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Islamic Reform and Modernity in Kerala Reflections from a Local Movement in

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1
Islamic Reform and Modernity in Kerala
Reflections from a Local Movement in Malabar
T.Muhammedali
Abstract
Nineteenth century found various attempt in Kerala to reform Islam with a view to reconciling
Islam with modernity. Notwithstanding the influences of reformisms in the larger Islamdom, it was the
varying responses towards colonialism that determined the focus and nature of religious reform among the
Muslims of the region. The study argues that the ventures of reform by urban based local initiatives showed
greater potential for reconciling Islamic religious practices with the ethos and values of modern life. The
achievements of Hidayathul Muslimeen Sabha in Manjeri vouch for this.
Key words: Colonialism, Modernity, Commercialisation, Tradition, Reform,
fatwas
The spread of modernity had produced a cultural crisis in the non -western world.
The traditional ethical and religious beliefs were found at odds with that of the emerging
modern life. This is also coeval with the political and economic subjugation of these
regions under colonialism. Endeavors to solve such a crisis seemed to have taken
different shapes depending upon politico-economic context as well as religious
predilections of those involved in them. Being a prominent part of the Afro-Asian
population, Muslims’ response to such a cultural crisis constitutes a considerable part of
how colonialism and modernity propelled the redefinition of the prevalent ethicoreligious
life of the non western world. Religious reform movements played key role in
the process of such a redefinition.
The studies on socio-religious reform movements in modern Kerala give only a
limited attention to reformism among the Muslims of the region. Available studies in the
main concentrate on pinpointing the personal achievements of certain intellectuals and
enthusiasts whose work gave inspiration for later organizational and institutional
expressions of reformism. The present study is an attempt to locate the process of reform
among the Muslims of Kerala in the context of colonialism and modernity and to
examine various shades thoughts and practices that emerged among them. Drawing from
Lecturer (Selection Grade),Department of History, Farook College, Calicut
2
the history of an urban based local association, the activities of which got little attention
so far, the study illustrate the presence of multiple trends of reformism among the
Muslims of Kerala. The study also tried to place the Muslim reformism in Kerala in the
wider context of the response of the larger Islamdom towards colonialism and modernity.
I
Islam, which was a unifying chord of the politics and civilization during the
prominence of Ottomans, Safavids and Mughals, came face to face with a new mode of
economic and cultural life in eighteenth century. The introduction and spread of modern
forms of governance and administration, moral-ethical notions, legality based on the
notions of individualism and citizenship, rational sciences and technology and capitalist
commerce had produced strong currents of cultural confusion in the Islamic world. As the
religion provided the shape and structure of Islamicate institutions, the establishment of
modern institutions proved prima- face at odds with the Islamic heritage (Hodgson 1961,
Vol.3:411-441). Further, it was hard for Muslims to reconcile the qranic proclamation
“You are the best community (ummah) created by God on earth” (Q3:110).More
over,Muslims felt very difficult to continue the merely private lives under infidel rule,
allowing shariat, which should order the world aright to be reduced to a mere personal
code.
Following the western political hegemony, Islam came under severe criticisms
from Orientalists as well as the Evangelist scholars who accused Islam for orthodoxies,
superstitions, blind faiths and labeled it irrational, backward and incapable of
withstanding the test of time. (Muir, 1891:598). This charecterisation was drawn out of
the premises of the life of the Muslims as it was predominantly practiced by them during
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in Islamdom. The orientalist essentialisation of
Islam offered a great challenge to the Muslim intellectuals as the latter had to engage
with the creation of knowledge about Islam by the former.
The colonial governance propelled the commercialization of agriculture and
disturbed the communal life of the villages by breaking the exclusiveness through the
3
introduction of modern transportation and communication facilities. The increase in the
population, the decline of traditional industries along with the growth of market-centred
economy had produced an unprecedented pressure on the land and consequently poverty
and famine. The economic and social differentiations thus emerged also produced a class
of laborers as well as rich peasants and money lenders. The practice of living together in
joint families and eating together gave way to nuclear families living in separate houses
and dining at home (Hodgson 1961, Vol.3:411-441). These developments mark the
formation of individuated selves who are free from emotional attachments to the
community around. This led to the loss of personal sense of being part of larger
community life. The liquidation of the traditional communal life also led to the
emergence of national sentiments among the Muslims. This is reflected in the dominant
religious tendency developed during this time - the declining interest in Sufi tariqas and
increasing interest in puritan Islam based on shariat.
The response of Muslims towards these developments should be read in such
setting. Islam now seemed to have faced a fundamental challenge as it entered the
modern world. To many Muslims, the Islamic project seems to have gone out of way.
The fundamental problem of the modern Muslims, as is said, was to set Islam going in
full vigour , so that Islamic society may once again flourish as a divinely guided society
should and must.(Smith, 1957 p. 47). We can identify two basic trends of Mulims
responding to the modernity. One is the state- supported attempts to reorganize the organs
of the state in such away as to limit the debilitating effects of western modernity on
Islamic people. Tanzimat reforms initiated in Turkey by Ottoman Caliphs, the reforms of
Muhammedali in Egypt and the measures of Tipu sultan in India best represent this trend.
They preferred to engage with western modernity to cater to the administrative, military
and legal needs of the time. Caliph Abdul Hamid turned the other way round to promote
Pan Islamism. The attempts of Mustafa Kamal Pasha to replace Arabcised Islam with a
westernised national Islam through state initiatives form another example for this
trend.(Fisher, 1960:390-405)
4
The second one is the attempts of Muslim Intellectuals to redefine Islam. Various
intellectual trends have been identified in connection to their attitude to
modernity(Bennet,2005:17-24.) The intellectual tendencies however have three
prominent shades. Earlier responses bend upon rejuvenating the religion by purifying it
from the additions and declensions. This view called for a withdrawal from western
influences and made no use of western technology. Attacking all religious innovations
especially Sufism, this view stood for the revival of Ijtihad the lack of which according to
them came in the way of contextual interpretation of the religion .It further criticized
taqlid as it has kept Muslims within the boundaries of madhabs negating the freedom for
individual understanding if religion .Muhammed ibn Abdul Wahab (1703-92) in Arabia
and Shah Waliyullah (1702-1763) in India represent these views. The translation of
Quran by the latter further tried to gratify the need for unmediated personal
understanding of their religion. (Jalbani,1980,pp.52-53;Mujeeb,1985 p.277).Despite their
apparent disinvolvement in politics, they stood for the traditional political forms
advocating Islamic government and at the same time recognizing the authority of kings
provided they accept the authority of Quran and Sunnah.1 This view further stood for the
cultivation of rational thinking, though in a restrained way (Jalbani,1980,pp.52-53).
Various shades of Islamic reformism that sprouted out in the Arab world and North India
in nineteenth century owes a great extend to the views of these two scholar reformers.
The latter half of nineteenth century found a new response which is considered as
‘modernists’. Mhammed Abdu (1849-1905) of Egypt and Sir Sayyed Ahammed Khan in
India best represent this stream. Both tried to reconciliate between Islam and modern
science. Both of them upheld the prominence of reason over belief. Abdu contented that
‘though there may be in religion that which transcends the understanding, there is
nothing
which reason find impossible’ (Bennet,2005: P21). He persuaded the Muslims to adopt
European Science, without compromising Islam (ibid, P21).
Ahammed Khan argued that “the words of God” (Quran) are in accordance with
“the work of God” (nature) to mean that the principals laid down in Quran in no ways
contradict the details of nature. Being the study of the secrets of the nations, learning
sciences would not go against the spirit of the Quran (Nizami,K A.1974). Both Abdu and
5
Ahammed Khan took little interest in politics and concentrated on the educational
empowerment of the Muslims. Abdu attempted to reform Al Azhar University, Cairo
(Haq, 1970) and Ahammed Khan founded Mohammedan Anglo Oriental College which
later grew as a University.
A more articulate view is professed by the Indian poet philosopher, Muhammed
Iqbal (1877-1938). For him, like Muhammed Abdu, the movement towards the western
spirituality( in the sense that the intellectual side of European culture), is only a further
development of some of the most important phases of the culture of Islam. But he is
cautious about the “dazzling exterior of European culture” which may come in the way
of
getting at the true inwardness of the culture (Iqbal 1974 (2003):p 7). Iqbal stood for
political unity of Muslim at some levels despite his view that the religion must form itself
out of constant dialogue between ideas and reality (ibid, pp.13-14)
Thus, the modernist response generally accommodate western science and
European culture to the extend of it not compromising Islam. They argue that what is
eternal and unchangeable about Islam are principles contained in the core texts, not
historical applications manifested in systems as polity (Bennet, 2005:P20). Of course
they look to Islamic past for inspiration and want to recover Islam’s original ethical,
spiritual and esoteric principles but not the exoteric principals such as political
institutions and legal frame works. They are all more concerned about educational
empowerment and rationalization of religious knowledge. They never hesitated to
associate with westerners in connection with their projects and programmes.
A third stream of thought emerged criticizing both traditionalists and modernists. They
criticize the west but engage with the western thought. They accept the use of modern
technology to propagate ideas of Islam. Criticizing the traditionalist attitude of accepting
autocratic governments which follows shariat, they stood for the development of a
consultative (shura) constitutional government, which was conceived by them as Islamic
state. At the same time they see Muslim modernism as an import from the west. For
them, it tried to re-impose the values of western liberalism on Muslim society. One of its
advocates dismisses the modernist interpretation of Islam as “imported solutions” as
6
opposed to legitimate home grown Islamic solutions. Views of Moulana Mududi and
Hasanul banna form the basis for such shade of thoughts (Bennet,2005:P21).
II
Redefinition of religions became a major concern of Muslims in Kerala from nineteenth
century. Nineteenth century marks the growth of colonialism and modernity in the
region. The changes brought about by colonial agents in the agrarian structure, the
introduction of a new administrative and legal system, the spread of colonial education
and Christianity had produced transformative effect on economic, social and cultural life
of the people in the region. The provision of proprietary ownership on the land to janmis
(land lords) and stringent collection of the land revenue along with commercialization of
agriculture and price rise had driven off the verumpattakkar (tenants) from their land and
their livelihood.
The imposition of colonial legal and administrative apparatus in the region had
struck at the root of traditional values and institutions. In addition, it became an
important network of exploitation, oppression and bribery in which the Janmi upper class
possessed an influential position under colonial rule. This created a most deteriorative
effect on the traditional status, rights and values of common folk, poor and peasants.
Many of the traditional practice including caste system began to lose meaning in the
context of new systems.
The new politico-juridical system was run with English as official language.
Christian missionary agencies and the colonial state had established educational
institutions all over Malabar. Though it was very less in number it had a great effect on
the literate culture of the area. Though the colonial educational practice disregarded the
traditional notions of caste, class, gender, religion etc., the janmis and the cupper class,
being “the natural allies” of the colonial masters, made use of the educational
7
opportunities thus opened up. A new class of English educated intellectuals began to
grow culturally powerful with traditional intellectuals being sidelined. The former, as a
result, possessed a dominant position and power in the colonial administrative rungs.
The activities of Christian missionary societies created apprehensions of
undermining the traditional religious beliefs of the region. Muslims of Malabar also
feared that the British government was trying to create schism within their religion
promoting Shiite Islam officially. Their attempts to redefine their religion vis-à-vis to
colonial modernity could only be sensible if we bear these realities in our mind. If we
consider the entire religious response of the Muslims of Malabar towards the colonial
situation, we can see two major trends developing in nineteenth century: Traditionalist –
anti – British and Traditionalist – Reformist.
The traditionalist anti British position owes itself to the actions and teachings
‘traditional intellectuals’ in colonial contexts in Malabar. Their views and redefinition of
religion were ossified in the process of defending their traditional status, rights and values
from the onslaught of colonialism. The first and foremost ideologue of this position is
Umar Qazi (1765-186).
Umar Qazi was a great scholar in Arabic and possessed a good command in
Sanskrit. He seems not have learned English and was not familiar to Malayalam script.
His life as a rebel articulates more about his position towards colonialism and its culture.
Umar Qazi was the first one in Malabar who openly objected the colonial machinery
when the latter attempted to collect land revenue stringently. He found the payment of
land revenue to the colonial government equal to recognizing them. He openly professed
that land revenue should not be paid to the British who had subdued their country by way
of deceit. In 1819 he retorted back the colonial officials who came to collect land
revenue from him. He spitted off the warning of the officials at cutchery in Chavakkad.
Consequently he was jailed, but later released unconditionally (Panikkar1989: Ahmed,
2005).
8
These events were a great message for those Mappilas who weighed the yoke of
colonial land revenue in Malabar as a whole. The so called “Mappila Outbreaks” could
be seen as a result of the percolation of the ideas upheld by this great religious scholar.
(Dale1980)The attitude spread further to the interior regions of Malabar with the
widening influence of Mambaram Thangal.
Mambram Thangals were sayyids who had settled at Thirurangadi, a place on the
banks of the river Kadalundi in South Malabar. The most influential among them were
Sayyid Alavi and Sayyid Fazal. Sayyid Alavi Thangal got disturbed by the British
colonial policies which told on the livelihood of the Mappila Muslims in the region who
were mostly tenants and agricultural labourers. His period also witnessed large scale
acceptance of Islam by people belongs to the lower Jatis. This acceptance of a new creed
by lower jatis seemed to have created the loss of the cultural power of the Upper castes
who at that time had been placed at the higher administrative and economic position
under colonial patronage2. A situation of conflict of interests thus arose between the
upper castes in league with the colonial authority on the one and Mappila peasants on the
other.
Sayed Alavi tried to introduce the Mappilas the true face of religion of Islam and
the rescue the latter’s religions practices from contextual contaminations. He traveled in
the length and breadth of Malabar and preached his view through speeches in the nooks
and corners of the region. He advised Mappilas to follow the original teachings of Islam.
Many mosques were constructed and many others were reconstructed due to his
initiatives. He also issued fatwas relating to various issues related to the life of Mappilas.
He is also revered as a saint with special powers (Karamat). The popularity of Sayed
Alavi also spread due to his support towards the mappilas who defied the colonial
authorities.
He is said to have issued a lot of fatwas some of which have been compiled into a
title Saiful Bathar (Sharp sword). This is the collection of a dialogue around eight
questions asked about what should be the attitude of Muslim towards Christians who are
fighting Muslims (ibid P). In these fatwas he invokes to the teachings of Quran and
9
hadith to persuade Muslims to fight back the British. He professed that Jihad against the
British Colonialism in indispensable. These views were further spread with added vigour
by his son Sayed Fasal after his death in 1844.
This Traditionalist Anti- British view has been so influential in Malabar till the
Malabar Rebellion of 1921. Various scholars including the ulema leaders of Khilafat
Movement had subscribed more or less to the views spread through the preaching and
practices of these great traditional scholars. It is quite clear that their views on and
attitude towards the western ideas and modernity have been developed from the premises
of obstinate opposition to the colonial administration and policies. Anti – colonialism
itself, thus, it seems, defines their religion. The writings of these scholars were in Arabic
and in a few cases in Arabic- Malayalam. They never promoted English education and
were less concerned about learning Malayalam language. The stigma of Mappila
Muslims against English and Malayalam languages seems, to have been nurtured in this
Traditionalist Anti – British religious disposition.
The Traditionalist Reformism began to take shape in Malabar and later spread
statewide in Kerala. We see the most elaborate exposition of this view in the life and
works of Makhti Thangal (1847-1912). Born at Veliyankodu near Ponnani, Makti
Thangal had his education in Chavakkad Higher Elementary School. He had also
acquired traditional education through dars system. In addition to Arabic and Malayalam
he was also proficient in Urdu, Persian, Tamil and English. He seems to have understood
all the problems of the Muslims that they faced at the high tide of colonialism as well as
modernity.
A general look at his activities and writings reveals that Makhti Thangl’s main
agenda was to fight out the Christian Missionaries in Kerala. This is quite revealing in
his statement. “In those days, the Christian priests used to abuse Islam and prophet
Muhammed in their regular public Lectures. I started to think over their speech. The
Hashim and Mughal Blood in me began to get boiled at last and I decided to throw away
the petty job to defend Islam”.3 ( Samad 1998:p.43;Kareem 1997,P.10-11).This
statement, in fact, reveals the concern, priorities and focus of his efforts. Organized
10
proselytizing to Christianity as well as the various cultural involvements of the
Missionary societies form a major part of colonial experience in South Asia. It is well
accepted that Orientalism in general and colonial ideologues in particular had
effeminated the colonial people and their culture (Metcalf 1996:pp.83-85). The Western
assessment of the East always viewed the eastern religious practices as Orthodoxy,
obscurantism, ignorance and magic. Makhti’s intellectual personality is seemed to have
developed at the time of such a threat in addition to the specific situations in Malabar
which we have already outlined. Rather than attacking British colonialism and their
culture, Makhti, engaged with them and made use of its possibilities to defend Islam.
He exhorted Muslims to learn English and Malayalam lest the Muslims be thrown
off the material well being and religious understanding. He argued that Muslims should
be loyal to the king rather than the ottoman Caliph as he has nothing to do with the
protection of life and property of Muslim in Malabar region (Kareem 1981(2006):p504).
To accept employment in colonial cadres was especially welcomed as a major means of
loyalty to the king (ibid:p504). He himself was an Excise Inspector in colonial service.
His criticism of Marumakkattayam, though ostensibly based on the teachings of Islam,
goes in consonance with the modern conceptions of family life and property distributions.
( Samad 1998:p.45-6) Despite such calls for acceptance of some cultural components of
the western modernity and colonialism, Makhti Thangal waged a nail and teeth war
against the modern western criticism of the religion of Islam.
As reflected in his articles in a collection (Kareem 1981(2006)), Makhti has
engaged with the problems such as modern education, status of women, the relation
between the secular and the religious in Human life, religious orthodoxy and rationalismall
the concerns of modern life. He espoused to the view that the world consists of both
divine and human, which correspond to religious and secular worlds respectively.
Rationalization has a pivotal role in the secular world when as it has less in religious
world (ibid: p44-52). Modern education is essential for a success in secular life. Prophet,
according to him, had instigated his followers to acquire all kinds of knowledge. His
articles try to inspire Muslims to acquire modern education by invoking to the past
accomplishments of Muslims in the filed. He tries to instill confidence in them by
indicating that Muslims were ‘Gurus’ of westerners in learning and civilization.
11
The Traditionalist-Reformist position got further rooting in Malabar, Travancore
and Cochin by the efforts of certain other scholars who were the contemporaries of
Makhti Tangal. They were Chalilakath Kunhammed Haji, Sheik Mouhammed Mahin
Hamadani Thangal and Muhammed Abdul Qader Moulavi.
For fear of space let us skip a wide variety of activities and programmes held
under their inspiration. But the attempts at theological reform led by Abdul Qader
Moulavi are important because more than every one else, he was the inspiring force of
the reform movement held later under the auspices of Kerala Muslim Aikya Sangham
and Kerala Jamiyyatul Ulama ( Samad 1998:p.44). He was a regular reader of al Manar
of Rashid Rida, which was a guiding force to him in the question of theological reform.
He defined his movement as an attempt to restore the pristine purity of Islam. He stood
for ruthless rejection of accretion and declensions from the body of Islam especially the
practices and rituals that had infiltrated into the religious life of Muslims through the
channels of Sufi religion. This was the direct influence of ideas of Rida on Tauhid and
Shirk and decided to impart these ideas among the people and set a Journal 'Al Islam' for
the same. He basically believed that all endeavours to reform Muslims should be based
on religion without which it would be a frivolous effort (ibid: p.67).
Thus, the Traditionalist Reformism spread in Kerala through organized ventures
of reform afterwards. Though the ambience for the formation of Nishpaksha Sabha had
been created by Hamadani Tangal, it was the ideas of Vakkom Maulavi that guided Aikya
Sangham’s priorities(Muhammedali2004:pp.227-28). Soon after, many branches of the
Sangham were constituted around the locality of Kodungallur. The organization
afterwards was renamed Muslim Aikya Sangham. Later it became Kerala Muslim Aykya
Sangham. Though the Kerala Muslim Aykya Sangham worked only for twelve years
since 1922, it infused a strong desire for reform into the Kerala Muslim mind which
produced a strong current of reformism as it was revealed through the activities of Kerala
Nadvathul Mujahideen since 1950(Osella and Osella 2008). Due to the vital contributions
of Vakkom Moulavi he is considered as the father of Muslim Renaissance in Kerala.
12
III
Yet another kind of response towards colonialism and modernity began to be emerged
among the Muslims of certain urban points in Kerala. This is expressed mainly though
the ventures of organizations launched with declared objectives to prepare the Muslim
community of the cities and surrounding area to face the challenges of the times. The
activities of Hidayathul Muslimeen Sabha of Manjeri best represent this trend.
Manjeri is one of the main Cities in the Malappuram District of Kerala State in
India. A place with full of hill, hill sides and fields, it was a major point of trade in precolonial
period, the abode of two prominent families during the Zamorines’ prominence
at Calicut4 and the capital of the Mysorean ruler Hyder Ali where from he made his
military forage in Malabar( Logan 1887 (1981): P.469; Kunhali 2002). In the colonial
period it became the centre of administration of Ernad Taluk with the District Revenue
offices, Courts and Hospital situated in it, the city still in the head quarters of the Ernad
Taluk and bean to be considered a city by the colonial documents from 1941 onwards5.
Manjeri is understood to be the earliest point of Muslim settlement in the interior.
The mosque at Payyanad was founded in 795 AH6. There was, thus, a conspicuous
presence of Muslim in this area before 600 years. Payyanad had probably emerged as an
important point of Muslim settlement before the coming of the Portuguese in the Malabar
coast. Ernad at this time was under the supremacy of Zamorins. A significant part of
Ernad was under the direct sway of samantas such as Nilambur Tirumulpad and Manjeri
Karanavapad etc. The former seem to have preceded the latter in power. A local self
government document says that Payyanadu Palli (Mosque) was constructed with the help
of Zamorin as well as Nilambur Kovilagam7. The construction of Kunnathambalam (a
temple with deities of Shiva and Bhaghvati) in 1652 AD is a marker of the rise of
Manjeri Kovilagam under Karanavapad raja. Both Nilambur Raja and Manjeri Raja were
special invitees at the time of Ariyittuvazhcha of Zamorin to mean that they were the
feudatories of Zamorin.
The Muslim population of Manjeri and Payyanad earned their livelihood from
agriculture. They seem to have acquired Janmam rights in the land from the time of
13
Zamorins period onwards. A local informant says that his forefathers got 90 acres of land
as Janmam in Nellikkuth area of Manjeri from Zamorin8. This is supported by the content
of the land settlement Register of 1905 of Payyanad and Manjeri.9
The general picture of land possession as per the land settlement registers of 1905
in Ernad and Walluvanadu is that Muslim got possession of janmam rights in the land
predominantly in the costal regions. In the interior regions their possession is almost
absent. Astonishingly differently Muslims possess a large area of land as Jenmam in
Payyanad and to some extend in Manjeri. In Payyanad, an area of 3919.6 acres of land is
in possession of about 50 Muslims including female occupants. Comparatively smaller
portions of land were in possession of Muslims in Manjeri and Melakkam villages.10
This exceptional pattern of land holdings might have been set on account of the earlier
settlement of the area by Muslims. An added momentum might have created by the
settlement of the powerful Kurikkals of Manjeri in this region.
The lineage of Kurikkals has been traced back to the seventh century Arabia
(Moulavi 2002). One member of this family reached cannanore. His grand sons became
masters of Kalarippayattu and other war-field aerobatics. Zamorins invited them to
Calicut to train warriors in the wake of Portuguese menace. They lived at Calicut for
three years and became trainers (Gurukkal) of Kalarippayattu. Kurikkal is a derivative of
Gurukkal. Two of the sons: Moideenkuitty and Hassankutty were sent to Manjeri as the
revenue collectors of the region by the Zamorin. It was in 1064 AH that Moideenkutty
settled in Turakkal and Hassankutty at Payyanad.11Manjeri, thus seems to be
comparatively a strong point of Muslims in terms of population and power. Documents
show the religion wise statistics of the three villages that constitute the city.12
It is also well known that the company government had initiated a policy educating
Indians with objectives set in the general context of colonialism. The state expanded its
intervention in education since 1854. Schools were set up in the presidencies and British
provinces in India. Other than establishing new schools, they also cut into the tradition
education system13. Educational development of Mappilas of Malabar was taking place
under such a context.
However, the facilities available during the colonial times in Malabar provided
minimum accessibility to education. The educational level of the region in general and
14
Mappila Community in particular were so pathetic (Ali1990). Documentary evidence
shows that the government could not take up the educational responsibilities of the region
to any commendable extend14. Facilities were mostly concentrated at the primary level
where as the secondary education was concentrated in Urban points. Secondary education
was thus accessible only to those who have economic power and proximity to the cities.
That too was further limited by unavailability of sufficient berths in schools. The state of
Mappila education was too pathetic. Their education in general was wound up by the
primary stage as there was no secondary Mappila Schools. They show little regard for
English education. Performed badly in Examinations, lacked in teaching resources,
brought up in largely religious ambience which often stood back on to modern science
and technology, the modern education was almost kept out of the Mappila life world. The
position of Mappila Education in 1896 has been portrayed in a colonial document on
Mappila education.15
The presence of landed gentry in the headquarters of a taluk under colonial
regime naturally fostered a middle class who could thrive through engaging in business,
availing educational opportunities opened up by the colonial state, and acquiring
employment in colonial offices and participating in the colonial governance and
legislative practices. Being in the capital of a taluk that offered most obstinate opposition
to the colonial state and culture, this middle class seemed to have generated in them a
sense of urgency for reconciling the Mappila life world with the emerging modern ways
of life. The programmes and priorities of Hidayathul Muslimeen Sabha throw light to
this.
Hidayathul Muslimeen Sabha was founded at Manjeri on 3rd June 1897. The
Sabha aimed at “the multifaceted development of the poor, ignorant and downtrodden
Mappilas and to bring their plights into the notice of the authorities”16
The first president of the Sabha was a renowned Islamic scholar of the Manejri
area Musliyarakathu Abdulla Musliyar. The first Secretary and treasurer were Mr. K.
Kunholan and K. Pokker respectively. The members of the Sabha are listed in the
proceedings of the meeting of Sabha.17 The prominent ones whose presence in the
meetings is so conspicuous are Mr. N.K. Alavi, V. Kunhahammed, K. Mammad Mayan
Kurikkal, Kormoth Pokkar and Korambayil Mammad Haji. The Sabha documents show
15
that meetings were continuously held to review the progress of Sabha and to discuss and
formulate policies and strategies for further action.
There were certain declared objectives for the Sabha. They are as follows(BHR:pp1-2).
A) To promote religious and secular education, civilization, unity and loyalty to the
king (Rajabhakthi).
B) To extend charity and alms for the welfare of the Muslim community.
C) To extend assistance and guidance to the new converts and orphan boys.
D) To buy properties and build structures for attaining the objectives.
E) To run Madrassah
F) To establish library, night school, reading room, etc.
G) To print and publish text books for Madrassah
H) To work for the goodness and betterment of Islam in accordance with the
objectives of the Sabha as well as Shariat.
The Sabha worked so democratically that the office bearers were elected annually and
sub committees were selected to execute specific programmes of the sabha. Various
committees formed at various times were the Madrassa Committee, Rules Committee,
Building Committee and the Deputation Committees.(ibid:p.3) These committees looked
after the running of Madrassa, framing rules of Sabha, supervising construction of
building and sneding deputations to various authorities. A Business Committee was also
found to have constituted periodically.18
A Sabha document has put it that 276 Members worked in Sabha till December 1946
in various capacities. As per the rules of the Sabha, annual meetings were held in which
Managing Committees were elected. In addition to that the vacancies due to death of
members were filled without any delay. As per proceedings, the membership of Sabha
was a number between 15 and 25. It is also clear that meetings were held at every
occasions of significance both to Sabha and the society at large (PROC in OHMS).
With such an ordered and disciplined structure, Sabha could achieve many things
toward attaining their objectives. The first significant achievement of Sabha was that it
could get a government order passed for constructing mosque in Ernad Taluk. It is well
16
known that one of the issue over which the Mappilas of Malabar rebelled against the
government was the unavailability of land for construction of mosques. The situation is
clearly spelled out at the time of the appointment of Logan Commission to enquire the
roots of rebellions of Mappilas in Malabar (Innes 1908(1997 p.81).Where the rebels took
recourse to anti-state stance, the Sabha took the other way round. In 1901, August 08,
Sabha sent a deputation to the Governor of Madrass to invite Government’s attention to
the problem of unavailability of the land for building mosques. The Government accepted
the deputation and took follow up action. The government issued GO No. 407, dated 7th
March 1902, which granted permission to construct mosque (BHR, p. 4). It is said that
the GO enabled to raise mosques in both Nilambur area and Manjeri area without any
hindrance from Janmis. The Manjeri Central Mosque was constructed in 1906 and
another mosque at Kutcherippadi afterwards.
The most important area where the Sabha concentrated its efforts was the
educational uplift of the Mappila Community. The picture of education of Mappilas
given above is of the picture of the entire Malabar. The situation in South Malabar was
too pathetic despite Manjeri possessed some facilities for education in the entire region of
Ernad Taluk.
The programmes, activities and institutions of the Sabha reveal its utmost concern
for educating the Mappila Muslims. The Sabha strived for giving both secular and
religious education for the community. The building of the mosque led to the
establishment of a traditional mosque school(dares) there where prominent scholars of
the area taught. Many of the scholars who later became the leaders of Muslim reform
were students in this darse.19
Sabha started a Madrassa in 1917 at Manjeri. Originally begun in the building of
Mappila U.P School of Manjeri, it was later shifted to own building in 1919. A new
building was constructed in 1927(Kurikkal1990p.4;BHR,pp 5-7) for the Madrassa. It is
also called the Sabha Hall which became a centre of dissemination of religious
knowledge through various ways. It became the venue of periodic religious sermons,
informal educational ventures and it also housed a library. Moreover the Sabha acted as
an umbrella institution for the promotion of learning in dars in Mnajeri. A significant
contribution of the Sabha in the realm of education is the introduction modern ways of
17
teaching learning in the Madrassa. A point which is to be borne in mind here is that the
traditional system of education never allowed the presence of black board, text books,
etc. The writing of Koranic verses on Boards was religiously proscribed. Moreover
writing of Arabic by girls was considered irreligious and as such to train them in Arabic
hand writing (Kurikkal1990p.5). In addition, Muslims in general stood back on to
English and Malayalam. The attempts of Sabha to introduce system of standardization of
classes, introduction of modern class rooms and text books (even in Malayalam)was a
most revolutionary attempt at that moment of time. Text books were written under the
auspicious of Sabha to teach in different standards of Madrassa (ibid., p. 5). The activities
of the Sabha seemed to have inspired others to follow sabha’s ways. It is said that the
text
books they prepared were made use of by many other such Madrassas around the region.
The spread of Madrassa movement after 1921 in Kerala have reasonably been inspired by
the Sabha.
The Sabha also strived to spread modern secular education among Mappilas. But
this was mainly by way of pleading the government to extend its opportunities for secular
public education in the region. As the leaders of Sabha had considerable access to
governmental spaces, the main strategy in this regard was to seek the state authorities’
interference in education. Their membership in Taluk Boards and other bodies often
supported them substantially for the same. This influence could be seen in the willingness
of the government to incorporate religious teaching in public schools for Mappilas.
Vallanchira Kunhimoyin prepared text books to teach religion in schools and the
government approved them to be taught in the schools.( ibid., p. 5) This was because
Sabha could convince the government that Mappilas could be attracted to schools by
introducing religious instruction in the schools. Moreover, the Sabha’s insistence to
appoint Mappila teachers to Mappila Schools was accepted by the government and orders
were issued in this respect (BHR, P.5).
The initiatives of the Sabha is said to have resulted is various achievements. The
establishment of Mappila Higher Elementary School at Malappuram, training for Higher
Elementary Teachers at Malappuram, special training and preparatory classes to Mullas,
the appointment of Arabic Munshis in high schools and training schools. Increase in the
number of separate schools for boys and girls, scholarships to Mappila students – all are
18
listed to have been achieved by Sabha in its first phase(ibid p.5). The establishment of a
high school at Manjeri in 1920 was also described as an achievement of the
Sabha(Kurikkal1990p.5-6).Moreover, Sabha attempted to participate in ventures of
educational amelioration of Muslims in general. It sent its deputations to national level
conferences which deliberated on the questions of educational uplift of Muslims (ibid
p.6). Personalities having such concerns also visited Sabha at various times.20
The activities and concerns of Sabha focused towards all walks of life of the
people in general and Mappilas in particular of the region. The most disturbing problems
of life in this region were poverty, peasant discontent, traditionalism and conservativism.
Any attempt to improve the situations calls forth a diversification of agenda and actions.
The Sabha seems to have been convinced of it. The appeals and memorandums submitted
by the Sabha before the authorities concerned reveals Sabha’s concerns.
The most important demands which were presented by one deputation of the
Sabha to the government of Madras in 1917 are (1) the passage of a tenancy law to rescue
the peasants of Ernad from “the heart-rending experiences” born out of the existing
tenurial system, (2) the setting up of a modern agricultural farm at Manjeri, (3) sanction
of a more liberal distribution of arms license for both agricultural and sporting purpose,
(4) introduction Arabic teaching in Mappila Schools, (5) increase in the scholarships to
Mappila students, (6) the retention of the Mappila Act, (7) laying of Railway line
through the Ernad region.21 This shows that the Sabha was much concerned about the
general development of the area on modern lines along with the removal of many of the
social, economic and cultural disabilities of the Mappila community in the region.
The Sabha’s activities were formulated in the general ambiance of respect for the king
and opposition against the rebellions of Mappilas in the region. At the same time it never
kept the issues central to the life of the Mappilas off their concern. It is quite clear from
the Sabha documents that it was open in respecting and supporting the British
government. We see the Sabha celebrating the crowning of the king in the Durbar on
December 12th of 1911; convening a public meeting on August 13th 1914 to exhibit the
loyalty to the British king; celebrating the victory of the British in the first World War by
way of distributing Tea and sweets to the students of the Sabha (BHR:p5-6). Most
19
importantly, a great meeting was convened to persuade the rebels to withdraw from the
rebellion started by some of Mappilas on 23rd August 1921 (ibid:p.5) .
At the same time the Sabha seems to have developed concerns about the
happenings in Turkey which was the seat of Ottoman Caliphs where the imperialist
politics had been planning the dismemberment of Turkey. The Sabha had collected an
amount of Rs. 1045/- for the welfare of those who was wounded and members of the died
ones in the Balkan war in 1912 (ibid:p.6).
IV
The consideration of urban based initiatives for the amelioration of the Muslims, thus,
adds a new shade of Muslim response to the colonialism and modernity and a new mode
of reform as well. Though their efforts lacked the theological support of towering
scholar-reformers, activities of Hidayathul Muslimeen Sabha redefined the Mappila lifeworld
in accordance with the needs of modern times. With an outspoken loyalty to the
British, it tried to solve the problems faced by the Muslims of the region through the
goodwill of the government. They strived to introduce modern education and scientific
and technological aptitude among the Muslims, lessen poverty through welfare
programmme, improve economic conditions giving financial support and perpetrated
reformist ideas by way of its programmes and practices.
At the same time all their ventures were hinged on their religious concern. The activities
of the Sabha concentrated around the Mosque and Madrassa established after their
initiatives and efforts. Their concern for the caliphal authority at Turkey and their
presence in the platforms of reform that emerged among the Muslims allover Kerala
afterwards vouch for their religious concern. It is also interesting to note that the darse at
Manjeri produced some of the illustrious scholars who later crucially influenced the
fabric of the religious life of Muslims in Kerala.
The programmes and institutions of Sabha were also instrumental in the dissemination of
secular traits among the Muslims of the region under its influence. The adoption o f
20
Malayalam as a medium of instruction had opened possibilities of cultural
communication transcending the boundaries of Arabi-Malyalam. Rather than introducing
secular subjects into madrassa curriculum, they created and expanded the avenues of
secular education for Muslims in state supported system. Further they could include
religious subject into the curriculum of state schooling system. Sabha’s chill towards
theological discussions and its eagerness instead for solving the problems of the
immediate material world had influenced the priorities of the Mappila life-world in
favour of life in this world rather than the life hereafter. In addition the meetings of the
sabha were attended by non- muslim members at many occasions. This might have
instilled in them a culture of deliberating on issues of the common welfare crossing
boundaries of seclusion. This also reflects in Madrassa hall simultaneously using as
“Sabha Hall”, a venue for public gathering of Manjeri where conventions and
conferences of various organizations were held. This naturally promoted the participation
of Muslims in the secular public sphere.
In spite of this, Sabha could not propel a movement for reform in the region
around. We see Malabar in general comes under the influence of Samastha Kerala
Jamiyyathul Ulema, which come in the lineage of Traditionalist -anti British position and
Kerala Nadwathul Mujahideen which is more influenced by traditionalist- reformism.
Jamaat-e-Islami too has some hold in this region. This limitation of the urban reformist
trend owe probably to at least two factors.
Firstly, the capitalist intervention was partial in Malabar. Instead of shattering the
traditional economic and social structure, the company protected many of its structures
and maintained its own power by conveniently allying itself with it. In such a situation, it
failed to eat into the exclusivity of villages in the region and to cause the formation of
individuated selves among the rather wholly rural Muslims as it is happened in the
colonial city headquarters of Manjeri. The love for traditionalism of Mappila rural gentry
never faded because of the lack of individual urge of the Muslim populace to be selfconscious
Muslims and acquire accessibility to the sources of religion, a trait that
generally sprout only out of individualistic tendencies. As such, the religious sensibilities
21
of the rural Muslim population found it cute to get along with the traditionalist Islam
instead of the reformism of the Sabha.
Secondly, the leadership of the Sabha could not grow themselves as Charismatic
leaders. This may probably because of lack of religious authority vested in them to
address the larger Muslim community. It is important that they took very little interest in
theological discussions. Their engagement with the modernity being centred on the
problems of the immediate surrounding of the locality, the possibility of their direct
involvement in other regions was limited. There is apparent similarity between the
activities of Himayathul Islam Association of Calicut along with the Muhammadan
Association of Alappuzha on the one and Hidayathul Muslimeen Sabha on the other.
Further studies may bring out some common chords that influenced these rban ventures
of reformism among the Muslims of Kerala.
1 Abdul Wahabs preachings formed the ideological base for the rise of Ibn Suud’s kingship in Arabia and
Shah Waliyullah looked forward for Ahammed Sha Abdali’s invasion of India as he thought it would
reenergetise the declining Muslim culture of India.
2 This is clear from the eruption of an out break at cherur the root cause of which was the breaking of the
traditional dress code of a domestic servant of a jenmi consequent to the former’s conversion to Isalm.See,
K N Panikkar, Peasant Protest and Revolts in Malabar, ICHR New Delhi1990.
3 translation My own; This statement also shows the trait of willfulness to change- a feature enumerated as
characteristic of the reform in South Asia; See Robinson, Francis, “Islamic Reform and Modernities in
South Asia” in Modern Asian Studies 42,2/3 (2008) pp.251-81
4 They were (1) Manjeri Kovilagam Rajas and (2) Manjeri Kurikkals
5 See Census of India 1981 Part X-A Town Directory, Also see District Census Handbook, Malappuram
District 1971
6 Interview with Nellikkuth Muhammedali Moulavi, Also see Nagar vikasana rekhkal (mal) vol .162
Malappuram District, Department of Plannning Kerala State 1997
7 Nagra sabha Vikasana rekhakal, Vol. 162,
8 Interview with Nellikuth Muhammedali Moulavi
9 See Settlement Register Payyanad Village1905 ,Regional Archives, Kozhikode (hereafterRAK)

22
10 See Settlemnt Registers of Melakkam and Manjeri Villages 1905(RAK)
11 Interview with Muhammed ali Moulavi
12 see Settlement Registers of 1905 of respective villages, (RAK)
13 The teachers of religious schools (othupallis) were given training in instructing secular subjects along
with grants-in-aid so that they could impart secular education along with religious education
14see No.4328. Proceedings if the Director of Public Instruction(hereafter PDPI) dated 26 th April1897,P.8
15 See A brief Report on the State and Progress of Mappila Education in Malabar during the year
1896-07(hereafter SPME) in PDPI
16 Hidayathul Muslimeen Sabha ,Manjeri: A Brief Historical Report,1947 (from the personal collection of
Abdurahiman Kurikkal, Manjeri ) p.1 (hereafter BHR)
17Proceedings of the Sabha Meeting(hereafter PROC) July 9 1897,in Office of Hidayathul Muslimeen
Sabha(hereafter OHMS); Proceedings of the Sabha are kept in tact in Sabhas office at manjeri.
18 This committee supported merchants financing their ventures by way of advancing money to them from
the fund in possession of the Sabha on profit sharing basis. See BHR
19 C.N. Ahamed Moulavi, V.P. Muhammedali Haji, Nellikkuth Ismail Musliyar, Zainudheen Musliyar, K.T.
Manu Musliyar are only some of them. They were the ulema leaders who influenced the religious life of the
people of Kerala.See,M.Abdul Samad ,Islam in Kerala: Groups and Movements, Kollam 1998; also see
Prabbodhanam Special Issue on Keral Muslim Navodhnam Charithram(mal),Kozhikode,1998 .
20 Government officials as well as prominent persons had visited sabha. Abdurahiman Kurikkal remembers
the visit of Liyaqat Ali Khan in about 1946 who later became the prime minister of Pakistan.
21 The text of the memorial submitted to the Governor of Madras and his reply to the memorial has been
reproduced in the Eighteenth tour of H.E. the Right .Hon. The Lord Petland, Governor of Madras, October
14th to 25th,1917,(Regional Archives Kozhikode), pp.90-99
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