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International Journal of Climate Change Strategies and Management
Governance and climate variability in Chinchiná River, Colombia

Erika Cristina Acevedo Sandra Turbay Margot Hurlbert Martha Helena Barco Kelly Johanna Lopez
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Erika Cristina Acevedo Sandra Turbay Margot Hurlbert Martha Helena Barco Kelly Johanna Lopez , (2016),"Governance
and climate variability in Chinchiná River, Colombia", International Journal of Climate Change Strategies and Management,
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Governance and climate variability in Chinchiná River, Colombia
1.Introduction
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in its latest report (IPCC, 2014)
emphasizes that climate extremes are the main source of risk in relation to climate change
because they place excessive and unexpected demands on systems poorly equipped to deal
with them. There is also a growing awareness of the need to strengthen local and regional
governance systems in order to make them more adaptive and able to deal with extremes.
Adaptive governance systems involve such things as adjustments in public administration,
changes in laws and regulations, dissemination of new scientific findings (Victor, 2015),
changes in production processes at the professional and technical level, improvements to
communication between scientists and policy makers, and increased participation of civil
society organizations in environmental management and planning (Berkes and Folke, 1998;
Brunner and Lunch, 2010). Achieving real democracy is fundamental.
Adaptive governance has the effect of increasing the resilience of peasant families and rural
producers. Resilience is “the capacity of a social-ecological system to cope with a
hazardous event or disturbance, responding or reorganizing in ways that maintain its
essential function, identity, and structure, while also maintaining the capacity for adaptation,
learning and transformation" (IPCC, 2014). A vulnerable social-ecological system has lost
resilience which implies a loss of adaptability (Berkes and Folke, 1998). This article
assesses whether governance processes that are taking place in the Chinchiná River basin, a
coffee culture region in the Andean region of Colombia, are adaptive: do they reduce
vulnerability and promote the adaptation of the rural population to extreme climate events?
This paper first reviews the literature surrounding adaptive governance and climate change,
presents the description of the Chinchiná River basin, reviews the methodology, and the
governance arrangements surrounding extreme events in the study region in Colombia.
Finally the dimensions of adaptive governance are analyzed and a conclusion makes
recommendations for improvements to the governance system.

2. Climate change governance – building adaptiveness
This section explains governance and its importance in relation to water and climate change.
Thereafter the literature surrounding adaptive governance (governance that best responds to
climate variability or fluctuations over seasons and years above or below a long-term
average value) is reviewed and institutional design principles of adaptive governance are
identified.
Governance is understood as a process of consensus that "puts together private and public
actors around a specific problem in order to define shared goals and to coordinate their
capacity to achieve objectives in a concerted and efficient manner" (Girardot, 2010: 21).
Governance is also the institutional arrangements that allows the formulation and execution
of public decisions and includes "structures, processes, relationships between actors, rules,
enforcement mechanisms, monitoring controls and accountability, incentives, informal

norms ..." (Longo, 2010:3). Governance includes laws and regulations, governmental
policies and actions, as well as those of international markets, the private sector and civil
society (Demetropoulou et al, 2010; Hall, 2005; See Conference Board of Canada, 2007;
UNDP, 2007, de Loe et al., 2009). In relation to water, governance refers to the range of
political, social, economic and administrative systems that develop, manage, and distribute
water resources (Global Water Partnership, 2002).

The IPCC recognizes that having effective climate change governance is a key element of
risk management (IPCC, 2014) and quotes researchers who believe that governance of
adaptation requires knowledge of anticipated impacts, a flexible decision framework based
on robustness and learning, and should be consistent with sustainable development and
resilient systems (IPCC, 2014). Adaptive governance, a specific type of governance
emerging in relation to global environmental change and climate change (Berkes and Folke,
1998), factors the global climate change problem into thousands of local problems, each of
which is more tractable scientifically and politically than the global problem (Brunner,
2010). Adaptive governance recognizes that the present, past and future of human and
biophysical systems are closely and intricately interconnected. Significant challenges are
then posed for scientists, policy developers and decision makers including complexity,
uncertainty and change, and problems of fragmentation (Dietz et al, 2003).

Adaptive governance has been identified as essential for governing social-ecological
systems during periods of abrupt change and useful to deal with uncertainty and surprise
linked to climate change (Pahl-Wostl, 2009). Adaptive governance differs from
technocratic approaches that ignore the social and environmental dimensions of the
localities and the complexity of human behavior (Monedero, 2012).
Determination of whether a system of governance is adaptive, and able to alter processes

and structures as response to changes in the environment (Pahl-Wostl, 2009) can be made
by assessment of whether the determinants of adaptive governance (Gupta et al., 2010), or
the institutional design principles of adaptive governance (Huntjens et al., 2010) are present
in the governance system. The literature is replete with these principles and characteristics.
Gupta et al., (2010) has six principles that are further broken down into twenty-two
variables. Cundhill and Fabricius (2010) have twenty or so principles that reflect and
overlap those of Gupta et al., (2010). Other authors have similar principles (Pretty and
Ward, 2001; Petty, 2003; Armitage, 2005; Olsson et al., 2004; Dietz et al., 2003; Huntjens
et al., 2010). Characteristics with particular relevance to this research as identified by the
interviewees include:
1. Responsiveness
Does the governance regime respond to or account for ecosystem dynamics, climate
variability, hazards, and extreme climate events? For example, do early warning
systems exist? (Huntjens et al., 2012);
2. Reflexivity
Does the governance regime formally or informally reassess practices for assisting
adaptation to climate variability, hazards, and extreme climate events? Are

institutional patterns in place that promote mutual respect and trust between actors
and an openness towards uncertainties? Do these patterns learn from past
experiences? Is there constant monitoring and evaluation of processes? (Huntjents
et al., 2012; Gupta et al., 2010; Pretty and Ward, 2001; Petty, 2003);
3. Flexibility
Can practices that assist adaptation be modified, extended and changed quickly in
response to unanticipated events? Do the practices adjust to take into account

different needs and requirements? (Gupta et al., 2010);
4. Capacity
Are there leaders (government or significant social actors or networks in
communities) that are capable of responding to climate variability, hazards, and
extreme events? (Gupta et al., 2010); Is there access to necessary and appropriate
information?
(Gupta et al., 2010; Cundhill, 2010; Dietz et al., 2003)
5. Equity
Are there opportunities for multiple frames of reference, opinions, and problem
definitions as well as the involvement of different actors, levels and sectors in the
governance process such that responses are equitable to all? When and how are
non-government actors involved in decision making? Do these actors have the
opportunity to influence, significantly change, or make major decisions? (Gupta et
al., 2010; Cundhill, 2010; Armitage, 2005).
The interviewees and researchers thought these particular characteristics relevant to this
governance system. The interviewees did not speak about trust, accountability, lack of
resources, etc. (other characteristics of adaptive governance). As well, the researchers did
not conduct comparative analysis with other jurisdictions to assess if there was a sufficient
‘variety’ (of problem frames, actors, diversity of solutions) or ‘leadership’ (assessed by
whether it was visionary, entrepreneurial, or collaborative). Further an indicator such as
‘learning’ was unable to be measured and therefore assessed by the researchers.
3. The Chinchiná River basin and climate change impacts

Chinchiná River basin is located on the western slope of the central mountain range of the
Andes in the department of Caldas (Colombia). Within the river basin there are receding
tropical glaciers (-3.5°C-0°C) (Poveda and Pineda, 2009), páramos (Andean moors: 0-
12°C), temperate regions (17.5°C-24°C) as well as desert semi-arid landscapes (24-25°C).
The Chinchiná river commences at Los Nevados Natural National Park, at 5,400 m above
sea level, and it empties into the Cauca River at 780 m (Ocampo, 2012). The Chinchiná
river is polluted by domestic and industrial discharges when it crosses Manizales city
(368,433 inhabitants). The basin is formed by the municipalities of Villamaría, Palestina,
Neira, Chinchiná and Manizales. There are 509,332 inhabitants: 441,049 in the urban areas
and 68,283 in the rural areas (DANE, 2005). Using the Multidimensional Poverty Index,
the percentage of the population living in situations of poverty varies in the five
municipalities: 42.42% in Villamaría, 63.20% in Palestina, 64.79% in Neira, 42.37% in
Chinchiná, and 29.56% in Manizales (Angulo Salazar et al, 2011).
The Upper Chinchina River is important as it protects headwaters (CORPOCALDAS and
Conservation International, 2007). It includes the Los Nevados Natural National Park and
forest reserves reaching up to 3800 meters. Although the population decreased by 45%
between 1998 and 2004, it is considered vulnerable because of its population density (ibid).
This area is the site of encroaching conflict as its inhabitants are poorly represented in the
debate on the environmental management of this area; this is a serious deficiency as 92.4%
of 10,546.3 hectares of forest and high Andean páramos around the Los Nevados Natural
National Park belong to individuals and only 7.6% belongs to the State (Corpocaldas and
Conservation International, 2007). This makes Law 1450 of 2011 (National Development
Plan 2010-2014) protecting these lands from mining exploitation or agriculture ineffectual
as it is not enforceable against the private land owners.
In the second area, the middle basin of Chinchiná River, the rural population consists
mainly of small-scale coffee farmers. A conflict between development and climate change
is evident, exacerbated by global coffee prices. The household vulnerability of small
farmers is linked to poverty, poor quality of education, limited opportunities for income
diversification and the dependence on fluctuating international coffee prices. From 2011 to
2013 the price of arabica coffee had fallen by 62% and this coincided with the 2011 La
Niña event and a reduction in production. Farmers reacted blocking highways and
demanding a subsidy. This temporary measure cannot hide the need for more equitable and
fairer rural development to increase the supply of public goods, social assets and
capabilities among rural residents.
Figure 1 Map of Chinchiná River

Ocampo, O. 2016
The climate variability in these regions of the Andes is driven by the El Niño/Southern
Oscillation (ENSO) and by the movement of the Intertropical Confluence Zone (ITCZ)
which produces a bimodal annual cycle of precipitation. However, there are many other
climate cycles.1 In short, the climate variability occurs during certain periods, somewhat
predictably, based on these cycles.
The rainfall in the Chinchiná river basin is bimodal; there are two periods with higher
precipitation (April-May and October-November) and two periods with less precipitation
(December-January-February and June-July-August) (Poveda, 2004). At interannual
timescales, El Niño-Southern Oscillation– (ENSO) is the most important phenomena
related to climate variability in Colombia. During the warm phase of ENSO (El Niño) the
country experiences negative anomalies in rainfall, soil moisture, and river discharges. The
warming of the surface of Pacific ocean waters produces alterations in the patterns of
circulation of winds and atmospheric pressures, increasing average air temperatures and
decreasing rainfall, soil moisture and vegetation activity.
During the cold phase of ENSO (La Niña) there are positive anomalies like heavy rainfall
and increases in the average level of the rivers (Poveda, 2004; Poveda et al., 2001, 2011).
During La Niña event which took place in 2010, the flow of water of Chinchiná River
during December, January and February, reached 68% over the average flow of normal
years (Bedoya et al., 2010. During this La Niña event precipitation increased by 62 %
according to records of the National Center for Coffee Research station (CENICAFE 5° 00’,
1
These include the Pacific Decadal Oscillation, The Quasi-Biennial Oscillation (QBO), the westerly low level Choco jet
of the Pacific coast of Colombia, the low level jet in the Caribbean trade winds, the North Atlantic Oscillation and the
tropical easterly waves among many others.
N 75°36’ W, 1425 m height), while the solar brightness decreased by 31 % and the
temperature dropped 0.8 ° C above the historical averages recorded between 1980 and 2009
(Turbay et al., 2014). La Niña increases risks associated with torrential rains, floods and
landslides in populated centers and the country´s roads.
Extreme events such as La Niña have negative consequences on growth and flowering of
coffee in addition to increasing the incidence of coffee rust (Hemilea vastatrix Berk & Br)
and on the frequency of landslides that destroy roads, houses and crops (Turbay et al, 2014;
García, 2013). The amplification of a drier season during El Niño affects the water supply
for domestic, agricultural and industrial use and increases risks in hydroelectric power
generation. The reproductive cycle of the coffee depends on the combination of a dry
season and rainy season. If the dry period extends more than usual, the fruit harvest is
spoiled and lost. The inhabitants of the páramos (moor) agree that there are now fewer cold
winds, higher temperatures, increased rainfall, more erosion and more mass movements
(Giraldo Vieira, 2011). They think that new pests and diseases are related with the gradual
disappearance of the snow and the greater variation in the dates of onset of the rainy and
dry seasons. Potato cultivation has been reduced by over 80% from 1960 to the present
(Nates-Cruz et al. 2015).
Climate variability is having more significant impacts on agricultural producers than
climate change. Torrential rains and landslides occurred in 2003, 2005, 2006, 2007 and
2008; and several disasters during the La Niña event in 2011 include: a) landslides -
Cervantes, Manizales (48 people died) - another damaging infrastructure leaving Manizales
without water for 16 days; b) increasing of stream flow including at Minitas (341 families
left homeless) - La Mula (bus dragged and twenty fatalities) (Escobar Duque et al, 2006;
Vanguardia, 2011, El Tiempo, 2011). In total in 2011, 3,523,398 people were flooded in
Colombia (4.9% of the population); the number of victims in the country amounted to
2,350,2072. Within the study area of Caldas 8,682 households were affected, where the
Chinchiná river is located, 2,850 by flood, 4,040 by landslides, 1,383 by wind gales and
409 by avalanches (BID-CEPAL, 2012).

Extreme weather events have to be understood in a context of climate change. During 1980
to 2010 there have been increases in average temperatures by 0.5°C, in minimum
temperatures by 0.45° C and in maximum temperatures by 0.25°C (Ocampo, 2012). There
has been an accelerated loss of ice in the glaciers del Ruiz, Tolima and Santa Isabel, and a
reduction of the capacity of the páramos to regulate the water cycle (Poveda and Pineda,
2009; Poveda et al. 2014). One of the main impacts of climate change is that people are
cultivating coffee at 2150 msnm and not between 1400 msnm-1800 msnm as before. In the
same way, sugar cane, plantains and citric plantations are replacing old coffee crops.
4. Methodology
This research followed the methodology of the Vulnerability and Adaptation to Climate
Extremes in the Americas project (www.parc.vacea.com) and its objective of improving the
understanding of vulnerability of rural agricultural communities to shifts in climate
2
BID-CEPAL (2012) defines victims as people who suffered loss of property, loss of agricultural activities or
disappearance, injury or death of a household member; the others are called affected (869,032) who suffered indirect or
secondary disaster such as deficiencies in public services, commerce or isolation.
variability together with increasing frequency and intensity of extreme climate events, and
to engage governance institutions in enhancing agricultural producer adaptive capacity in
rural community vulnerability. This paper reports on the community vulnerability and
governance assessment.
Baseline data from available macro, regional and local-scale data sources was gathered to
generate information about the distribution of climate vulnerability of the communities and
their livelihood. Then, twenty semi-structured interviews were held with coffee growers in
the basin of the river Los Cuervos, that currently flows in the Chinchiná river. The
presidents of the Communal Action Comitées (Juntas de Acción Comunal) of those zones
introduced the families to the researchers. Eleven farmers interviewed were owners of
coffee farms with less than five hectares and nine persons worked in other farms as
managers or as a day workers.
The semi-structured interviews explored how actors perceived their exposures, sensitivities,
and adaptive capacity in the context of other stressors and changes. First a rapport was
built by gathering personal details; next the producers’ view of important exposures and
sensitivities were documented; then a basis established for assessing exposure-sensitivity
and capacity; lastly, relationships between rural actors, climate change, extreme weather
events and governance institutions were explored. In order to analyze the governance an
institutional profile of actors (government agencies, ministries, non-profit organizations etc.
related with water management, risk prevention and disaster attention) was compiled
together with an inventory of laws, regulations, and policies. The organizations and people
selected for interviewing were chosen based on the institutional profile assembled and the
assistance of the VACEA project partners. Fourteen officials from institutions were
interviewed in order to ascertain how the institution fits into the governance framework and
identify how the organization reduces vulnerabilities of the community, what factors
contribute to this, and lastly, whether the characteristics of adaptive governance are present
in the organization and its interrelationships with other organizations and community
members. Nvivo was used to analyze the interviews in nodes of: institutional roles,
organizational management, flexibility, future planning, institutional operations and
decision-making, institutional resources and constraints, stakeholders, institutional

accountability and institutional networks.
5. Current Institutional Governance Arrangements
This section describes the government response to disasters, discusses the role of non-
government institutions dealing with climate variability and describes the main
environmental conflicts in the area (see table 1). The information was obtained from the
institutional profile created of water management, risk prevention, and disaster institutions
and was confirmed and explored in interviews.
Table 1. Actors related with adaptation to climate change and variability in the Chinchiná
River Basin.
Institution Responsibilities and strategies

Ministerio de Medio It outlines the policy of mitigation and the adaptation
Ambiente y Desarrollo strategies.
Territorial It promotes a cultural change to anticipate and overcome the
adverse effects of climate change and variability, through the
strategy of prioritizing affected regions and productive
sectors.
It regulates mining and agricultural activities in the
moorland.
Unidad Nacional de Gestión It appears as a response from the national government to the
del Riesgo y Desastres effects of La Niña event (2010-2011). It shifts the focus from
(UNGRD) emergency care for the risk prevention approach.
It coordinates and directs the disaster risk management at
national level.
Corporación Autónoma Environmental authority in the area, charged with regulating
Regional de Caldas the use of natural resources, restoration and conservation of
(CORPOCALDAS) the moors, the conflicts between producers, tourist services
and mining. It also addresses the components of
environmental education, community participation and
management.
It provides real-time hydrometeorological information,
weather forecasts and alerts.
Leads the Management Plan River Basin Chinchiná
Unidad de Prevención y It develops contingency plans for dealing with disasters
Atención de Desastres de caused extreme weather events and it contributes to the

Caldas (UDEPADE) creation of an early warning system in the basin of Chinchina
river.
Oficina Municipal para la It generates alerts and prevents disasters in the city of
Prevención y Atención de Manizales and it coordinates local institutions and
Desastres de Manizales participates in the Municipal Council Risk Management.
(OMPAD)
Federación Nacional de It represents coffee producers nationwide, provides technical

Cafeteros assistance and credit to farmers, develops research activities
through CENICAFE, manages a guarantee fund for farmers
affected by weather event (FOGACAFÉ) and supports
farmers through rural extension programs.
Central Hidroeléctrica de It generates, distributes and sells electricity in the region; it

Caldas (CHEC) also leads the intersectoral initiative Pacts for the Chinchiná
River Basin, space for dialogue and resolution of conflicts
between different actors, as a counterweight to the traditional
decision-making scenarios
Aguas de Manizales It provides water services in urban areas, especially to the

city of Manizales. It has a network of hydrological and
rainfall stations
Proyecto Forestal para la Reforestation project registered with the principles of the
cuenca del rio Chinchiná Clean Development Mechanism of the Kyoto Protocol.
(PROCUENCA)
Instituto de Hidrología, Its purpose is the production of knowledge on the state of
Meteorología y Estudios natural resources and hydro-meteorological conditions at the
Ambientales (IDEAM) national level to facilitate decision-making related to the
conservation of ecosystems and risk reduction.
It generates forecasts and climate predictions for the Global
Information System.
Centro de Investigación del Seek the resilience of crops against extreme climatic events
Café (CENICAFÉ) such as El Niño and La Niña through scientific research.
Instituto de Estudios It reports hydrometeorological records to other institutions
Ambientales (IDEA), and facilitates decision-making, through early warning
Universidad Nacional de systems.
Colombia sede Manizales It contributes to the development of a studies on risk at the
Chinchiná river basin and the management plan of water
resources in the area
Cruz Roja Colombiana, It forward risk mitigation processes at departmental level and
seccional Caldas addresses the different stages of the emergency, through a
permanent technical team and volunteers.
Cruz Roja Colombiana, It promotes social risk assessment, preventive measures and
Unidad Municipal de the implementation of early warning systems. It also
Chinchiná develops methodologies and tools the educational component

and awareness to climate change.
Bomberos de Chinchiná It serves emergencies generated by extreme weather events

such as fires, avalanches and landslides
5.1 Institutional Responses to Climate Variability
Interviewees confirmed that national institutions have incorporated the dimension of
adaptation to climate change in their management tasks, but this is not the case in the public
and private sectors at the regional and local levels. In 1994, Colombia adopted the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). There have been
subsequent national communications to the UNFCCC (2001 and 2010), national inventories
of greenhouse gases, impacts and adaptation measures, strategies, and the National
Development Plan "Prosperity for All" 2010-2014 was developed to promote a cultural
change in order to anticipate and cope with the adverse effects of climate change and
climate variability as well as to identify and prioritize regions and productive sectors
impacted. The National Council for Economic and Social Policy prepared a policy one
year later (Departamento Nacional de Planeación, 2011) supporting plans, programs,
incentives, projects and methodologies responding to climate change.
As a result of the La Niña events of 2010-2011 the Colombia national government
increased its capacity to respond to extreme weather events and moved to a risk prevention
system from a service-oriented disaster response. Two other actions were taken: 1. A
temporary strategy (demanding agency coordination, decentralized management etc.) called
Colombia Humanitaria was designed to provide relief and rehabilitation. A network
working group was created with mayors, the Ministry of Finance, the National Planning
Department and the private sector, under the leadership of the National Unit for Disaster
Risk Management. (Fondo Nacional de Gestión del Riesgo, 2013); and 2) The National
System of Disaster Prevention and Care originally created in 1989 transformed into a
National System for Disaster Risk Management and a Unit was created to promote a
comprehensive vision of knowledge management, risk reduction and disaster management.
Afterwards, departments and municipalities began to design their own risk management
plans. Progress has been uneven because of differing technical capacity and available
information in each region on the dynamics of ecosystems and their human populations.
At the departmental level, the issue of preventing the negative effects of El Niño and La
Niña engage public officials, public service companies providing water and energy, and
coffee farmer’s guilds. This focus does not include adaptation measures to climate change.
Despite this, rural populations are taking action, not only in relation to climate extremes,
but with the purpose to adapt to climate change in general.

The history of extreme events, disasters, the nearby Nevado del Ruiz volcano in the
Chinchiná River basin has created an internalized risk culture setting the stage for rulers,
relief agencies, and ordinary citizens to understand the importance of planning. The Risk
Management Unit of Manizales works with the Regional Autonomous Corporation of
Caldas, the National University of Colombia, the Colombian Geological Service, the Red
Cross, the Fire Department, Civil Defense and Rescue Group for prevention of disasters
and warning generation. Thanks to an agreement with the National University of Colombia,
through the Institute for Environmental Studies and the Manizales Risk Unit, the public can
access online real time records of 12 hydro-meteorological stations.
According to a former ,director of the Manizales Risk Unit (personal communication) land
mass destabilization processes could start from 200 mm of accumulated rainfall in 25 days.
Based on this, different alert thresholds are established. The Manizales Risk Unit reports
this information to the Mayor who makes the decision to issue alerts which can be located
in specific neighbourhoods. This system is complemented by programs such as the
Guardianes de las laderas (Guardians of Slopes) or “single mothers caring for the slope
stabilization works.” Single mothers carry out maintenance on infrastructure built to
reduce mudslides, cut weeds, report damages and provide information about homes in high
risk areas. Unfortunately the rural areas are still not integrated in this system of monitoring
rainfall with the aim to predict emergencies.
Local communities are ultimately responsible for disaster response. A staff member, from
the Unit of Prevention and Attention to Disasters of Caldas (Udepade) explained the
protocol followed in the event of a disaster: "Communities inform the Municipal Council
Risk Management (formed following the law 1523). This entity reports to the Department
when the event exceeds its capacity response and the Department accompanies and trains
the communities, but municipal entities must reach communities."
Municipalities are just beginning to develop management plans to respond to risk of
climate variability. Some initiatives have started being developed by the Regional
Autonomous Corporation of Caldas (Corpocaldas), the leading comprehensive

environmental authority in the area. A leader of Corpocaldas explains the strategy to
improve the participation of rural people in environmental issues:
We work in 27 municipalities we have organized groups in each municipality. They

are called “Basin Councils”, “Sustainable Development Councils” or
“Environmental Tables”. We support the Inter-institutional Committee of
Environmental Education. In some municipalities we favour the work of
environmental leaders, groups of young people, the Communal Action Committees,
but we do not create these groups.
In addition to its provision of hydro-meteorological real time information and daily weather
forecasts and warnings (issued by IDEAM, the Colombian Institute of Hydrology,
Meteorology and Environmental Studies), this institute protects ecosystems and performs
studies for the planning and management of watersheds. Since 2002 the institute has a
forest reserve in the Upper Chinchiná river and recently implemented a project for the
development of the Comprehensive Water Resources Management Plan for the basin
(República de Colombia, 2012), based on an agreement with the government of
Netherlands and the National University of Colombia. The Plan allows for participation in
a Basin Council of all actors and sets out future goals for this geographical area.
5.2 The role of non-government institutions dealing with climate variability
The region has a high technical ability to respond to extreme events: Engineers have
developed technologies to provide stability to the banks and manage surface water and the
Center of Coffee Research brings together an eminent team of researchers at the service of
farmers and private enterprise that is of professional high quality. However, inequality in
education and institutional frameworks between rural and urban areas results in a
disadvantage for rural people to adapt to extreme climatic variations and negotiate their
interests against other actors In 2011 the rural population over 15 years of age in the south
central region of the central department of Caldas, only had 5.1 years of schooling (Grajales
Quintero, 2013). The lack of formal education is partially offset by the organization of
producers through the Coffee Growers National Federation or through political movements
like Dignidad Cafetera (Coffee Dignity). Only through these organizations have coffee
growers been heard in relation to different issues.
Aguas de Manizales (in charge of water supply), and the Central Hidroeléctrica de Caldas
(hydropower) provide public water services in urban centers and have taken action to
acquire land for conservation of forests to regularize flow. Water supply for rural
households depends on an individual’s own sources of water and on small aqueducts
managed by the farmers themselves.

Civil society institutions have formed which provide guidance in relation to extreme
weather events. The Coffee Growers National Federation has a explicit policy to cope with
climate variability which includes research, outreach and financial support (a fund which
extends guarantees to producers affected by weather events or for producers who needs
debt restructuring). Through the Coffee Research Centre, CENICAFÉ, the Coffee Growers
National Federation makes technical proposals to its partners to improve crop resilience to
extreme events such as El Niño and La Niña.

A former director the agricultural extension workers of the Committee of Coffee Growers
of Caldas said:
From the point of view of the climate risks, we define the coffee production system
as the set of variables that define the establishment of a coffee culture. The National
Federation of Coffee Growers, and the Committee of Caldas have a first proposal:
to plant coffee varieties resistant to rust, this is a disease that is favoured by Niña
events, high relative humidity, high rainfall and especially physical permanence of
water on the leaves for many hours, which favors spore germination ... then the rust
resistant coffee varieties are varieties in which these conditions do not permit the
development of epidemics. When I say resistant I do not say immune.
These strategies are discussed further below.
5.3 Adaptive Strategies of Agricultural Producers
This study identified adaptive practices for farmers of reverting back to traditional
agricultural practices recovering the cultural memory of agricultural practices previous to
the Green Revolution (when the coffee monoculture displaced the traditional practices). In
temperate lands (intermediate altitudes around 1300 m and 1800 m above sea level) most
land owners are small farmers (peasants) with less than five hectares of coffee. Currently
these peasants try to accommodate the technical recommendations made by the extension
personnel of the Coffee Growers National Federation, but sometimes the price of the coffee
in the international market is too low and small producers do not have enough resources to
buy chemical inputs. A small coffee farmer in Villamaría, said in September 2012: “The
production cost of 12.5 kilogrames of coffee is 65.000 pesos, but the price in the market is
only 58.000 pesos, it means we are losing money”.
As a result of the lack of money, some people (13% of interviewees, although this is not
a representative sample) try to return to a previous model of farm with shadow and other
crops, as an spontaneous strategy of adaptation. In this way they minimize the use of
fertilizers and increase the food-security of the household. A rural worker of Chinchiná
said:
When I was a child, my father cultivated Arabic coffee. We had to sleep in the
mezzanine because of the quantity of coffee. We also had corn and beans. In
those times people did not use fertilizers or fumigation. We just cleaned the
crops and added the coffee cherry pulp. The coffee grew under plantains and
guano plants.
Some farmers (6% of our sample did not follow the recommendations of the National
Federation of Coffee Growers (although 37% do):
I should not associate coffee with other crops; the Committee of Caldas does not
give permission to have trees. Some years ago, my father cultivated walnut trees, for
lumber exploitation. The Committee does not permit cultivating plantain. The
majority of the farms quit cultivating the plantain, but I still have plantain (small
farmer from Chinchiná).
In traditional coffee practices, shaded coffee agroforestry systems protected environmental
services, mitigated soil erosion, enhanced food self-sufficiency, and enhanced research on
agro ecology. Adaptive strategies in small-scale coffee farms involved: appropriately

controlling weeds without damaging the soil; properly handling vegetative cover (21%),
renewing crop varieties resistant to the "Roya" or coffee leaf rust disease (25%) and the
following (less than 10%): preventing the spread of the coffee berry borer (Hypothenemus
hampei) through the timely collection of ripe fruits, planting coffee in high densities per
hectare to prevent erosion; trenching to drain the water; planting trees with deep roots
when the soil is compacted; holding plots of coffee at different stages of growth to
anticipate climate stress and ensure it does not affect the entire production; reducing water
consumption and pollution through the use of organic coffee mills; controlling the
sunshine through proper management of the shade in agroforestry systems; using coffee
pulp as fertilizer to reduce the use of chemical inputs that increase production costs and
generate environmental externalities; increasing food security through crop diversification
on the farm, etc. (Turbay et al, 2014). These technical recommendations are not enough as
an adaptation strategy to climate extremes, however, and already in the lowest coffee belt a
transformation to herds and fruit crops is occurring.
Medium sized farmers explain this transformation by increased temperatures, low coffee
prices, and the desire to reduce production costs associated with the labor market. The
result has been unemployment of hundreds of workers who have come to swell the informal
sector in cities like Manizales and Pereira. This process, accelerated over the last ten years,
produces a territorial reconfiguration that contradicts the statement of the “coffee cultural
landscape” designated as a heritage site by UNESCO in 2011.
5.4 Response of Water governance institutions to Environmental Conflicts

The transformation of the landscape and urban migration is causing conflict. The
Chinchiná river basin is the forum for environmental conflicts that involve actors with
different interests and power. Environmental authorities have functions on watershed
planning, control of use of natural resources, restoration and conservation of moorlands,
forest and high Andean wetlands that generate conflicts with ranchers, potato growers,
tourist services and mining. The companies providing water services and energy have
economic interests threatened by actions of agricultural producers (deforestation,
overgrazing). Industrial water use creates conflicts with drinking water (confirmed by the
President of the Chichiná Council). The developers build housing for higher income
families on the bank of the river Chinchiná that do not have sewer service.
Miners need a river flow sufficient for the entrainment of the material they extract, but the
Central Hidroeléctrica de Caldas diverts much of the flow after producing electricity to the
city of Manizales. Environmentalists lament the damage miners cause in the riverbed with
the entry of dump trucks, but miners mobilize against environmnental legislation that
supposedly will impact their jobs.
There are two organizations where actors with different positions can discuss their interests
and possibly resolve conflict. One of them is the Basin Council (Consejo de Cuenca) ruled
by the environmental authority. The other is Pacts for the Basin (Pactos por la Cuenca), a
voluntary initiative for the recovery and conservation of the river that brings together
industrial companies, government officials and members of the civil society. An official of
the Central Hidroeléctrica de Caldas, interviewed for this study underlined the need for
these two processes as they are essential given the crisis of governance:
A few economic sectors or economic agents have captured the decision- making
processes in the territory. Those benefiting from the confusion existing in the
institutional system are large economic groups… They multiply the vulnerability;
there is no chance for anything (for less powerful actors). What we are proposing is
not a matter of economic or technical capacity, what is needed is a good conductor
and a good score; that's what we're building with the Management Plan of the
Chinchiná River basin, so-called ‘POMCA.’ Through Pactos por la Cuenca we are
equipping all development actors, with the capacity and the instruments necessary
to focus on its management. If we get together and we agree on the script, it is going
to be much easier when you know what your score is. We already did poverty
analysis and hydrological analysis. The best scenarios are these two spaces: the
Management Plan of the Chinchiná river basin and Pactos por la Cuenca.
(interview).
An effective and democratic governance of natural resources (Longo, 2010) requires these
spaces for dialogue and conflict resolution. These processes favor increasing knowledge of
watershed problems and encourage actions committed to by their inhabitants. Arguably,
these processes will be efficient in articulating the interests of the State and civil society in
the search for the transformation of traditional forms of decision making which were based
on patronage systems (understanding patronage as the exchange of goods, political services
and helpful support, whose main characteristic is the prevalence of asymmetrical social
relationship) (Schröter, 2010).
6. Analysis – adaptive capacity dimensions
This section analyzes the governance response to disaster based on the institutional
dimensions of adaptive capacity.
6.1 Responsiveness
Institutions in the study area of Los Cuevos are not particularly responsive to climate
change and extreme weather events. Local communities are the responders, often without
adequate resources. Although there are many institutional initiatives to document, research,
understand and predict extreme weather events, and early warning systems exist in urban
areas, rural areas are without.
The Colombian government has made international commitments to mitigation and
adaptation to climate change; however it is just beginning to translate such commitments
into action at the regional and local levels. This is partly owing to the intangible nature of
climate change; although climatic extremes have been evident and their consequences have
been catastrophic as with the La Niña event of 2011 that led to the creation of a national
risk management system.
Institutional responses to extreme weather events have taken into account the dynamics of
ecosystems, the climate variability, and the evidence for extreme climatic events in the
region. Early warning systems exist and have been improved with new information and
communication technologies. However, these systems are not very sensitive to the social,
economic and cultural factors that generate disasters. Poverty reduction is not integrated as
a strategy to reduce vulnerability to risks. Plans focus on natural threats and do not pay
attention to enormous pressures generated by more vulnerable groups with less assets and
lower capacities (Lampis, 2013). Adaptive governance in relation to recent climate
variability needs a territorial approach to understand the dynamics of ecosystems and the
impacts of climate on different economic activities.
Resolution of the conflict between urban and rural water interests could occur via the Basin
Council (Consejo de Cuenca) ruled by the environmental authority or the Pacts for the
Basin Either of these could create what Blanco and Fuenzalida (2012) call a
‘territorialization’ of public policies on climate change such that international or national
policies or agreements acquire meaning and materialize in practice in territories or regions.
At this point it is too early to tell.
6.2 Reflexivity
As Voβ and Bornemann (2011) argues, the development of an reflexive governance must
recognizes the political context at the micro, meso and macro level, designing safeguards
against domination and capture of decisions by powerful actors. The author stressed
designs for social learning that take into account conflict, power and tactics of domination
by powerful actors. He also proposes some strategies in meeting the challenge of a politics
of learning, for example creating conditions for social interaction between actors that
provide reasonable arguments; devising procedures that enable participating actors to
explain diverging understandings of a given sustainability problem, or stimulating public
controversies as a resource for exploring pathways of sustainable development.
In our case study, the Chinchiná Basin Council has the challenge to create the conditions
for participation and collective learning about adaptation to climate change and climate
variability, although difficult given the uncertainty and complexity of these phenomena and
the extreme unequal distribution of resources and political power between inhabitants of the
basin. There was no evidence in interviews that the governance regime formally or
informally reassess practices for assisting adaptation, nor is it clear institutional patterns are
in place to promote mutual respect and trust between actors including an openness to
engage with uncertainty.
The Council will have to engage in a continuous process of experimentation and evaluation
of new models of social interaction between actors with different interests and points of
view and will have to design ways to influence and shape the political context beyond the
local level. The two basin institutional initiatives discussed in section 5.4 are just in their
formative processes and it is too early to assess their success at achieving reflexive
governance and described by Voβ and Bornemann (2011).
6.3 Flexibility
In relation to flexibility, there have been two institutional developments that demonstrate
practices that are modified in response to unanticipated events taking into account different
needs and requirements. The Colombian government has been involved in the search for
flexible organizational schemes to combine technical and financial efforts for proper risk
management in relation to disasters. There are several innovative schemes including
voluntary insurance schemes implemented through taxation, environmental surcharges, and
rebuilding partnerships. These innovations predominantly occur in the large urban center of
Manizales.
The second institutional development involves partnerships between environmental
authorities, municipalities and universities which have allowed fluid communication
between the public sector and academia in the southern center of the Caldas region. There
is capacity to innovate in interagency coordination to study and provide services in

emergencies and disasters. It is necessary to strengthen the view of the basin in its entirety,
in order to overcome the view of risk as localized. Both types of institutional practices
encourage flexibility but need to be expanded to rural areas and made available to all.
6.4 Capacity
In urban areas there is capacity (leaders) and information accessible in order to respond to
extreme events, but not in rural areas. The department of Caldas has had a strong capacity
and experience in disaster risk management. The need for technical input to minimize risks
has stimulated a fluid communication between government and scientists. At the same time
there are experiences in the area of innovative schemes of collaboration between the State,
civil society and the productive sector, ranging from small to large initiatives. However,
risk prevention programs and positive developments of adaptive governance are
concentrated in urban areas, particularly in Manizales, leaving rural areas and other
municipalities as disadvantaged with fewer technical and financial capacities.
While strengthening risk management systems is an important task, the region requires
foresight about adaptation to climate variability and climate change. Adaptation measures
that are limited to technical advice on specific productive sectors are insufficient because
they do not have a territorial view of the whole basin and because these measures forget the
social construction of risk. It is necessary to emphasize the social, economic and political
conditions that cause vulnerability in order to generate structural changes and not remain in
mere palliative initiatives such as humanitarian aid and agricultural subsidies. Promoting
integrated territorial rural development remains a pending task to reduce the vulnerability
of the rural population without limiting its vision of farming and without falling into
paternalistic practices.
6.5 Equity
The new legislation on water resources management (Decreto 1640 of 2012) in the country
opens a window of opportunity for equity in Chinchiná River basin governance for equity
in relation to multiple frames of reference, participation, non-government actors and
equitable water governance. Equity in water governance has not yet been achieved given
inequity described in section 3 between households impacted by extreme events on rural
people and conflicts described in 5.4. The Management Plan of the Chinchiná River basin
will become the master document around which spaces for dialogue are established, and
consultation and dispute resolution between different social actors are put in place. These
spaces will bear fruit if they have continuity in time and if not captured by economic agents
with more power. Participation cannot be an instrument to legitimize a development model
that has been causing environmental problems that leave people without the necessary
resource and economic base for their livelihoods. Rural people have a long tradition and
strong organizational representativeness through the Coffee Growers National Federation
but are also capable, as demonstrated with the agricultural strike of 2013, to undertake
demonstrations that allow them to communicate directly with the central government.
National monetary freezes and restrictions question whether these protests will remain
short-term claims (for things such as subsidies) or if they can become social movements
that support alternative policy options. These alternatives might open space for
intervention models over integrated land use of the territory and rescue the values
associated with the common good and respect for nature.
7. Conclusion
This article has reported the research findings of a community and governance vulnerability
study conducted in Los Cuervos bains of the Chinchina River in Colombia. This study
found that there is a low response to extreme events because local communities are tasked
with response without adequate resources or support from national or regional institutions.
Hopefully the growing national awareness and activity in relation to climate change and
disaster will improve response and be downscaled into these communities in the future.
Reflexivity within the institutional governance system was missing. Although, some
learning has occurred at the national government level and by agricultural producers who
are adapting practices, to date no government institution has facilitated social learning
taking into account conflict, power, and tactics of domination. In relation to flexibility, the
Colombia government has made a concerted effort to attain flexible organization schemes,
some through partnerships and innovative insurance or economic measures.
Institutional capacity to respond to disasters is higher in urban areas. A growing technical
capacity is occurring at the department of Caldas. It is anticipated through promotion of
integrated territorial planning and water basin governance initiatives this capacity can be
localized better in rural areas. The issue of education of the rural population should be
addressed to improve capacity. These institutional planning initiatives as well as improved
education also hold promise in addressing current issues of equity between small rural
producers and large coffee companies.

This study discerned two major adaptation processes: the first one is associated with
institutional capital, largely preventive measures aimed at coping with extreme climate
events, as a consequence of a centralized government planning; the second is reactive and
consists of rural people facing a reduction in productivity as a result of the combination of
climatic factors with macroeconomic variables. The latter adaptation measures are not
always successful, because of the negative consequences they have: replacing coffee crops
with grassland for livestock, elimination of sources of employment for the farmers in the
region, and loss of identity references associated with coffee cultivation. Our research
concludes that governance institutions are not taking any action in relation to these
maladaptations. As Lampis says (2013) an adaptive governance system must avoid falling
into technocratic approaches and should propose a political reading of adaptation to climate
change that protects social and environmental rights in the same ethical and political
framework. This is consistent with tackling the current issues of equity.
Urban migration and increasing costs of production are resulting in increased poverty and
increased conflict relating to water between industry, energy, drinking water companies etc.
It will be crucial that either the Basin Council or the Pacts for the Basin create and increase
dialogue to resolve this growing conflict over water (which will be exacerbated by climate
change) in the future. The new legislation on water resources management (Decreto 1640
of 2012) in the country opens a window of opportunity for Chinchiná River basin to
achieve reflexive governance if structures of power can be addressed and social learning
facilitated. The Management Plan of the Chinchiná River basin will become the master
document around which spaces for dialogue could be established, and consultation and
dispute resolution between different social actors put in place.

Acknowledgements
The authors thank the Research Group Sustainability Project 2013–2014 financed by the
Vicepresidency of Research from the Universidad de Antioquia and awarded to the Grupo
de Investigación Medio Ambiente y Sociedad (Environment and Society Research Group).
The generous and valuable review by German Poveda and two anonymous reviewers are
also kindly acknowledged and thanked.

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Voβ, J. P and B. Bornemann (2011), ”The politics of Reflexive Governance: challenges for
designing Adaptive Management and Transition Management” Ecology and Society N.16
(2):9 available at: http:// http://dlc.dlib.indiana.edu/dlc/bitstream/handle/10535/7593/ES-
2011-4051.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y (accessed 29 july 2015)
About the authors

Erika Acevedo
Magister on anthropology, 2012, Universidad de Antioquia. Master thesis:
Transformaciones y perspectivas de la caficultura en Colombia tras la liberalización del
mercado mundial del café: análisis antopológico de las certificaciones cafeteras en los
municipios de Riosucio,Caldas y Betulia, Antioquia.
Sandra Turbay
Ph. D in Social Sciences (Social Anthropology and Ethnology), 1993, École des Hautes
Études en Sciences Sociales. Research on the relationship of ethnic groups with their
environment, especially in protected areas. Author of studies in the field of ethnobotany,
ethnozoology and Indian mythology. Teaches structuralist theory, ethnology of kinship
systems, rural development and economic anthropology.
Margot Hurlbert
B.Admin., LL.B., LL.M. in Constitutional Law with a focus on Aboriginal and
environmental issues. Margot researches, teaches, and writes on a broad range of justice
topics including Aboriginal justice, earth system governance and climate change adaptation.
Prior to embarking on a full time academic career in 2005, Margot practiced law in private
practice in Regina for 12 years and in corporate practice as the Assistant General Counsel
for SaskPower for seven years.
Martha Elena Barco
Master in Political Studies, 2003, Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, Bogotá. Master in

Sociology, 2005, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá. Coordinator of the
socioeconomic component and the environmental management plan for the watershed of
Chinchiná, POMCA, Corpocaldas-Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Manizales, 2013
Kelly Johanna López
Young researcher, Environment and Society Research Group, Universidad de Antioquia

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International Journal of Climate Change Strategies and Management

Governance and climate variability in Chinchiná River, Colombia

Strategies and Management, Vol. 8 Iss 5 pp. -

*Related content and download information correct at time of download.

Adaptive governance systems involve such things as adjustments in public administration,

changes in production processes at the professional and technical level, improvements to

Brunner and Lunch, 2010). Achieving real democracy is fundamental.

producers. Resilience is “the capacity of a social-ecological system to cope with a

hazardous event or disturbance, responding or reorganizing in ways that maintain its

governance arrangements surrounding extreme events in the study region in Colombia.

recommendations for improvements to the governance system.

2. Climate change governance – building adaptiveness

enforcement mechanisms, monitoring controls and accountability, incentives, informal

water resources (Global Water Partnership, 2002).

adaptation requires knowledge of anticipated impacts, a flexible decision framework based

resilient systems (IPCC, 2014). Adaptive governance, a specific type of governance

uncertainty and change, and problems of fragmentation (Dietz et al, 2003).

linked to climate change (Pahl-Wostl, 2009). Adaptive governance differs from

localities and the complexity of human behavior (Monedero, 2012).

Determination of whether a system of governance is adaptive, and able to alter processes

by assessment of whether the determinants of adaptive governance (Gupta et al., 2010), or

systems exist? (Huntjens et al., 2012);

adaptation to climate variability, hazards, and extreme climate events? Are

and an openness towards uncertainties? Do these patterns learn from past

experiences? Is there constant monitoring and evaluation of processes? (Huntjents

response to unanticipated events? Do the practices adjust to take into account

different needs and requirements? (Gupta et al., 2010);

Are there leaders (government or significant social actors or networks in

communities) that are capable of responding to climate variability, hazards, and

(Gupta et al., 2010; Cundhill, 2010; Dietz et al., 2003)

non-government actors involved in decision making? Do these actors have the

opportunity to influence, significantly change, or make major decisions? (Gupta et

al., 2010; Cundhill, 2010; Armitage, 2005).

‘variety’ (of problem frames, actors, diversity of solutions) or ‘leadership’ (assessed by

whether it was visionary, entrepreneurial, or collaborative). Further an indicator such as

‘learning’ was unable to be measured and therefore assessed by the researchers.

3. The Chinchiná River basin and climate change impacts

12°C), temperate regions (17.5°C-24°C) as well as desert semi-arid landscapes (24-25°C).

(368,433 inhabitants). The basin is formed by the municipalities of Villamaría, Palestina,

municipalities: 42.42% in Villamaría, 63.20% in Palestina, 64.79% in Neira, 42.37% in

Chinchiná, and 29.56% in Manizales (Angulo Salazar et al, 2011).

The Upper Chinchina River is important as it protects headwaters (CORPOCALDAS and

as it is not enforceable against the private land owners.

is evident, exacerbated by global coffee prices. The household vulnerability of small

capabilities among rural residents.

Figure 1 Map of Chinchiná River

predictably, based on these cycles.

(December-January-February and June-July-August) (Poveda, 2004). At interannual

timescales, El Niño-Southern Oscillation– (ENSO) is the most important phenomena

decreasing rainfall, soil moisture and vegetation activity.

landslides in populated centers and the country´s roads.

(Nates-Cruz et al. 2015).

Climate variability is having more significant impacts on agricultural producers than

409 by avalanches (BID-CEPAL, 2012).

to 2010 there have been increases in average temperatures by 0.5°C, in minimum

temperatures by 0.45° C and in maximum temperatures by 0.25°C (Ocampo, 2012). There

understanding of vulnerability of rural agricultural communities to shifts in climate

to engage governance institutions in enhancing agricultural producer adaptive capacity in

managers or as a day workers.

sensitivities were documented; then a basis established for assessing exposure-sensitivity

institutional profile of actors (government agencies, ministries, non-profit organizations etc.

organizational management, flexibility, future planning, institutional operations and

decision-making, institutional resources and constraints, stakeholders, institutional