, African values and ideas are at
the center of African life as well as the cosmology, aesthetics, axiology, and episte-
mology that characterize African culture (Mazama, 2001). What is important for
this work is seeing if any manifestations of these thoughts are represented within
the Black superhero characters on screen. Are notions of Africa and African Ameri-
cans as “center” relevant and present? What will serve as a guide to identify these
ideas are Karenga’s (1988) shared orientations. Karenga defined Afrocentricity as
“essentially a quality of perspective or approach rooted in the cultural image and
human interest of African people” (p. 404). His seven “shared orientations” were
(1) the centrality of the community, (2) respect for tradition, (3) a high level of spiri-
tuality and ethical concern, (4) harmony with nature, (5) the sociality of selfhood,
(6) veneration of ancestors, and (7) the unity of being (as cited in Mazama, 2001,
pp. 393–394).
LITERATURE REVIEW
In Oscar Gandy, Jr.’s (1998) book, titled Communication and Race: A

Structural Perspective, he thoroughly formulates the links between racial iden-
tity, racial ideologies, and stereotypes. Monroe (2014) underscores Gandy’s
(1998) claim that the performativity of race, class, and gender are critical mark-
ers of identity. Gandy (1998) asserts that “racial markers” are one of the more
important components of our identity and while one’s racial identity is a kind
of “social instrument” that can be tapped as a resource during times of struggle
over other resources, it can also be developed and denied at the level of social
group (p. 50). Racial ideology plays a critical role in this process, for it works to
reproduce and reinforce assumptions and beliefs about individuals because of
their identification within a certain racial group (van Dijk, 1994, p. 112).
Holtzman and Sharpe (2014) assert the media play a role in the reproduc-
tion and distribution of the dominant ideology. The media offer widespread
access and exposure to the racial group stereotypes, which serve the “intrapsy-
chic needs of the perceiver” (Hamilton & Trolier, 1986, p. 127), that are em-
bedded in the everyday historical footprint of American lives. Stereotypes are
shortcuts used by individuals that draw on longstanding images, experiences,
and representations within their society (Silverman & Cohen, 2014). More
specifically, “racial stereotypes presume most individuals within an identifi-
able group share the same characteristics” (Gandy, 1998, p. 84). They can be
associated with personal attributes and traits as well as delineate the “perceived
normative boundaries” regarding appropriate social roles of members of par-
ticular racial and ethnic groups (Gandy, 1998, p. 84).
Yet, Black men cannot merely be viewed in terms of their race, because it mini-
mizes or ignores other social factors, such as class, sexuality, and gender that help
construct Black masculinity (Henry, 2002). Hall (1997) agrees the construct of
Black masculinity, as historically stereotyped, incorporates both racial and sexual
concepts (p. 232). Ratele (2014) echoes Hall’s (1997) assertion when he under-
scores how the Black male appears to be underachieving in racial and sexual self-
actualization. The Black male body holds numerous detrimental meanings in Amer-
ican culture and is situated in a complex milieu worthy of much more space than
allotted in this essay. According to Morris (2011), racist images on everyday materi-
als and food as well as those in the media worked to normalize difference and in the
past, the Black male body was a location to register hostility against and fear of Black
men, as laws and Black rights changed from slavery in America to post-slavery times.
As noted by hooks (2004), the “primary threat” to Black male life is patri-
archal masculinity as well as racist, capitalist patriarchy that hinders the
6 S P E C T R U M 3 . 1
masses of Black men from achieving and overcoming their states in White
America (pp. xi–xii). Gerding and Signorielli (2014) echo hooks’s (2004) as-
sertion that Black masculinity, as constructed by White racist mentalities, situ-
ate the Black man as the outsider and rebel (p. 96). Braxton-Newby and Jones
(2014) concur with Majors and Billson (1992), who note that cool pose is a
coping strategy used by Black males to deal with the realities of their existence
in US culture. They note, “Many of these individuals have channeled their cre-
ative talents and energies into construction of masculine symbols and into the
use of conspicuous nonverbal behaviors” (p. 246). Yet, cool pose has many
negative attributes and consequences, such as emotional detachment and rein-
forcement of stereotypes, as well as positive ones, including protecting the
Black male’s chance of survival against White authorities, enhancing self-es-
teem, and serving as guide for behavior under “pressure” situations (Major &
Billson, 1992, p. 39). Further, Black men can and do often adopt what Jackson
Katz and Jeremy Earp call the tough guise pose (1999). Katz (1999) defined
tough guise as the mask males put on based on an extreme notion of masculin-
ity, which emphasizes toughness, physical strength, and gaining admiration
and respect through violence or the threat of it. When Black men adopt the
tough guise stance it is a means of compensating for a perceived loss of man-
hood, power, and potency and the result can be violent masculinity and routine
killings of Black men (Henry, 2002). Jackson and Dangerfield (2004) offer five
factors that determine Black masculine positionality, which are struggle, rec-
ognition, independence, achievement, and community (p. 204). They assert
masculinity is conceived as a behavioral manifestation and the five factors
serve to explain how varied masculinities are enacted in society.
Understanding Superheroes and the Representations

of Black Men in Film
The superhero is an iconic figure and one who is adored by most. A foun-
dational principal in superhero comics is the belief that a superman lives in
every man (Brown, 1999). Yet, the superhero has become a hypermasculine
ideal character. He is quintessentially masculine, meaning not feminine, and,
therefore, hard, strong, reserved, and active (Brown, 1999). The superhero is
the protector of the weak and defender of truth, justice, and righteousness and
he shields the common man from the doers of evil. The superhero is different
from the common man. The differences manifest themselves in not only how
the superhero looks, but how he acts. He can be like an “earthbound god” who
is “capable of considerable patriotism and moral loyalty to the state, though not
necessarily to the letter of its laws” (Reynolds, 1992, p. 16).
In Superhero: The Secret Origin of a Genre, Coogan identifies three core as-
pects of a superhero, which are mission, powers, and identity. The superhero’s mis-
sion must be “prosocial and selfless” and work to further the good of society and not
him. His powers do not simply come in the form of superhuman strengths. Instead,
the superhero can have unique talents, extensive physical conditioning, and abili-
ties or resources not available to normal people. Identity is critical for it helps distin-
guish the superhero’s special status in society and it can be achieved through a cos-
tume, codename, or alter ego. It is important to note Coogan (2006) acknowledges
not all superheroes demonstrate all three elements, but they do serve as helpful
guiding principals in identifying a superhero.
In an attempt to understand the “new Black superhero” in comic books,
Brown (1999) noted that masculinity of our media-generated heroes is a meticu-
lously generated performance or masquerade that creates two distinctly different
archetypes of the masculine identity in Western culture (p. 25). This masculine
duality offers up the 20th-century male identity as warrior or wimp, he-man or 98-
pound weakling, man or mouse, or skinny, socially inept failure versus the hyper-
masculine, sexy, muscular, and socially competent man (Brown, 1999, p. 25). Mus-
cles and the body are central to the display of masculinity, which he acknowledges
is also largely associated with the White male. In his analysis of Black superheroes
in Milestone comic books, Brown (1999) cautioned, “if the Black male body is al-
ready culturally ascribed as a site of hypermasculinity, then the combination of the
two—a Black male superhero—runs the risk of being read as an overabundance,
and potentially threatening, cluster of masculine signifiers” (p. 34). Yet, Brown
(1999) uncovered the Black superhero imagery offered in Milestone comic books
did contain an alternative model of masculinity, which took into consideration the
dynamic nature of contemporary Black masculinity, meaning the Black superhero
was “tough, but not too tough” and utilized “brains-over-brawn” (pp. 35, 38). The
concept of the “new Black man” was also addressed by Neal (2006), who notes that
a “crisis of Black Masculinity exists” (p. 3). He asserts the “new Black man” is shaped
by the crises and challenges of today’s society; rises to become the man of his time
by rejecting Black patriarchy, homophobia, and the gangster life; works with Black
feminists to find their voices and strength; and “protects the privilege of being
Black, male, educated and financially comfortable with veracity” (p. 7).
The “new Black man” is the latest observation of a long history of portray-
als of Black men in film dating back centuries to the early 1990s. Black images
in film are a reflection of race relations in America (Maynard, 2000). An impor-
tant starting point for understanding Black male portrayals is the film The Birth
of Nation (1915). This seminal film showed Black men as violent, brutal primi-
tives focused by an innate desire for sex with White women (Reid, 1993).
8 S P E C T R U M 3 . 1
Following this film were many more decades of negative portrayals of Black
men in mass media from The Ghost Talks (1929) to The Color Purple (1985).
Bogle (2001) is widely known and respected for his work in identifying long-
standing stereotypical representations of Blacks in film. He found the Black
male stereotypes to be the generous, selfless, and kind Tom; unreliable, crazy,
and lazy Coon; and the big, oversexed, savage, and frenzied Buck. These, of
course, are not the only African American stereotypes to exist in mass media.
As noted by Tyree et al. (2011), old stereotypes changed with time and others
evolved into new characters that represent ideas, beliefs, and misconceptions
present in society. While it is impossible to note all evolutions and milestones
in the film industry as they relate to Black males, it is critical to note the Blax-
ploitation era of film and how it worked to perpetuate Black male stereotypes.
These action-adventure films were mainly released between 1969 and 1974,
featured Black characters and narratives, and were situated in the “ghetto”
(Guerrero, 1995, p. 69). They were born as a response to US politics of the
1960s and social criticism as well as the growing dissatisfaction with the nega-
tive portrayals of Blacks in films.
Following the “Blaxploitation” era, Brown (2008) contends the negative
images of Black masculinity and culture found their way into “buddy” and
“ghettocentric” films. The “buddy films” were problematic, because they con-
trolled the Black characters in several ways, including the containment of their
masculinity and sexuality and symbolic emasculation of the Black hero (Gates,
2004; Brown, 2008; Ames, 1992). Films such as Boyz N the Hood, New Jack
City, Juice, and others showcased what Brown (2008) claimed was the “capital-
istic exploitation, self-hatred and auto-destruction of Black male identity” (p.
49). Guerrero (1995) summed up the thought of many scholars and studies
calling for a change in the representations of Black males in film when he stated,
“What is missing from Hollywood’s flat, binary construction of black man-
hood is the intellectual, cultural, and political depth and humanity of black
men, as well as their very significant contribution to the culture and progress of
this nation” (p. 397).
METHODOLOGY
This research analyzes the appearance, bodies, actions, and language of the
Black male superhero, especially stereotypical representations of Black males and
masculinity. More specifically, this study aimed to 1) identify the missions, powers,
and identities of the Black male superhero in films, 2) analyze the existence of
Karenga’s (1988) seven “shared orientations,” 3) investigate how Black masculinity
is constructed, and 4) determine if Black male superheroes fit traditional Black

male stereotypes presented in mass media.
Narratives are stories that are social constructions developed in everyday
social interaction (Gergen, 1985). They are also a shared means of making
sense of the world. This study actually drew from Schmidt’s (2013) framework
for narrative film analysis in order to investigate how Black masculinity was
constructed in films. Analyzing a film requires the researcher to take a careful
look at the editing, music, film language, characters, point-of-view, plot, time,
and place (Schmidt, 2013). Genette (1980) refers to the term narrative, which
he suggests is embedded in the “discourse or narrative text itself ” that commu-
nicates the story (p. 27) and is often referred to as the discourse and story of a
film (Schmidt, 2011). Furthermore, story mainly suggests the actions that il-
lustrate the narrative and the word plot depicts all the characteristics of the
movie that were visibly and audibly presented to the viewer (Bordwell, 1985).
Finally, the story of a movie is derived from an association of what is directly
presented to the viewer by way of what is seen and heard in the film and the in-
terpretation made by the audience after viewing and listening to the informa-
tion that has been given (Deleyto, 1996). This study drew from Metz’s (1983)
five categories used for film analysis, which are the visual picture, writing and
other graphics, dialogue, music, and sound and sound effects.
Sample
Nonanimated films were selected with Black men playing the central role
of superhero. Seven films were selected as a part of the sample, which were
Hancock (2008), Blade (1998), Spawn (1997), Steel (1997), Blankman (1994),
Meteor Man (1993), and Abar: The First Black Superman (1977). Only the first
film in the Blade movie series was included in this study, as Blade II (2002) and
Blade Trinity (2004) may have unwillingly skewed the analysis. Understand-
ably, numerous superhero films include Black men, such as Thor and Iron Man
2, in highly visible roles. In fact, some films have them as central characters,
such as Samuel L. Jackson’s character Nick Fury in The Avengers and Captain
America: The First Avenger. Essentially, the goal of this study was to select films
where the leading actor was a Black superhero to ensure there was enough pres-
ence in the film for rich, in-depth analysis.
It is important to note the film descriptions of the sample in order to view
the analysis in context. The oldest film in the sample is the 1977 film Abar: The
First Black Superman. Tobar Mayo plays John Abar, the leader of the militant
group Black Front of Unity. A medical doctor develops a serum that trans-
formed Abar into an invincible, physically strong Black superman with special
10 SPECTRUM 3.1
mental powers. The latest film was Hancock, a 2008 release featuring Will
Smith, whose company, Overbrook Entertainment, also coproduced the film.
Smith plays John Hancock, a superhero with crime-fighting abilities that rou-
tinely cost the city millions of dollars.
The remaining five films were all released in the 1990s. Meteor Man
(1993) featured Robert Townsend, who also wrote, directed, and coproduced
the film. Townsend plays Jefferson Reed, a man struck by a meteorite, which
gave him superpowers. Damon Wayans also wrote, coproduced, and starred in
Blankman (1994). As Darryl Walker, Wayans is a clumsy and naive appliance
repairman. When his grandmother is murdered, he uses his technical expertise
to create weapons and gadgets and assumes the identity of Blankman to fight
crime. Steel features former National Basketball Association player Shaquille
O’neal as John Henry Irons. Irons is a weapons designer who invents high-tech
laser guns and protective armor for the United States military and becomes the
superhero Steel. In Spawn, Michael Jai White plays Al Simmons, a US govern-
ment assassin who dies and comes back to life as the leader of the devil’s army.
Finally, Wesley Snipes is the half man, half immortal Blade. When war is called
on the human race, Blade is the last hope to save humanity.
FINDINGS
This section provides a rich, in-depth analysis of the Black superheroes in the
selected sample, including their actions, successes, missions, and appearances.
Each film is presented individually to offer a distinct examination of the narratives
and representations as well as to allow for a clear understanding of the development
and activities of the Black superhero characters throughout each film.
Abar: Black Superman: Every White Man’s Worst Fear

in the 1970s
John Abar is the leader of the Black militant group Black Front of Unity.
Produced during the Blackploitation era, John is a sign of the tense racial times
of the late 1960s and early 1970s. He professed his love for the slain civil rights
leader, Martin Luther King, Jr., and said he was greatly inspired by him to come
to the streets and “do his thing.” His mission was clear: to enlighten and uplift
the Black community and its people. His efforts included not just talking to
people on the streets, but exposing crooked Black politicians as well as the
Black bourgeois believed to have ignored poor Blacks.
As often said in the Black community, John was cool, calm, and collected.
Tall, lean, and strong, he had no gun, no lover, and no fierce intensity. Instead, he
had intelligence and a passion to fight for the rights of Black people—physically and
symbolically—in America. John’s fighting and aggression was a response toward

the actions of his enemies, the racist White men and women of Meadow Park. He is
introduced to them when he hears of an affluent doctor and his family, the Kin-
cades, who move to this suburban area and are harassed. Eventually, John agrees to
protect the Kincades from their White neighbors and it is through this connection
that Dr. Kincade covertly begins to monitor and test John to see if he can withstand
taking his serum.
While John spends the large majority of the film successfully carrying out
his mission without the serum, he eventually takes it. As the Black Superman,
John is physically indestructible and can control people and objects. He
claimed the serum released psychic powers that allowed his soul to access an
ancient wisdom. When he becomes superhuman, he performs his acts not in
traditional superhero clothing, but another type of clothing of power—a busi-
ness suit and tie. Wearing his blue suit and red shirt, clearly a connection to the
American flag, he heads straight to the “ghetto.” A few of his acts included
changing liquor to milk, making a purse snatcher return a purse, having a pros-
titute beat up a pimp who slaps her, making vandals paint over their own graf-
fiti, and transforming men and women playing dice and smoking marijuana
into school graduates. He also exacted revenge on the White men and women
of Meadow Park by creating a wind storm that prevented them from entering
their homes or walking down the street, placing rats in a woman’s home and a
large snake in another woman’s bed. In the end, the Black superman stood un-
defeated and calmly walked through the streets of Meadow Park—alone.
Blankman: Socially Awkward, but Intellectually Superior

Growing up watching Batman and Robin with his brother proved to be an
important part of life for Darryl Walker, who eventually became Blankman. Darryl
is a 30-something “geek” with taped glasses, traditional nerdy clothing, and a
squeaky voice. He lives with his grandmother and brother in a crime-ridden inner-
city neighborhood and works as an appliance repairman. His intelligence and ex-
ceptional mechanical skills proved necessary and foundational in his superhero
efforts. Unlike other Black superheroes, Darryl wanted to be a crime fighter. Reel-
ing from his grandmother’s murder, at the request of Michael “The Suit” Minelli,
who is played by a White man, he stops an unknown older Black woman from being
mugged on the subway. Energized, he then walks through his neighborhood and
notes his concern about its decline, the openly uncontested criminal activities, and
the overall lack of respect for the law. His desire to be a superhero was born. He cre-
ated his own bulletproof costume, which included his grandmother’s housecoat for
a cape, a gym sock for an eye mask, and a utility belt with handmade gadgets.
12 SPECTRUM 3.1
Blankman was not cool or tough. He was insulted by strangers, even his
own brother. He screamed during fights and was often overshadowed by his
brother’s strength and power. Yet, he was eventually a successful superhero
that was adored by the community and received money, which he returned for
“junk” to make new gadgets and crime-fighting inventions. In one scene, Dar-
ryl confessed, “I don’t think I’m that special at all. I’m just like everyone else. I
want to feel safe at night. That’s what Blankman stands for; Everyman who
looks out his window and sees something wrong and decides to do something
about it.” In the end, Blankman does what most successful heroes do—get
their man and their girl. With the help of his manmade robot, J5, possibly
named after the Black musical group The Jackson 5, he is able to escape a trap
set by Minelli and eventually goes to confront him. His awkward costume and
moves work in the end and he directly defeats Minelli. Blankman is honored
with a tickertape parade, a proclamation given by the new Black mayor, and a
kiss from his love interest, Kimberly.
Spawn: Controlled and Fueled by White Male

Characters
Al Simmons, Spawn, is a reluctant superhero. In fact, his mission is com-
pletely selfish. He becomes the leader of the devil’s army not to save the world,
but to be reunited with his fiancé, Wanda, who fell in love, married, and had a
daughter with his White coworker during the 5 years he was in hell. With no
connections to the community, no initial desire to do good things for human-
ity, or realize his greater potential, Spawn is on a one-track mission from the
devil: avenge his murder and kill Jason Wynn, a White man who is the leader of
a covert government agency called A-6. Passing back-and-forth between
heaven and hell, Al holds onto his human identity and struggles to take hold of
who he is or has become, a grossly disfigured devil Spawn. A very complex story
with scenes from hell and earth, this story ultimately comes down to making
the right choices, which Spawn comes to know through his interactions with
Cogliostro, an assassin for God’s army, who is also played by a White man.
Spawn’s story has him controlled, wronged, and fueled by characters played by
White men. Killing Wynn, his former boss and murderer, would seemingly set
him free from hell and reclaim his life. However, Cogliostro tells him, “Your
anger is your weakness, and they will use it to rob you of any humanity you have
left. Al Simmons knew that violence only makes for more pain and suffering no
matter which side gives the orders. . .  your old life is gone, accept that.”
Spawn is a hypermasculine, muscular, disconnected, lost, and angry Black
man. He threatened people more than he helped them, used guns, stole, and was
pursued by police like a criminal. In one scene similar to those depictions of slavery
when White men restrained and then retrained Black men, Cogliostro controls
Spawn’s own grappling chains and ties him up with them. Cogliostro is then seen
telling him what he was doing wrong and how to handle himself and his costume.
Spawn learned he must use his mind to control the trillions of neural connections
within his costume that operated his cape, grappling devices, and other elements.
Once mastered, Spawn puts down his guns in lieu of his newfound powers, signal-
ing one less Black man using guns on the inner-city streets. It is only through im-
portant and pivotal conversations with Cogliostro that Spawn learned this. He
eventually did not kill Wynn and, by not killing one man, he saved the world and
became an unknown and unacknowledged hero.
The Meteor Man: Understanding, Respecting, and

Protecting the Community
Set in Washington, D.C., Jefferson Reed is a wimpy, docile substitute teacher
with an aspiring music career, his last name is an allusion to his musical aspirations.
He lives in the community and shares much of his time with his parents, neighbors,
and friend, Mike. Not flashy or well-built, this 30-something Black man wore aver-
age clothes, including several T-shirts and a jacket from Howard University, a his-
torically Black university in Washington, D.C. His neighborhood was overrun with
criminals and gangs who sold drugs and did drive-by shootings. He had no desire
to step in and do anything to stop the crime. Yet, after being hit by a meteor, his new
superpowers gave him a hero factor with no pain and no fear of confrontation. So,
the man who was routinely avoiding trouble became one who was ready to fight
against crime in his neighborhood.
In what is a very Afrocentric way of life, the family and community played a
critical role in the development and support of Meteor Man. His mother gave him
his name and created his costume by hand and his father kept pushing him to un-
derstand his role in taking a stand and fighting for a safer community. The people in
the community center, the epicenter of activities for concerned neighbors, gave him
his true mission: to patrol the neighborhood three times a week in his uniform, put
another phone in his apartment, like Batman, to answer distress calls, and tell the
gangs, junkies, prostitutes, pimps, and the drug dealers to get out of the community.
Embracing his calling, he was credited with shutting down 15 crack houses, stop-
ping 11 robberies, and quelling a gun battle between police and 2 inner-city gangs.
He even once used his superpowers to clear a lot and create a garden with gigantic
vegetables to feed the neighbors.
However, he had enemies, mainly Simon, the leader of the Golden Lord
gang, and his boss, Byers, played by a White man. The Golden Lords all were
14 SPECTRUM 3.1
Black males with dyed blonde hair, which could be symbolic of them represent-
ing or aspiring to be White males. In the last fights with his enemies, it was the
community, including the 2 rival inner-city gangs, that came to his rescue. His
selfless acts helped him better his community and, in the end, he moved to an-
other city to help other victims of crime.
John Henry Irons, the Steel-Driving Super Hero

John Henry Irons is a former US Army weapons specialist who is very large
and strong. The plot centers on an accident caused by Nathaniel Burke, a White
man, which results in the death of a politician and the paralyzation of Irons’s friend
and fellow soldier, Sparks. Irons quit his job in anger and testified against Burke in
trial, which creates their tense relationship and dislike for one another.
After being discharged, Irons went back home to live with his grand-
mother and little brother in Los Angeles. His neighborhood is crime-ridden
and negatively impacted by gangs. Burke and John are both out of the US Army
and they soon cross paths. Burke wants to take the gun technology he acquired
to mass-produce weapons and sell them to criminals. John just wants a job, but
changes his mission when he sees one of Burke’s guns used during a crime.
Irons is concerned about the weapons being used by the gangs, as they can
cause serious harm to police and children.
Irons’s drive to become Steel was selfless and self-driven. He played a
critical role in developing his own costume to become the superhero. It was a
75-pound, grey steel, bulletproof suit of armor that accentuated his muscles.
He recruited Sparks and his Uncle Joe to help him with all of his efforts and the
three of them worked to create weaponry that would rival those of Burke. One
critical component of the fight was a large hammer kept on his back. References
were made by Sparks and Uncle Joe likening Irons to the character in Julius
Lester’s story of John Henry, a strong steel-driving railroad worker who tun-
nels through the mountains to build the great railroads of the late 1800s.
In the film, Irons is an overpowering figure, who displays anger, hostility,
frustration, and aggression. He saved numerous people of all ages and races and
primarily reserved his violence and aggression for criminals and gang mem-
bers, who were other young inner-city minority males. He not only uttered vio-
lent threats, but he followed through with them, successfully defeating his en-
emies, including Burke. During his crime-fighting efforts, both gangs and
police attack him. The police have a warrant out for his arrest and do not see
him as a friend or ally because they mistakenly think he is a gang member. Al-
though Irons displays anger, he is gentle to family members and Sparks. They
reassure and praise him for his efforts, which he appreciates and uses to fuel his
desire to do more. In the end, Steel noted he accomplished all he wanted to and
he would not be seen anymore.
Blade the Vampire Slayer: His Inner Fight, Half-human

and Half-Vampire
Blade, his name a reference to the many sharp, bladed weapons he pos-
sesses, is a vampire slayer whose mission it is to save the human race. His ulti-
mate reason for hunting vampires is to find the one that killed his mother and
made him who he is, half-human and half-vampire. Blade confessed he had a
sense of peace each time he killed, as it allowed him to get a bit of his mother’s
life back. Blade was also fighting off the vampire inside of him, which is the
reason he took a serum to fight it.
Blade had countless run-ins with vampires and defeats them rather easily
with various weapons. He can leap, fight, and shoot well. He soars as he jumps,
has superhuman strength, and can quickly heal. He wears sunglasses, black
clothing, keeps a sword attached to his back. He is muscular, cool, tough, as
well as hated and hunted by both vampires and the police. Blade’s mission is
vampire-driven, but not location-based. While the movie is set in a large urban
city, Blade is disconnected and does not identify with any specific community.
He was strongly connected to Whistler, a White man who saved him at a young
age as a homeless boy living on the streets and who now acts as his mentor and
weapons creator. Blade is too masculine and cool to admit the importance of
Whistler in his life. When questioned, he denies his love and says they have a
good arrangement.
His archenemy is Deacon Frost, played by a White man, who has a small vam-
pire entourage and wants to rule humans. Once when Frost’s vampire entourage
attacked Blade, a cord was placed around his neck similar to a noose. As the plot
unfolds, it turns out that Frost is the one who killed Blade’s mother. She is now his
lover. In one of the most pivotal points of the story, Frost dons sunscreen and con-
fronts Blade during broad daylight in a city park. In a verbal exchange, Frost asserts
Blade is lucky for not having any of the vampire weaknesses, but Blade disagrees.
Frost says he is acting like an Uncle Tom and asks, “You think the humans will ever
accept a half-breed like you? They can’t. They’re afraid of you, and they should be.
You are an animal, a fucking maniac.”
Blade is angry and the story has him controlled by his rage and self-
hatred, which is powered by vengeance against White men in the form of vam-
pires. Blade is lonely, bitter, and seen repeatedly looking angrily at the camera
as he makes threats to vampires. Blade was eventually captured by Frost and
used in an effort to take over as the lead vampire. He was placed in a chamber
16 SPECTRUM 3.1
by his mother and drained of his strength and blood. It was only through the
help of the hematologist that he survived. He appeared to drink her blood in an
overtly sexual and animalistic encounter, in which he regained his power. With
his power, he kills his mother, which released her from vampirehood, and tri-
umphantly defeats Frost.
Declaration of John Hancock: An Immortal Black

Superhero with a White Wife
John Hancock has a bad reputation of saving lives, but leaving a trail of
destruction in the inner-city in the process. Hancock can fly and wears a knit-
ted cap with an eagle, which could symbolize his need for freedom as well as a
commitment to America. Hancock is tall, has well-built muscles, possesses
enormous super strength, and can withstand gunshots. He is hypermasculine,
often flexing his muscles, making threats, and acting violent and aggressive,
even to children. Yet, he is also seen as very vulnerable, tearful, and sad.
Hancock, like Spawn and Blade, is a broken Black man who is lost and discon-
nected. He questions what kind of “bastard” he must have been that no one came to
claim him from the hospital when he was hurt and suffering from amnesia. It was
when he was leaving the hospital and a nurse told him to sign his “John Hancock”
on a piece of paper that he got his name, which is another nod to his patriotism. John
Hancock is an important person in American history, as he was President of the
Continental Congress and remembered for his large, bold signature on the Declara-
tion of Independence. In the movie, Hancock, too, is regarded as bold and often
ridiculed for the large mark he leaves after a crime scene.
When he saves the life of Ray Embrey, a White public relations profes-
sional, from an oncoming train, Ray offers to change his image in an effort to
make the public like and want him, which included telling Hancock what to
say, do, and wear. He even convinced him to go to jail as a part of his strategy.
Hancock agreed, showing moviegoers another Black man in prison. Ray notes
Hancock’s bad behavior is because he is lonely and deep inside he wants people’s
acceptance. Ray notes he has a “calling” to be a hero and will be miserable until
he accepts it. Again, this was another reprogramming of a Black male character
by a White male character in an attempt to help him understand his powers and
realize his proper role in society.
As the plot unfolds, Hancock realizes he is drawn to Ray’s wife, who is
actually his immortal wife, Mary, who is played by a White woman. Spending
the last 3,000 years together, Mary confesses Hancock has saved her at various
times when harm came to them, including in 1850 when their house was inten-
tionally set on fire and 80 years ago when they were holding hands, walking
down a street in Miami and attacked. A White woman and a Black man in an
open relationship of this manner during those times in American history
would have surely made them be victims of racist laws and traditions.
As the story ends, both Mary and Hancock have become too close and,
thus, too weak. Hancock is shot by his enemy, a White man and bank robber, in
the hospital; Mary is shot by him, too. Weakened, bloody, and dying, it is the
White man, Ray, not Hancock who defeats the archenemy, Red. In return,
Hancock understands he must stay away from his immortal White wife and he
goes on to continue to embrace his calling and fight crime. In the end, similar
to Spawn, Hancock is left without love and his lover and he watches her at the
film’s conclusion with a White man.
DISCUSSION
The Black superhero clearly has a place in the world and it is saving and
protecting those in the inner cities of America. Anchored in the community
through their homes as well as superhero hideouts, such as a junkyard and
abandoned subway station, they are mainly average men who are directly told
they live in the real world and they should not try to be vigilantes, crime fight-
ers, or superheroes. Blankman, Spawn, Hancock, Meteor Man, Blade, and Steel
reveal narratives where signs of personal trauma and working-class life spur the
need to do something about the world. The hurt of a family member or friend or
a sense of internal brokenness fuels the need to become a savior of others. These
men endure painful, harmful life events, such as the murder of their mother
and grandmother, lost identity, and the disrespect and beating of a father. They
are told they will never be the iconic Batman, Superman, or Spider-Man. Yet,
many of them decide to do something selfless and become exactly what they
are not supposed to be—a superhero.
With the exception of two Black superheroes, Meteor Man and Blankman,
most are aggressive, cool, and tough and, in return, the films’ narratives show Black
men who are willing to fight back and use threats to back down their enemies. Be-
sides the superheroes’ threatening discourse, their archenemies, mostly White
men, threaten them across the films. The threatening discourse of the White arch-
enemies ripens the analysis of these films, because it highlights why the elements of
cool pose and tough guise are essential defense strategies used by Black super
heroes in their struggle to construct masculinity against the backdrop of a racist
sociopolitical context. It is important to note in Meteor Man and Blankman that
Robert Townsend and Damon Wayans, respectively, played roles in the writing and
production of the films as well as serving in the leading roles. Perhaps, in their
18 SPECTRUM 3.1
creative roles, they were aware of the construction and perils of a hypermasculine
Black man in film and they worked to create a counter-image in their films. Will
Smith’s production company played a role in the Hancock film, but the same could
not be said of Smith’s portrayal of Hancock.
According to Jackson and Dangerfield (2004), masculinity is based on how
others recognize and validate a Black male’s behavior, which he will either continue
or discontinue based on the responses of “others.” While their recognition may
have been delayed or obscure, Black male superheroes did receive appreciation for
their work by both family members and the public. Whether it was Hancock’s ap-
plause by city residents, Blankman’s tickertape parade, or the warm smile of Steel’s
grandmother, appreciation and confirmation was there. Similar to the stories of
other superheroes, Black male superheroes were out of place in the world and found
acceptance elusive. Yet, they overwhelmingly found themselves situated in uncom-
fortable, unknown, or unsettling places in their world. Spawn was literally caught
in-between two worlds and he struggled to understand who he was and what he was
supposed to do. Hancock was not accepted because of his socially unacceptable
behavior, even though much of his destruction was done in the midst of saving
people’s lives. Blade—half-human and half-vampire—was told by his enemy that
humans would never accept him and, in a more subtle way, Blankman’s awkward
geeky ways made him an outsider.
Acceptance and hypermasculinity often brought forth White male char-
acters whose roles were to help Black superheroes assimilate or exist within
society. Cogliostro in Spawn worked to teach him how to control his costume
and his temper to work for the greater good. In Hancock, Ray wanted to change
Hancock’s image so he would be accepted by society, which included a ward-
robe, behavior, and attitude change. Whistler saved Blade as an orphaned teen-
ager who was living on the streets and gave him both purpose and the weapons
needed to fight the vampires who killed his mother. The framing of the Black
superheroes as dependent on White males relates to concepts within Franz
Fanon’s Black Skin, White Masks (1952), in which Fanon posits White men cre-
ate feelings of dependency and inadequacy in their relationships with Black
men. These cinematic relationships are symbolic of the Black male experience
in a White patriarchal America.
To further the point, perhaps, in a symbolic need to be accepted by White
society, one hero disguises his voice as a White man at a very critical point in a film.
After the final battle between Burke and Steel, John Henry Irons is on the phone
with his former boss, who is trying to get him to identify himself as Steel. Irons’s
voice is disguised as Arnold Schwarzenegger, a former bodybuilder, star of several
action films, and an iconic figure of White masculinity. The plot could have had
Irons admit his success and accept accolades for his work as Steel. Yet, the symbolic
and self-imposed castration of his superhero identity signaled the need for him to
be a White man to be accepted as a superhero in films.
With the longstanding media representations of the overly sexual Black
brute, the idea of a sexually aggressive, hypermasculine Black superhero was
quelled in the narratives of these films. In essence, love was lost on the Black
male superhero. Only Blankman shared intimacy with a woman, but he was so
socially awkward and sexually aloof that he seemingly climaxed with a simple
kiss. Throughout the sample, the cinematic lesson was the angrier a Black male
superhero was, the less likely he was to be loved by a woman.
In Abar: The First Black Superman, Meteor Man, Blade, and Steel, the superhe-
roes have no real intimate moments. What is worth noting are the cases of Blade
and Steel, who had female costars with central roles in the films, but either only
veiled attempts were made to connect them or the characters shared just elemen-
tary glances and embraces. In the case of Abar, there is one female member of the
Black Front of Unity who is seen with him in a few scenes as well as a request to call
his “girl” in the dialogue, but there is no real manifestation of a true connection.
The two strongest connections were with Spawn and Hancock, but these re-
lationships were engulfed with problems. Spawn’s intimate moments were mainly
seen in flashbacks with his fiancé, even though she is the driving force behind his
mission. However, in his absence, she married a White man, had a child, and broke
her promise to love him forever. In the final moments of the film, Spawn sees his
former fiancé in an embrace with her husband and child and admits there is no place
for him. This is a decisive moment, as reclaiming his lover was his mission. Yet, the
movie’s narrative leaves this Black man out the loving nuclear family and embrace
of his former Black lover. Hancock’s immortal wife also remarried a White man in
his absence. While they share a kiss and several tender moments, they also fight
and, in the end, in order to survive, they must remain apart.
CONCLUSION
Movies play an important role in society. Since White men largely domi-
nate the power positions in the film industry, it is critical to investigate repre-
sentations of minorities on screen. Power dynamics, self interests, as well as the
conscious and unconscious desires to reflect social norms all impact cinematic
portrayals. Therefore, investigating Black men in leading roles as superheroes
provide an important opportunity to investigate the possibilities of a cinematic
counter-stereotype of not only Black men, but of the iconic White male super-
hero as well.
20 SPECTRUM 3.1
The Afrocentric approach, which was used as a lens to uncover moments

when films incorporated the African and the African American community,
proved a fitting backdrop to understand how superheroes situated themselves
as saviors of the community. Further, Black masculinity reveled how race and
gender roles shaped Black male performativity in the films. Finally, though dif-
ferent in time and place, narratives mainly depicted aggressive Black superhe-
roes who, despite often fulfilling their missions, struggled with White men,
love, and finding their relevant place in society.
Black superheroes were mainly saving their own kind—Black people.
They were in inner cities fighting against crime and gangs that seemingly were
allowed to flourish with little intervention from police. With the common mis-
sion to save inner-city residents from evil, they had a set path. The “shared ori-
entations” manifested on screen, which were mostly the centrality of the com-
munity, a high-level of spirituality, ethical concern, and the sociality of
selfhood, fit well into the definitions of a traditional superhero. They had
brains. They were pensive. They strategized. They moved with purpose. They
defeated their enemies. They brought change, as many superheroes do. Yet, the
problem was, despite successfully accomplishing their selfless missions, they
were still mainly portrayed as the threatening, aggressive, criminal, hypermas-
culine Black males often seen in the US media. They, too, are left without love
or losing lovers to White men, both portrayals could be read cinematically as
Black superheroes having dysfunctional love relationships or being emascu-
lated by White males in order to be seen as acceptable. Both are depictions that
can be problematic for viewers to consume.
If race and the long history of negative representations of Black men in
American media is temporarily suspended, one could read the plotlines as reg-
ular good guy versus bad guy action dramas, but through the lenses of Ameri-
ca’s cultural and racial history, the stories, ideas, and symbols change. The
meanings were deeper and signify more than good versus evil. The narratives
documented the strong racial undertones of American culture and the plight of
Black men who live in underprivileged, underserved, crime-ridden neighbor-
hoods in America. They provided a lens into the lives of Black men who have
often been, and continue to be, viewed in deeply stereotypical ways. The Black
superheroes wanted to change the world, starting in their communities. With
many of the characters utilizing homemade costumes and makeshift weaponry,
they fought to change the world and make it a safer place and they often defeat
their longstanding archenemies—White men.
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Can You Save Me?: Black Male Superheroes in Hollywood Film

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Can You Save Me?: Black Male Superheroes in Hollywood Film

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Can You Save Me?

: Black Male Superheroes in Hollywood Film

Tia C. M. Tyree and Liezille J. Jacobs

ABSTRACT: Film is an important component of society and works

When the average American moviegoer thinks of great cinematic super-

ROLE OF MEDIA IN THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF RACE

In Oscar Gandy, Jr.’s (1998) book, titled Communication and Race: A

Understanding Superheroes and the Representations

is constructed, and 4) determine if Black male superheroes fit traditional Black

Abar: Black Superman: Every White Man’s Worst Fear

symbolically—in America. John’s fighting and aggression was a response toward

Blankman: Socially Awkward, but Intellectually Superior

Spawn: Controlled and Fueled by White Male

The Meteor Man: Understanding, Respecting, and

John Henry Irons, the Steel-Driving Super Hero

Blade the Vampire Slayer: His Inner Fight, Half-human

Declaration of John Hancock: An Immortal Black

The Afrocentric approach, which was used as a lens to uncover moments

Genette, G. (1980). Narrative discourse: An essay in method. Trans. Jane E. Lewin.

disabilities. Personality and Society Bulletin, 40(7). Retrieved from http://psp.

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