Women in Tourism Bali

The Journal of Development Studies
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The involvement of women in the tourism industry

of Bali, Indonesia
Judie Cukier , Joanne Norris & Geoffrey Wall
To cite this article: Judie Cukier , Joanne Norris & Geoffrey Wall (1996) The involvement of
women in the tourism industry of Bali, Indonesia, The Journal of Development Studies, 33:2,
248-270, DOI: 10.1080/00220389608422465
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The Involvement of Women in the Tourism
Industry of Bali, Indonesia
JUDIE CUKIER, JOANNE NORRIS

and GEOFFREY WALL
This article examines gender roles in tourism employment in Bali,

Indonesia through two case studies. The first considers the employ-
ment of women in tourism in a newly-emerging destination area in
the interior of the island. The second examines the employment of
both women and men in selected tourism occupations in two estab-
lished coastal resorts. While tourism has provided both women and
men with greater occupational choices, there is differential access
by gender to tourism employment in Bali. Furthermore, in the
formal sector, women may be required to have superior qualifica-
tions and may be paid less than men in similar positions. At the
same time as gaining access to employment outside the home, many
women are expected to maintain current roles in religious matters
and in the home.
INTRODUCTION
This article addresses relationships between gender and tourism. It is
positioned in the gap between the literature on international tourism in
developing countries, specifically Indonesia, and the literature on gender and
development. It is concerned with the implications and outcomes for women
and men who are exposed to the challenges and opportunities of tourism as a
force for development in their communities. It questions whether tourism
development and tourism employment affect women and men differently.
At the outset, it is useful to make a distinction between sex and gender. Sex
refers to biological attributes whereas gender refers to relationships between
Judie Cukier completed her doctorate and Geoffrey Wall is Professor in Geography at the
University of Waterloo, Ontario, Canada. Joanne Norris completed an MA in Sociology at the
University of Guelph. The article is based on investigations undertaken with the partial support
of a research award to Geoffrey Wall from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council
of Canada and a Canada-ASEAN Student Travel Grant. The research was facilitated by the Bali
Sustainable Development Project which was funded by the Canadian International Development
Agency.
The Journal of Development Studies, Vol. 33, No. 2, December 1996, pp. 248-270
PUBLISHED BY FRANK CASS, LONDON
WOMEN IN THE TOURISM INDUSTRY OF BALI, INDONESIA 249
people of different sexes and has been defined by Henderson [1994] as 'a set
of socially constructed relationships which are produced and reproduced
through people's actions'. It follows from the above that, in all but a very lim-
ited number of unusual cases, sex is fixed whereas the concept of gender is
more dynamic, varying with changing interpersonal relationships. Neverthe-
less, there is an overlap between the two concepts if only because one's
sex results in a lifetime of relationships and expectations based on and
experienced as gender. Furthermore, gender is a cultural phenomenon and,
in consequence, modifications of gender relationships require changes in
culture.
Major issues of concern in discussions of gender are access to power,
control and equity. However, these do not depend solely upon gender. They
are also influenced by such attributes as age, race, class, status and education.
Thus, in discussions of gender, one should be aware of the dangers of single-
variable analyses. There is no universal man or woman or universal women's
experience but a variety of experiences which are influenced by many factors
in addition to gender. Furthermore, as a concept which stresses relationships,
it should not be assumed that gendered approaches are only applicable to the
study of women and their circumstances. In fact, gendered approaches can
also be applied to men and a full gender analysis would involve investigation
of both men and women and the relationships between them.
GENDER SCHOLARSHIP
Theories of gender and development have provided a body of literature which
illuminates women's contributions to development. The gender and develop-
ment literature has greatly contributed to a better understanding of women's
work in so-called 'developed' and 'developing' societies [Leacock and Safa,
1986], but emphasis has mainly been on work in agricultural and factory pro-
duction. The rapid growth of international tourism to developing countries
since the 1950s, as an area of research, has received only limited attention by
gender and development researchers.
It is useful to provide a brief sketch of the history of gender scholarship. In
doing so, we are drawing heavily upon the writing of Henderson as reported
in Swain [1995a]. Gender scholarship is rooted in western feminism and its
evolution over the past approximately 30 years. Five phases have been recog-
nised:
(1) in which women were essentially invisible and their experiences ignored
(womanless);
(2) a compensatory phase in which the experiences of prominent and unusual
women were recognised but their activities were judged predominantly
from a masculine perspective (add women and stir);
250 THE JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES
(3) an emphasis on dichotomous differences (sex differences; this is a useful

starting point but it falls short if differences which are revealed are left
unexplained by reference to underlying circumstances);
(4) feminist approaches which stress the experiences of women, often to the
neglect or the exclusion of the experiences of men (women-centred);
(5) true gender scholarship in which there is an interactional view of human
expectations, behaviour and power relationships.
It is worth noting in passing that the development literature has followed a

similar path with 'Women in Development' (WID) giving way to 'Gender
and Development' (GAD), the latter having more explicit concern than the
former with the empowerment of women.
Tourism as a Gendered Phenomenon

Tourism and the processes associated with it emanate from gendered
societies and, therefore, are likely to exhibit gendered relationships. Women
are involved differently than men in both the production and consumption of
tourism and so they are likely to be impacted differently. Relationships
between gender and tourism are likely to be reciprocal with gender
influencing the manifestations of tourism and tourism modifying existing
gender relationships. In addition, it is likely that gender relationships will
differ between host and guest cultures and, furthermore, the behaviours of
visitors and their expectations concerning gender relationships may differ
when they are at home and on vacation. Thus, the situation is extremely
complex and, in the face of such complexity, both hosts and guests may fall
back on stereotypical views of each other.
The provision of tourism experiences involves much more than the pro-
vision of attractions, hotels and restaurants. The construction industry, trans-
portation, guides, consultants, musicians, dancers, craftspersons, instructors,
gardeners, travel agents and a host of other positions must be filled so the
types of employment afforded by tourism are very varied. They are also
changing in response to changing technology. Furthermore, direct, indirect
.and induced employment are all involved although the focus of tourism
labour studies tends to be on direct employment in a limited number of types
of businesses such as hotels and restaurants. Also, one should not overlook
the importance of the informal sector, particularly in the developing world.
The extent to which women and men are prepared to take up various
positions and the cultural acceptability of the employment of women and men
in different aspects of tourism will greatly influence the associated opportuni-
ties and impacts and their variation by gender.
Tourism and Gender Scholarship

Investigators of tourism have not been in the forefront of researchers adopting
a gender perspective and, in fact, they have lagged behind their sisters in the
broader field of leisure. Nevertheless, interest in gender and tourism is grow-
ing rapidly, as witnessed in the recent production of a number of relevant case
studies [Armstrong, 1978; Samarasuriya, 1982; Lever, 1987; Rupena-Osolnik,
1983; Swain, 1989; Levy and Lerch, 1991; Chant, 1992). All of the above
studies note the potential increases in economic standing that women may
attain due to employment in tourism. However, strong cultural barriers, the
lack of government initiatives and the lack of organisation among the women
workers themselves, have inhibited women from acquiring leadership roles.
Armstrong [1978] and Swain [1989] both focused on indigenous tourism
development and the opportunities that tourism generates for women and
men. Armstrong investigated the bed and breakfast industry in highland
Scotland. She found that women were the primary workers in this industry
and many of them had become involved in local politics to protect their
interests. Their only avenue to pursue this was through organising voluntary
associations - women could only enter politics informally, 'through the back
door'. Existing male leadership and male networking systems did not
acknowledge the women leaders of the voluntary organisations as legitimate
political figures and, therefore, women remained in informal politics.
Swain studied the Kuna ethnic group in Panama and detailed the division of
labour in the production of artwork on women's blouses (molas) and the
gendered access to political roles. Despite a strict demarcation of gender roles
(women make the mola artwork and men control the interactions with out-
siders), Swain described this division of labour as reflecting an interdepen-
dence of the sexes. Swain's optimistic account emphasised the importance of
local control of tourism and she hoped that employment in indigenous tourism
could affect the positive evolution of Kuna gender roles. Maybe one day
mola-making may be considered Kuna work not women's work! [Swain,
1989:103].
Levy and Lerch [1991] and Samarasuriya [1982] both provided detailed
investigations of the employment of women in tourism. Both studies focused
upon the relationships among gender, employment in tourism and status in
society. The studies differ in respect to the type of tourist development under
scrutiny. In Barbados, employment in large-scale, locally-run, guest houses
was under study. Reproductive roles of women, including child care and
household domestic duties, were emphasised as necessarily being combined
with women's work in tourism. In Barbados, women relied on social net-
works to help with the burden of domestic duties. Women's employment,
income and job security were all significantly lower than for men. As a result,
many women had to take on additional means of gaining income, such as

baking and sewing, to make ends meet. Women in the Sri Lankan study
also had the primary responsibility of domestic duties and child care which
influenced their capacity to become involved in and the location of their
tourism employment. In both studies women had more limited access than
men to tourist employment. However, both studies revealed that there were
aspects of tourism employment which were regarded strictly as 'women's
work'. In hotels in Barbados, most women worked in housekeeping, recep-
tion and other occupations which have low job security and low income
attainment levels. In the Sri Lankan study, even the women who did own and
manage their own guest house or restaurant (there were only a few), did not
gain increased status due to the low value commonly ascribed to women's
work. In short, women's mode of reproduction defined the nature of women's
mode of production.
The unstable nature of women's employment in the tourism industry was
similarly expressed in Lever's study [1987] of Spanish tourism migrants.
Much of the seasonal, 'unskilled' employment, with long hours and low pay,
was taken up by rural women who migrated due to lack of stable employment
at home. In Lloret de Mar, women were seen as being 'cheaper' workers than
men, not in terms of pay but rather because they would sweep and tidy up at
the end of the day and do other little jobs that men refused to do [Lever,
1987: 453]. Again women predominated in the more precarious occupations
that had little job security and low hourly wages and which represented a
continuation of household and domestic duties such as chambermaiding and
dishwashing. Women viewed the work as backbreaking and poorly paid but
they saw it as way to enter a career in tourism.
Gender and tourism have received previous attention in Indonesia and Bali.
For example, women's roles in tourism in Batam have been the subject of
research [Pusat Studi Wanita, Universitas Gadjah Mada, 1994} and a five
province study recently evaluated the role of women in tourism in Indonesia
and their access to information, participation and decision-making authority
[Pusat Studi Wanita, Universitas Gadjah Mada, 1993]. Considerable
differences between provinces were found but Bali, the major tourism destina-
tion in Indonesia, was not studied. Wilkinson and Pratiwi [7995] examined
gender and tourism in a coastal resort in neighbouring Java but, unlike Bali
which is predominantly Hindu, their study area was predominantly Moslem
and most tourists were domestic rather than international visitors. Although
Miller and Branson [1989] have discussed the subordination of women in Bali,
and Ariani and Kindon [1995] have examined the implications of aspects
of gender for sustainable development in Bali, only the UNDP, in a back-
ground document to a provincial tourism planning exercise, appear to have
specifically addressed gender and tourism in Bali [Ranck, 1992].
It is not easy to generalise about women and tourism employment. The

type of tourism development determines the options available for direct
employment and also affects the potential for indirect employment. Other
factors, such as cultural sanctions, also affect women's employment oppor-
tunities. Views concerning 'women's work' may limit the avenues women
can pursue for employment: domestic and child care duties were viewed as
being the primary responsibility of women and had to be combined with
tourism employment or extended to other family members (usually daughters
or grandmothers); and the lack of organisation among women workers pre-
vented women from 'getting ahead' in the tourism industry.
Three documents are available which provide syntheses of the gender
and tourism literature. Norris and Wall [1994] prepared a literature review
which examined the topic under the following six headings: the tourists
(emphasising the different experiences of women and men as tourists),
tourism employment (stressing differences in employment opportunities with
gender), types of tourism (on the basis that different types of tourism would
impact upon women and men in different ways), images of tourism (particu-
larly advertising), prostitution and tourism, and tourism and the family.
Kinnaird and Hall [1994] recently published a book on the topic. It consists
predominantly of case studies but also includes a thoughtful introduction and
a brief conclusion. Similarly, Swain [1995b] has edited a special issue of
Annals of Tourism Research on 'Gender in Tourism' which, similarly, con-
sists of an overview paper followed by a series of case studies.
Together, these three sources provide a convenient introduction to a range
of relevant topics and reflect the current status of research on gender and
tourism. They reveal that much work is in the case study mode and tends to
be women-centred rather than 'true gender scholarship' as described above.
However, the first tentative steps towards synthesis and conceptualisation
are being made. They also reveal that while the feminist movement has
received its primary impetus from western sources, scholarship on gender and
tourism, whether undertaken by western or non-western authors, has, perhaps
surprisingly, concentrated upon non-western settings.
OBJECTIVES
Kinnaird, Kothari and Hall [1994: 16] asserted that aspects of tourism
employment which are important for development are the quality and types
of work available and 'the differential access of men and women to these
employment opportunities, the seasonality of employment and the existing
and new gender divisions of labour generated . . .'. Tourism employment
both reinforces and transforms gender divisions of labour. They stated that
'women and men play different roles in the selling of their traditions and
FIGURE 1
BALI
INDIAN
OCEAN
culture . . . gender relations and roles are an important element of authenticity

and tradition and change dramatically to the demands of the process of
tourism development' [Kinnaird et ah, 1994: 19]. Hence, such issues merit
investigation in a rapidly evolving tourism situation as is occurring in Bali,
Indonesia.
This article will examine the similarities and differences in the roles of
both women and men in tourism employment and will provide some explana-
tions for the findings as they relate primarily to women. As indicated above,
the gender and development literature has concentrated upon women's work
in agricultural and industrial production. However, it should not be assumed
that findings of research on agricultural and factory employment are directly
applicable to tourism. Only limited gender research has addressed service
industries in general and tourism employment in particular, although this is
beginning to change. Because of the recency of mass tourism, many new
employment opportunities have been and are being created for women, both
within the formal and informal tourism sectors in Bali, Indonesia [Cukier-
Snow and Wall, 1993; 1994], which is the focus of empirical research
reported below.
RESEARCH METHODS
Two contrasting but complementary case studies were undertaken in Bali
between 1991 and 1993. The first considers aspects of the employment of
women and, to a lesser extent men, in tourism in Kedewatan, a village in the
interior of Bali which was experiencing substantial tourism growth at the
time fieldwork was undertaken (Figure 1). In its focus primarily upon
women, this investigation is an example of women-centred research.
The second study examines the employment of both women and men in
selected types of tourism employment in Kuta and Sanur (Figure 1), two
major resorts in the south of the island. The study has many of the attributes
of 'true gender scholarship' as described by Swain [7995a].
Each case study will be described individually leading to a common set of
conclusions. However, prior to embarking on the case studies, in order to set
the context, the recent evolution and present status of tourism in Bali will be
discussed and aspects -of common gender relationships in Bali will be
described briefly.
TOURISM IN BALI
Bali is a small island of about 563,000 hectares, situated approximately in the
middle of the Indonesian archipelago. It is home to approximately 2.9 million
people and in excess of one million annual international tourists plus an
unknown number of domestic visitors [Wall, 1995]. It has a volcanic core and
a tropical climate with a wet and dry season. While the northern shoreline
and the eastern end of the island are relatively dry, being in a rain shadow,
the south-central part of the island is well-watered. Here, the sawah (irrigated
terraces growing rice) present a spectacular and highly productive agri-
cultural system. The coast is rimmed by a mix of white and black sand
beaches as well as coral reefs and impressive cliffs in different parts of the
island.
However, there are many tropical islands with volcanic cores and sandy
beaches and, although impressive, it is not these which make Bali unusual.
Bali, which has been described as a 'Hindu island in a Moslem sea', is unique
with respect to its religion. Almost all the residents of Bali are Hindu in a
country which is otherwise dominated by devotees of Islam. The Hindu
religion pervades the lives of the Balinese and its outward manifestations of
temples, offerings, music, dance, ceremonies, and its rich craft heritage give
rise to an atmosphere which is both colourful and exotic to visitors, and
which is not replicated in this unique combination in any other place in the
world. The official tourism policy is pariwisata budaya or cultural tourism in
which Balinese culture is used to promote tourism to Bali and other areas of
Indonesia [Picard, 1993].
Numbers of visitors to the island remained small, with perhaps 11,000
international visitors arriving directly in 1969 [Picard, 1992], until the con-
struction of an international airport in 1970 which facilitated rapid growth in
arrivals. A plan for the development of tourism was completed in 1971, prior
to the rapid growth of mass tourism on the island, and it is the template which
has guided the development of tourism in Bali. Basically, the plan recom-
mended the concentration of tourist accommodation in the south of the
island, the development of a major five-star resort complex complete with
golf courses and a conference centre, and the designation of excursion routes
to facilitate the movement of people into the interior to permit visitors to
experience the landscape and life of Bali during the day and to return to the
southern resorts for the night, thus minimising negative impacts on Balinese
culture. Although small-scale tourist accommodation is now available
throughout Bali, the major resorts continue to be in the south and tourism is
concentrated in the south-central part of the island.
GENDER ROLES IN BALI
There is an extensive literature on Balinese culture although much of this pre-

dates the recent rapid growth of tourism [Geertz, 1959; Geertz and Geertz,
1975; Hooykas, 1973; Duff-Cooper, 1985; Wall, 1996]. According to
Mabbett [1989], the relationships between Balinese women and men are
well-balanced. Men usually take care of the fields and village life predomi-
nantly through subak (irrigation authority) and banjar (neighbourhood group)
activities, while women's roles emphasise home, religious and market activi-
ties. Bateson and Mead [1942] discuss many asects of Balinese culture,
including the role of women in making offerings and Belo [1970] has pointed
out that gender roles in Bali are learned at an early age. Although there
are many clearly-defined roles for men and women, some boundaries are
imprecise. Both men and women can play either male or female roles in
dance and drama, women prepare and make offerings but men cook for ritual
feasts and both men and women now learn music, formerly a male domain.
When men and women do the same work, women often receive less pay.
Religion is pervasive in Bali and it can be misleading to discuss it as if it
were a discrete category. Women and men play complementary roles in
ritual. Balinese priests are usually male. Women are usually responsible for
the preparation and making of offerings which occur three times each day.
This is an area of Balinese culture which could change if women who work
become 'too busy' to make offerings. According to Eiseman [1990], there is
a growing trend for working women to buy ready-made offerings at the
market but this may reflect increased prosperity as much as any temporal
constraints. Sanger [1988] examined the ways in which dance has been
modified to more closely suit the needs of tourists. She found that several
characteristics of the barong had changed as a result of tourism including
allowing women to play the roles of women - roles that had previously been
played by men.
In Bali, women are mostly employed in agriculture, followed by the pro-
duction of goods and services, and vending. Employment of women in the
trade, hotel and restaurant sector increased from 59,802 in 1971 to 145,200 in
1990, an increase of 143 per cent. Female employment in the craft sector
increased from 19,700 in 1971 to 93,000 in 1990, an increase of 372 per cent.
Finally, within the agriculture sector, female employment grew from 100,700
in 1971 to 387,700 in 1990, an increase of 285 per cent [Ranch, 1992].
Although all three sectors have grown in terms of the percentage of women
employed, when the trade, hotel and restaurant sector is added to the crafts
sector, which is strongly linked to tourism, it is evident that the rate of growth
of employment in the tertiary sector has greatly exceeded that of the primary
sector (agriculture) although the number of women employed in agriculture
continues to be very large.
In 1974, total hotel employment was estimated at 5,438, of which 4,706
were Balinese, and each hotel room averaged 1.5 employees. Women
accounted for approximately 17 per cent of all hotel workers. By 1991, this
figure had risen to 27 per cent of more than 150,000 hotel workers [UNDP,
1992]. Currently, significantly more men than women are employed in
tourism in Bali, but as the industry continues to grow, it is expected that

women will fill an increasing proportion of positions. There is also likely to
be an increasing opportunity for women to take entrepreneurial roles and
Mabbett [1987: 111-18} has described the success stories of three women
who owned their own tourism-related businesses in Kuta.
CASE STUDY: KEDEWATAN
The Study Site

The village of Kedewatan is in the sub-district of Ubud and the district of
Gianyar (Figure 1). The population in 1992 was 4,874 persons (Village
Monograph, 1992). Agriculture, particularly the growing of rice, is the domi-
nant form of employment (62 per cent), followed by services and trading
sectors (36 per cent), and small-scale industry and handicrafts (two per cent).
Kedewatan village is connected by asphalt roads to the sub-district town of
Ubud (5 km.), the district town of Gianyar (16 km.), the provincial city of
Denpasar (25 km.) (Village Monograph, 1992) and is on a route to
Kintamani, a major tourist centre to the north. The narrow road has a constant
stream of motorbikes, speeding trucks, public buses and other vehicles, and
there is no proper sidewalk for pedestrians.
The main attractions for tourists to Kedewatan are the scenic view of the
Ayung river and the peaceful setting. The Ayung river is also used for rafting
trips which start in the district of Badung to the north of the study site and
end in Kedewatan. Exclusive, bungalow-style hotels overlook the river valley
and are set back from the main road so that traffic noise does not penetrate.
There are few small-scale, low-budget homestays (guest houses) and,
therefore, few individual travelers come to Kedewatan looking for cheap
accommodation. The hotels in Kedewatan, although not large, run from
moderately-priced (US$3O-$5O per night) to exclusive (US$100-$700 per
night). There is not a large number of independent tourist-oriented restau-
rants; therefore most hotel guests eat in hotel restaurants or hire a car to go
outside of the village. Kedewatan does not have a central market and there is
no concentration of tourism facilities. The majority of art, souvenir and silver
shops are situated in small clusters along the road leading to Ubud, an impor-
tant cultural and tourism centre, and they increase in number with greater
proximity to that village.
Tourism to Kedewatan is relatively new. The first hotel was constructed
between 1980 and 1982. According to the Kepala Desa (Village Head),
tourism increased quite rapidly during 1986 and 1987. At that time, the
people were not prepared for tourism — most villagers did not have the skills
required to work in tourism jobs nor did they speak English. By 1992, there
was more understanding of tourism and students had started to go to tourism

training schools outside of the village to enable them to acquire the skills to
work in the hotel developments. Thus, Kedewatan is not yet a bustling
tourism village like its neighbour Ubud. One could be driving through on the
main road and not notice that any significant tourism development in
Kedewatan exists.
Objectives
The purpose of this research was to examine the ideas and beliefs held by
local people about the growth of tourism in their village and to assess the
tourism employment opportunities and constraints for local women. The
research focused on the following six areas: the type of tourism development
which has been partially described above; opportunities for direct and self-
employment in tourism for village women and men; gender perceptions of
tourism workers; family and marital relationships of tourism workers; the
influences of tourism employment on the religious obligations of women; and
future expectations concerning employment in tourism.
Research Methods
Field research was conducted in Indonesia from February to August 1993.
Approximately three months were spent living in Kedewatan by one of the
authors. The approach adopted was essentially qualitative in nature. A total of
73 questionnaire/interviews was conducted with a stratified, non-random,
sample of employees in hotels, homestays, restaurants, souvenir shops and art
shops i.e. workers who were directly employed or self-employed in the
tourism industry. Emphasis was placed on interviewing employees in the
tourism industry who were native to the village. While this emphasis was
maintained, as local villagers only had access to certain occupations within
the tourism industry, the study was expanded to include tourism employees
from outside of the village. Thirty-three additional interviews were conducted
with employees in management levels in the larger hotels, local villagers not
employed in tourism, administrators in tourism educational facilities, govern-
ment officials, non-government organisations and academics.
Results
The introduction of tourism to Kedewatan village has created new employ-
ment opportunities for villagers. Before tourism, the majority of the villagers
worked as farmers, builders and craftspeople. Tourism has not replaced
these occupations but has created additional work opportunities within the
village in these areas and has also stimulated villagers to open new busi-
nesses directed towards tourists and to reorganise existing businesses to
include consumer goods directed towards tourists' needs.
Accommodation
In Kedewatan, hotels are the primary establishments providing direct
employment in the tourism industry. Employees were interviewed from seven
hotels and two homestays. The standard of a hotel determines the employ-
ment structure and this, in turn, affects the opportunities for employment for
local villagers. Local village women have the most constraints in securing
employment in the more exclusive hotels. In one such hotel, 25 per cent of
the full-time staff is female and only four per cent of these female employees
are from Kedewatan; one works in the accounting department, one in the
kitchen and seven in the laundry department. None of the hotels in this study
had full-time female employment that exceeded 31 per cent and employment
for Kedewatan women did not exceed five per cent.
One reason why females have more employment constraints than males in
hotels is because certain occupations specifically require male employees.
Security guards, drivers, groundskeeping and maintenance are jobs in which
only men work. Another factor is the time of day required to perform the job.
Most hotels had three shifts each day: 7 a.m.-3 p.m., 3 p.m.-l 1 p.m., and 11
p.m.-7 a.m. Of these three shifts, only male employees are permitted to work
the 11 p.m.-7 a.m. shift. In the luxury hotels, the majority of the female
employees work in the housekeeping department doing laundry. Males also
work in housekeeping departments; however, they have different tasks. Male
employees are room boys and are responsible for cleaning rooms and making
sure each room is adequately equipped. Women have the opportunity to work
in hotel restaurants, accounting departments and the front office if they have
had the necessary tourism training or experience. In one hotel, the manage-
ment specifically hires a female for the job of guest relations because, as he
put it, 'guest relations is always a woman because they are softer than male
employees'.
Many of the employees came from villages other than Kedewatan, mainly
areas that had already experienced tourism development. They had either
already worked in the tourism industry or had previous tourism training. In
the cases of less-skilled jobs that did not require guest contact (such as
gardening and laundry), many of the migrant tourism workers came from
nearby villages. For the more-skilled jobs (such as accounting and front
office staff), for which post-secondary education was required, most
employees came from Denpasar and other urban areas where tourism training
schools and universities are located. This finding illustrates a main constraint
for local villagers for securing direct employment in the hotel industry: the
lower education level of the villagers and their lack of relevant skills (for
example, the ability to speak foreign languages). The result is that people
with previous work experience in the tourism industry, or formal tourism
training qualifications, have more opportunity to secure employment in

hotels.
Small hotels and homestays have a less structured work routine. In these
establishments, there are no separate departments (that is, front office, house-
keeping, food and beverage) which define the work role. Despite this, gender
differences were still expressed in the actual tasks of the employees. Women
would generally work in the front office, cook and clean, while men were
gardeners and roomboys. The lack of a rigid schedule in these smaller estab-
lishments meant that employees worked long, hard hours when the hotel was
full and had more time for relaxation and other activities in off-peak periods.
This enabled married female employees to bring children to work or to go
home to cook and take care of children there when the hotel was not busy.
Restaurants
In independent restaurants, both men and women had opportunity to work as
waiters, waitresses and cooks. In fact, tourism has created a new job oppor-
tunity for men in cooking; an activity traditionally performed by women. In
an interview with an administrator of a tourism training school, he remarked
that the majority of the men entering the programme want to study cooking.
The influence of tourism on the traditional warung (small shop or food
stall) is an example of modification of operations to take advantage of
tourism opportunities. Warungs are operated by women and men although the
former predominate. They function as social meeting and eating places as
well as places to buy food and household items. With tourism, although
few international tourists eat at warungs, the offerings for sale have been
expanded to include items relevant to tourists such as: toilet paper, suntan
lotion, sun hats, American cigarettes and bottled soft drinks. The number of
warungs in Kedewatan has also increased with tourism as a result of the
demands for food from the hotel, restaurant and shop employees.
Self-Employment
Self-employment in small business is the main area where local villagers
have accessed the tourism market by opening small art, souvenir and silver
shops. Near the hotels, village women have opened small shops, usually sell-
ing a combination of arts and crafts and convenience goods for the tourists.
Most of the shops are in front of the family compound, or near to it. This
enables women to combine domestic, child care and other work activities.
One woman who ran a shop in front of her home reported that for her: 'This
is the best job, because I do not have to go outside of the home . . . I am
already old, I cannot work in a hotel or restaurant. It is better if I work home.'
These shops are family-run operations, with either the husband or the
husband's family owning or contracting the property. Five years prior to the
investigation, one local woman opened a souvenir shop and warung outside a
new hotel entrance. She claimed to be much happier in her present employ-
ment: 'Before I was a farmer, helping my father and mother before I was
married. Now this job is better because working as a farmer is hard work -
hot sun, not clean, sometimes have money and sometimes do not have
money. Now I enjoy my work. Every day I can have money and I only have
to sit. It is not hard work.'
Family and Tourism

Of all female hotel employees interviewed, only 24 per cent were married,
compared to 67 per cent of the women working in shops. In interviews with
single, female, tourism workers, many indicated that working in the tourism
industry, especially in hotels, was easier for unmarried women because
they had more time and did not have to worry about family and work in the
home. Many also thought that working in a hotel was more appropriate for
unmarried women and working in an 'art shop' more appropriate for married
women because the hours were more flexible in an 'art shop' and, therefore,
women would have more time to manage children and the household.
In interviews with married women, questions were asked pertaining to
child care and how their husbands viewed their working in the tourism
industry. Some of the married women had previously worked in hotels or
restaurants before they were married and now were running art or souvenir
shops. Women were able to bring children to the shops and mind them there
or, if they had children in school, they would come to the shop in the after-
noon after school had ended. None of the women who worked in the shops
expressed problems with child care. Married women who worked in hotels
expressed having more conflicts between work and child care primarily due
to their rigid work schedule. However, no women reported this as a serious
problem because the family system in Bali is such that several family
members may live in one family compound and family networks are used to
facilitate care for children.
A deciding factor concerning whether women would continue working
after marriage was whether they would be permitted by their husbands. One
female hotel employee stated that 'all jobs in tourism are good for women
who are not yet married. It is easier for them, they have more time. If women
are married, their job depends on the woman's husband, so it is difficult.'
However, all women interviewed expressed that their husbands were happy
that they had jobs in the tourism industry. Some of their husbands also had
jobs in tourism. Women who worked in shops suggested that their husbands
were happy because they worked in a family-run shop and were near the
home.
Religious Responsibilities
Both unmarried and married female tourism workers were asked questions
concerning possible influences of working in tourism on their religious
obligations. For the majority of unmarried female workers, their jobs did not
significantly affect their religious duties. They still lived at home and their
mothers made most of the offerings for temple ceremonies and daily rituals.
Female employees in hotels reported that they would change their work
schedule with colleagues if they needed to prepare for a special ceremony.
However, they would sometimes miss ceremonies because they could not get
time off.
Married women who worked in art or souvenir shops reported less conflict
with religious obligations than married women working in hotels. Women
working in shops could prepare offerings there and close the shop for one or
two days if they needed time off for special ceremonies. Women in hotels
said that they had to increase their level of time management to accommodate
the rigid work schedules at hotels and their religious obligations.
Perceptions of Work in Tourism

Hotel employees were asked what occupations in the tourism industry they
thought were appropriate for men and women to work. Males and females
responded similarly, attributing particular personal gendered characteristics
as being required for certain occupations. Waitresses and cooks were per-
ceived as more appropriate positions for women because they practised these
skills in the home. Occupations such as bellboy, gardener, security guard and
driver were perceived as more appropriate for men because men are
'stronger' than women and these jobs may require working at night. Working
as a guide or driver is more appropriate for men because these occupations
require going outside of the hotel with tourists and women doing this job
might get a negative image.
Both males and females regarded women as more 'patient' and 'flexible'
than men: qualities that are important in occupations that have direct contact
with tourists. According to many male hotel employees, occupations such as
front office clerk, waitress and any guest relations job are appropriate for
women. One male employee stated that 'women smile more with tourists . . .
and tourists like to look at sweet and beautiful women.' Another male
employee responded that 'jobs that have guest contact, such as front
office, are more appropriate for women because women are better at being
persuasive and seductive than men.'
Despite responses that men are more appropriate in occupations that
'require strength' and are 'difficult' and women are more appropriate in
occupations that require 'flexibility' and 'patience', tourism jobs, especially
in hotels, emphasise the importance of particular skills, regardless of gender.

This fact may have implications for changing traditional gender roles in Bali.
The increased presence of tourism in Kedewatan has influenced the work
aspirations of young Kedewatan villagers, both female and male. An
increasing number of male and female students are finishing high school and
going on to tourism diploma schools to become trained in waitering, house-
keeping, cooking and front office skills. Parents see the tourism industry as
offering new employment opportunities for their children and young people
view the tourism industry as a positive place of employment.
Summary
More local men than women secured direct employment in the tourism
industry in Kedewatan village, especially in hotels. Men have more oppor-
tunities for employment in hotels because more occupations specifically
require male employees. Local women have responded to tourism primarily
by opening up warungs and art and souvenir shops. This form of self-
employment allows more flexibility with family and religious obligations
and, therefore, is most attractive for married women with children.
The tourism industry has the potential to influence traditional gender and
work distinctions in Bali by requiring a skilled work force, regardless of
whether the worker is male or female. At the same time, traditional gender
perceptions of males and females (for example, women are patient and men
are strong) are perpetuated in the tourism employment structure. In Bali,
marriage, family and religious obligations continue to be priorities for women
and these, in turn, affect their opportunities to pursue careers in tourism.
However, access to employment may be as much influenced by education
and training as by gender and, perhaps, as more women gain experience and
education, employment in tourism may be influenced less by gender.
CASE STUDY: SANUR AND KUTA

The Study Sites
Sanur and Kuta are two of the main coastal resorts of Bali. They were chosen
as study sites because of their prominence as tourist resorts, and because of
their differing resort characteristics. Although the two resorts differ in many
ways, Kuta being much more lively, congested and attracting a younger
clientele than Sanur, distinctions between Sanur and Kuta will not be made in
this article.
Objectives
The purposes of the second case study were to examine the characteristics of
employees in different tourism positions, to assess the status accorded to
employment in tourism, and to indicate the implications of tourism employ-

ment for domestic life. Tourism employment is heterogeneous, involving
many different jobs in both the formal and informal sectors. Care was taken
to include representatives of the informal sector who are of considerable
importance in most developing country economies but who have not received
a great deal of attention from tourism researchers.
Research Methods
Data were collected in 1991 and 1992 for 240 tourism workers in four
different tourism employment categories. The four employment groups
investigated were: (1) front desk staff at starred hotels; (2) drivers/guides who
take tourists on tours; (3) workers in kiosks (small shops) which sell
souvenirs; and (4) beach and street vendors/hawkers. Thus, workers in both
the formal and informal sectors were included in the study. Questionnaires
were administered in Indonesian to a quota sample of 30 per group for each
of the two locations. Since no listing of relevant employees was available to
form a sampling frame, a number of sampling locations in each resort were
pre-selected in order to avoid over-concentration in one area. Respondents
were approached randomly and, thus, no effort was made to seek an equal
number of male and female respondents. Of the 240 respondents interviewed,
159 were male and 81 were female. While this reflects the larger number of
males than females employed in tourism in Bali, because of the difficulty of
estimating the size and characteristics of the relevant population of tourism
workers, no attempt is made to generalize the findings to all tourism workers
in Bali.
Results
Detailed results of this component of the article are available elsewhere and,
therefore, only some of the major conclusions will be presented [Cukier and
Wall, 1994; 1995].
Front desk workers were almost evenly divided by gender: 26 females and
34 males were interviewed. A UNDP study [1992] found that the proportion
of men to women employed in hotels was 3:1. This figure refers to all hotel
employees and not just those on the front desk where, as indicated above, in
this survey the proportion of males was only slightly higher than females.
Working on the front desk of a hotel is attractive employment in the formal
sector which does not involve much physical exertion but requires education
and training. It is likely than women require a higher education than men to
acquire the most desirable jobs. For example, 58 per cent of female hotel
employees had some university education in comparison with only 29 per
cent of the men.
Kiosk workers were predominantly female (46 women versus 14 men) and,
as in the Kedewatan study, female kiosk workers claimed that their work was
well-suited to them and ideal for mothers with small children since these
children could accompany them to work. When one woman was busy with
tourists, another female kiosk worker would look after her child. There is a
real sense of community among female kiosk workers since the grouping of
kiosks along roads and in 'art markets' affords many opportunities for social
interaction.
Vendors were predominantly male (51 males against nine females) and the
majority of male vendors encountered were not Balinese but were from else-
where in Indonesia, particularly Java. In contrast, most of the smaller number
of female vendors were Balinese. Also, the sale of products was gender-
segregated. For example, only men sold watches and sunglasses, while only
women sold clothing. Crafts and jewellery were sold by both men and
women, although women were more likely than men to sell woven and
leather bracelets. The products sold by vendors varied little from those avail-
able in kiosks. Perhaps this partially explains why relatively few women
vendors were sampled. When asked, women stated that they preferred to sell
in kiosks rather than to walk up and down the street or beach, an activity
which is not viewed favourably by women and by men for women. Another
possible explanation for the small representation of female vendors could be
that many women provided other services to tourists, such as massage, mani-
cures and hair-braiding. Vendors of such services were outside of the target
group for this study, as were vendors of foodstuffs, since they sold primarily
to the local population.
According to Vickers [1989], tour guides have become one of the most
prosperous 'middle class' groups in Bali and many Balinese aspire to become
a tour guide. No women were sampled in the guide/driver group and, accord-
ing to a UNDP study [1992], only 7 per cent of the 'official' guides in 1990
were women. They explain this as being largely due to socialisation factors:
traditionally, women were to be chaperoned when in the company of men and
guiding contradicted this. There are a number of related reasons why this
occupation is an uncommon choice for women: women are not generally
encouraged to drive or to venture far from home. Women do drive in Bali
when alone or with another woman, but when in the company of a man, he
usually drives.
Thus, there is convincing evidence that access to different types of tourism
employment is mediated by gender. However, there are additional factors
which merit consideration. The major difference in incomes by gender was
that a larger proportion of women than men were in the lowest income cate-
gory. Overall, women's incomes tended to be lower than men's incomes but,
at the highest level, both groups were represented in similar proportions. A
majority of both women (65 per cent) and men (60 per cent) believed that
tourism jobs were accorded high status. However, there were differences in
which specific jobs were viewed as having the highest status, women indi-
cating that hotel employees had the highest status followed by ownership of a
kiosk or 'art shop' whereas men agreed concerning the status of hotel
employees but also accorded high status to guides/drivers.
Migration
Almost all (91 per cent) female respondents were from Bali and the
remainder were Javanese. On the other hand, only 62 per cent of the men
were Balinese and two-thirds of the remainder were from Java. Thus, tourism
has attracted many migrants to the resorts, particularly males, many of whom
were employed in the informal sector. When migrants were asked why they
had moved to Bali, the majority of women cited non-work reasons: most
were accompanying a spouse or other relative. In contrast, the majority of
men (65 per cent) cited work-related reasons. All of the non-Balinese women
were accompanied in their move to Bali, most often by a family member, but
almost 60 per cent of the non-Balinese men migrated to Bali alone. Of those
who had migrated to Bali, the vast majority (86 per cent for women, 90 per
cent for men) had never previously worked in the tourism sector. Of the
Balinese women who migrated to work in either Sanur or Kuta, approxi-
mately 60 per cent were accompanied by another person, most often a family
member. In contrast, men generally migrated to the resorts alone (64 per
cent). Clearly, more men had migrated, had migrated longer distances, and
were less likely to be accompanied than women working in the resorts. These
data also support the observation above that women are discouraged from
venturing far from home.
Domestic and Religious Life

Partly reflecting the migration patterns, most women respondents (86 per
cent) lived with an immediate family member whereas only 58 per cent of the
men did so. Many men lived with friends (24 per cent) or alone (13 per cent)
but only 6 per cent of the women lived alone. Women tourism workers were
more likely to be married and to have children than the men. Of those with
children, more than half (55 per cent) of the women in the sample reported
that their children were most often cared for by a relative (not their spouse)
while 34 per cent cared for their children themselves. Only approximately 10
per cent of parents of interviewees had jobs in tourism, reflecting the recent
development of tourism and the changing occupational structure of Bali.
It is extremely important for religious reasons for Balinese to maintain
their ties to their banjar and home village. Women were more likely than
men to return to their home village for important religious or family
occasions (66 per cent versus 42 per cent). This can be explained by women's
generally closer proximity and ties to family, home, and village life. Of the
four employment groups surveyed, front desk workers reported the most
difficulty in being able to return to their home village for special occasions,
mostly due to inflexible work hours.
Summary
It has been shown that tourism has created employment opportunities for
women, although many tourism jobs are gender segregated. Although this
benefits both men and women, women's work at home has generally not been
alleviated by the shift from work in the primary to the tertiary sector. Within
the formal sector (hotel employees), women are being paid less than men for
similar work despite having attained higher educational levels. Most women
generally did not travel far from home when they sought work in the tourism
sector, especially when compared to men who were more likely to venture
further afield.
CONCLUSIONS
Tourism has become a priority in Indonesian development plans in the belief
that this industry will continue to grow and provide economic benefits for
those who are employed in it. Tourism employment offers an alternative to
traditional and more rigorous work, such as agriculture or fishing, and has
provided both men and women with greater occupational choices. This has
often resulted in greater autonomy and independence for woman. Neverthe-
less, it is apparent that there is differential access to jobs within the tourism
sector. Furthermore, in the formal sector, women may be required to have
superior qualifications and may be paid less than men in similar positions.
Women have often found business and employment opportunities in small-
scale tourism establishments such as homestays, souvenir stores and craft
production. However, there may be substantial constraints on the establish-
ment of small businesses which may impinge more on women than men.
Such constraints may be cultural, educational or organisational, or may
involve lack of knowledge of tourism, limited access to capital, or lack of
entrepreneurial skills. It is often necessary to provide assistance to overcome
such constraints if the full potential of small business is to be realised
[Echtner, 1995].
The working women surveyed for this study in both Kedewatan and the
coastal resorts predominantly worked in kiosks and as front desk hotel
employees. Both these occupations harmonise with women's traditional roles
in Bali: front desk staff greet visitors and are seen as having a social role
and kiosk work facilitates child care. New power relations between men and
women may be emerging as a result of tourism employment but the long-
term implications of these remain to be seen. Currently, women who are
employed in tourism continue to carry out their labour roles within the home,
family and religious life although, instead of making the intricate offerings
used for religious ceremonies, more and more working women are buying
offerings in the market and hence creating employment for other women.
However, it is unclear if this new behaviour is a reflection of enhanced
economic well-being for women, greater time constraints, or a combination
of the two.
It is appropriate to end on a cautionary note. While tourism is undoubtedly
a major force for change in Bali, it is not the only such force and, in con-
sequence, it is not the only factor influencing gender relationships. For
example, in the last two decades Bali has experienced the green revolution,
the extension of family planning programmes, rural electrification and
increased access to televisions, paving of roads and increased personal
mobility, and extension of public education and health care, all of which have
implications for the lives of both women and men. Thus, tourism is not acting
alone and is one among a number of factors causing social changes in Bali.
final version received June 1996
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The Journal of Development Studies

ISSN: 0022-0388 (Print) 1743-9140 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fjds20

The involvement of women in the tourism industry

Judie Cukier , Joanne Norris & Geoffrey Wall

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00220389608422465

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JUDIE CUKIER, JOANNE NORRIS

This article examines gender roles in tourism employment in Bali,

(3) an emphasis on dichotomous differences (sex differences; this is a useful

It is worth noting in passing that the development literature has followed a

Tourism as a Gendered Phenomenon

Tourism and Gender Scholarship

many women had to take on additional means of gaining income, such as

It is not easy to generalise about women and tourism employment. The

culture . . . gender relations and roles are an important element of authenticity

GENDER ROLES IN BALI

There is an extensive literature on Balinese culture although much of this pre-

tourism in Bali, but as the industry continues to grow, it is expected that

CASE STUDY: KEDEWATAN

The Study Site

was more understanding of tourism and students had started to go to tourism

training qualifications, have more opportunity to secure employment in

Family and Tourism

Perceptions of Work in Tourism

in hotels, emphasise the importance of particular skills, regardless of gender.

CASE STUDY: SANUR AND KUTA

employment in tourism, and to indicate the implications of tourism employ-

Domestic and Religious Life

Leisure Research, Vol.26, No.2, pp.119-37.

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