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edited by
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Margaret S. Mook
James D. Muhly
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2004
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9
Household Analysis in
Dark Age Crete
Kevin T. Glowacki
Several authors in this volume discuss extraor- Schiffer 1996; Allison 1999; Nevett 1999). As these
dinary buildings, such as communal shrines or studies have made clear, the challenge for archae-
ruler's dwellings; in contrast, I focus on the "not- ologists is to find a meaningful relationship be-
so-big houses" of Dark Age Crete and the inter- tween the "house" or "dwelling"-the physical,
pretation of domestic activities that took place architectural structures and associated features
within them. "Household analysis" or "house- most commonly encountered in the archaeologi-
hold archaeology" is currently a topic of great in- cal record-and the "household"-the people and
terest to researchers in many parts of the world. groups who lived, worked, and interacted in these
There is a large (and still growing) literature cov- areas. Additionally, recent work has stressed the
ering not only specific sites and methods of analy- importance of a multi-faceted approach to the ar-
sis, but also dealing with important theoretical chaeological remains of houses. It is important to
frameworks for understanding site formation pro- consider not only architecture or ceramics, but
cesses and their effect on house floor assemblages also the spatial patterning of these structures and
and the interpretation of past household behavior all associated material remains, in order to throw
(e.g., Wilk and Ashmore 1988; Blanton 1994; Wal- light on household behavior and organization
lace-Hadrill 1994; Coupland and Banning 1996; (e.g., Whitelaw 1983; Ault and Nevett 1999).
126 GLOWACKl
BUllDING M
I i ~oDi
~,
" IV
+ I
BUILDING l
i
/' + 1' + I BUILDING K '.
/
t " \ "'
i
,
J'+-
~
;
/
+,.
\
\
t
, 1.I
.' 'J.~
rI- ,8' /
,I
1- ,-,-",;,+." + I
+ t +
1- + .,
BUILDING A
\
JJs "
.,. + r--....",.,.._
+ . ,
• \. I
+
,, "- " ~ ..
J \.
I' .
+ " , ;-
BUILDING G
(SHRINE) !t I
~') )
~' .
I
+ + + ~ ,\ + KLN 1 \ ~ ... -- +
Kavousi V ronda J J
LM mc Settlement PJan I, I·
i /
1pm ./~ /
/ + + +
,: )t .~
inaccessible height" of Kastro at Kavousi (Boyd At Vronda, on the other hand, Boyd uncovered
1901,137-143). In fact, Boyd recognized that these "a house and a necropolis of small tholos tombs"
rooms, constructed on several different terraces, all dating to what she called the "sub-Mycenaean
probably did not all belong to one house, but she epoch, transitional between the Bronze Age and the
found few household objects to help clarify the Iron Age" (Boyd 1901, 131-137). On the summit of
existence of separate dwellings or the functions of the hill was a large house with a forecourt, a store-
the individual rooms. Ceramic evidence from room with fragments of three large pithoi, and a
Boyd's brief excavation indicated that the build- massive terrace wall on the east. The "ruined con-
ing(s) dated to the Geometric period. dition of the walls," however, prevented Boyd from
The new Kavousi excavations by Gesell, Day, distinguishing the plan of the building, and most of
and Coulson have shown that the Kastro settlement her work seems to have been concentrated on the
is much more extensive, long-lived, and complicat- cleaning of eight 'beehive" tombs to the north and
ed than previously thought (Gesell, Day, and Coul- northeast.
son 1985; 1995, 117-119; Coulson et al. 1997). These The second series of excavations at Vronda has
excavations have provided a great opportunity to provided a much more thorough picture of this set-
study domestic architecture, house planning, and tlement (Fig. 9.1), which now can be dated confi-
construction from early LM mc through the end of dently to the LM nrc period (Darr Coulson, and
the Orientalizing period. Particularly noteworthy in Gesell 1986; Gesell, Day, and Coulson 1995; see also
this regard is Mook's diachronic analysis of the Day and Snyder, Chapter 5, and Klein, Chapter 7).
Northwest Building (Mook 1998). This domestic In addition to a better understanding of Boyd's
complex grew from an initial two-room house in "large house" and storeroom (Building A-B), this
LM nrc through a variety of expansions and con- picture also includes buildings of a public and com-
tractions in the Proto geometric, Geometric, and munal nature (Building G), a kiln for ceramic pro-
Orientalizing periods, exemplifying not only the duction, as well as a number of houses (C-D, E,
range of vernacular building traditions but also I-O-N, J-K, L-M). Whereas Kastro is notable for its
reflecting the evolution of households on Kastro. long sequence of habitation and construction,
Although the majority of the best-preserved archi- Vronda provides a valuable opportunity to exam-
tecture on Kastro dates from the Late Geometric ine a Dark Age village from essentially a single
period, as recognized by Boyd, the site is of major period. The domestic aspects of the Vronda settle-
importance for its long sequence of habitation and ment and the importance of household analysis in
the information it provides about village life and the interpretation of the entire site can be explored
domestic activities throughout most of the Dark in further detail by focusing on one of the complex-
Age in Eastern Crete. es not previously investigated by Boyd.
Building 0
t Building N
Kavousi Vronda
Building Complex I-O-N
State Plan
Figure 9.2. Building Complex I-O-N. State plan.
o 5
I I
Kavousi Vronda
Building Complex I-O-N
Figure 9.3. Building Complex I-O-N. Block plan (walls partially restored).
HOUSEHOLD ANALYSIS IN DARK AGE CRETE 129
~~~§~r=~~~GraVe35 +
Courtyard
Grave 30 J-
'\...-
.... ~ -.
5 meter
Figure 9.4. Building I. St ate plan . LG graves indicated . Figure 9.5 . Building I, Room 3. Oven from south .
late LM me, Building Complex I-O-N was used by long, well-built stone bench along the eastern
four, possibly five, separate households (Day and side, a small platform in the northeast corner, and
Glowacki 1993). a slab enclosure (or bin) at the south next to the
In form, Building I (Fig. 9.4) was originally a door leading into Room I 5. In the center of the
rectangular, three-room structure (Rooms I 4, I 3, room is a roughly oval patch of burned red soil
and I 5; combined interior area of ca. 31.30 m 2) indicating the remains of a fixed hearth, the loca-
with an exterior courtyard to the north. At some tion of which suggests a connection with heating
later time, but still within LM mc, two auxiliary and lighting as well as cooking.
rooms (Rooms I 1 and I 2; combined interior area In addition to the central hearth, another type of
of ca. 8.49 m 2) were added to the east. Room I 4 is cooking installation was found in Room I 3. A
a narrow porch or anteroom, entered from the small, clay-lined oven was built in the angle
courtyard though a central doorway. Room I 4 formed by the bench and the platform in the north-
then gave access to Room I 3, which apparently east corner of the room (Fig. 9.5). A third side of the
was the main room of the house. Room I 5, en- oven (on the west) was formed by an upright slab;
tered only from I 3, probably was used for storage the mouth (on the south) was marked off by a row
and contained the remains of at least two pithoi. of rectangular cobbles. The floor and sides of the
Rooms I 1 and I 2 were disturbed by later Geo- oven were lined with clay, and fragments of a
metric cremation burials and contained little or no curved, heat-reddened clay superstructure were
evidence for LM mc domestic activities. found collapsed on the eastern side near the bench.
The largest and best preserved room of this Similar small ovens have been found in Buildings
building is I 3, a rectangular area measuring ca. o and N (Rooms 0 I, 0 3, and N 5), as well as in
4.7 x 3.8 m (17.86 m 2) (Gesell, Day, and Coulson other houses at Vronda (Rooms C 2 and C 5), and
1991, 163-165, pIs. 64d, 65a-d). This room has a have been very important in our reconstructions of
130 GLOWACKI
Figure 9.7. Building I, Room 3. Pyxis and pithos during Figure 9.8. Comparison of pithoi from 13 and B 7.
excavation.
,: t HOUSEHOLD ANALYSIS IN DARK AGE CRETE 131
e• .: •
••
•
•
Figure 9.9. Stone tools from floor surface of Room I 3. Figure 9.10. Building N, Room 5, Oven .
more dependent upon topography than design "fitted" up to the stone slabs forming the sides of
(Figs. 9.2 and 9.3). Building 0 preserves a linear ori- the enclosure were found, showing that the top of
entation following the gently curving terrace this oven was flat (Fig. 9.10). From this room also
immediately to the west of Building I. The irregular came a large number of vessels for food prepara-
shape of Building N results from the more rapidly tion, cooking, eating, and drinking, including an
sloping contours of the hill in that area. Yet despite LM mc Close Style krater (V 90.115), fragments of
differences in plan, the basic features of the houses which were also found in Room N 3 (Gesell, Day,
remain the same; each has one large room which and Coulson 1995 90-91, fig. 7:2, pI. 28:b). The
contains a central hearth and communicates with function and significance of other vessels, such as
auxiliary spaces. a fenestrated stand (V 90.114), found in this hearth
For example, Room N 3 connects with Room N room are not quite so clear (Gesell, Day, and
5 on the lower terrace by means of a built stair- Coulson 1995 91, pI. 28:e). Although such vessels
way. Like Room I 3, N 5 also contains a central are sometimes interpreted in terms of household
hearth, this time rectangular and with a well-pre- cult, in at least two instances on the Vronda
served curb. At one end of the hearth is a small (Rooms N 5 and C 2) fenestrated stands have been
oven with a clay-lined interior. In this instance, found near, and even in, ovens, but neither exam-
fragments of the superstructure which could be ple shows signs of burning.
• CookinglFood
Preparation
A Fine Ware/Serving
and Consumption
torage
Other
• Millstone/Quem
& Abrading Tool
o Pounding Tool
Chopping Tool
Other Work Stone
liquids, as well as a few shapes such as pyxides (I evidence for butchering, or merely tools used else-
3, N 5) or a fenestrated stand (N 5) which are rela- where and discarded here along with other
tively rare at Vronda. In addition, similar groups of garbage?
stone tools were found in the hearth rooms, where- Likewise, the pithos discovered in Room 1 3 is
as the courtyard revealed primarily abrading tools, 90% complete, with the base found intact on the
possibly evidence for the different types of activi- floor surface. Since the broken vessel was covered
"
ties taking place there. The recurrent spatial pat- by the collapsed roofing clay, it is tempting to
terns of the archaeological remains within distinct think of the pithos as having been used in the lat-
but similar units further refines the architectural est phase of the room before abandonment, But
analysis of the complex and supports the identifi- how long did it stand "abandoned" before the
cation of individual dwellings and households. roof collapsed? Could someone have moved it to
At the same time, we need to be cautious when that location from another room? What about the
using artifact distribution as the primary evidence fragmentary pithoi found in Room 1 5, which are
for the function of any room or area. Recent archae- not so completely preserved? Are they good evi-
ological and ethnographic research has stressed the dence for agricultural storage in that room during
importance of understanding the complexity of site the habitation phase of the building, or were they
formation processes in the interpretation of house dumped as secondary refuse into an old, unused
floor assemblages (Schiffer 1996; LaMotta and room because they no longer served any function?
Schiffer 1999). As it applies to the type of house- Clearly, archaeologists need to distinguish be-
hold analysis attempted here, the differences and tween several possible types of deposits formed
similarities in types of artifacts and their distribu- during the different stages in the life-cycle of a
tion within and around a house can be caused not house: primary and secondary refuse deposition
only by "real" differences in activities carried out in during habitation, de facto or even ritual refuse de-
specific areas, but also by the processes of habita- position during the abandonment, and other types
tion, refuse, destruction, abandonment, and reuse of re-use and disturbance during the post-abandon-
which may create a somewhat "false" picture of ment stage (LaMotta and Schiffer 1999). Cautioned
human activity in the archaeological record. Unlike by the examples mentioned above, I would argue
the extremely rare archaeological site which has that the plans of artifact distribution are useful, first
been destroyed by a natural catastrophe-a vol- and foremost, for characterizing the range of mate-
canic eruption, earthquake, or fire-and then never rial found in different locations without necessarily
reinhabited or disturbed, a site like Vronda, which implying any one-to-one correspondence between
has been abandoned with buildings left standing the use, re-use, storage, or discard of those items in
for an undetermined length of time before collapse those areas. At the same time, distributional pat-
and then disturbed when many areas were reused terns recurring between two or more types of arti-
for later burials or robbed for building materials, facts or architectural features are unlikely to be
involves an entirely new set of relevant formation random and may be used as good evidence for sim-
processes. These processes affect not only what we ilar activities taking place in those locations. In
find, but where we find it, and the value of that Building I-O-N, the key areas where this patterning
data for our interpretations. consistently takes place is in the large rooms with
For example, the open courtyard to the north of fixed hearths and ovens, where we have found the
Building I consisted of numerous, stratified layers most significant combinations of vessels for food
characterized by large amounts of pottery and preparation, cooking, and consumption along with
animal bone. Since some of the bone material is a complementary assemblage of stone tools.
consistent with butchering debris, it is logical to Therefore, by combining the architectural analy-
interpret this as primary refuse, reflecting activi- sis with the distributional data of artifacts and by
ties in the courtyard over a period of time. On the using the presence of a hearth/ oven as an essential
other hand, a large proportion of the ceramic guide, it is possible to recognize at least four or five
material, consisting of small and worn fragments, separate household units present by the time of the
is more likely to reflect secondary refuse, either building's abandonment. Each household unit is
material thrown out from the house itself or not only architecturally distinct, but is also charac-
washed down from surrounding areas. What, terized by a recurrent association of features and
then, of the whetstones and other stone tools artifacts. These identifying units are 1 1-5, 0 1-3,
found in or near the courtyard? Are these further N 1-2, and N 3+5, N 4, with its own central hearth,
134 GLOWACKI
has been badly disturbed by a modem terrace, and The houses at Vronda also seem to cluster to-
so its size and relationship to the other rooms of gether into separate groups or "blocks" (Fig. 9.1).
Building N is not certain. It may, therefore, have This is clearly the case with Building I-O-N as well
been part of another, less well-preserved household as with Building C-D, another well-preserved
unit. Likewise, we know there is a room (04) to the domestic complex. Building C-D reveals a similar
north of 0 3, but the preservation does not allow us pattern of central hearths and ovens which comple-
to say if it is part of the same house or if it is anoth- ments the architectural study in distinguishing
er building altogether. Furthermore, there is some individual household units (Gesell, Day, and Coul-
evidence that Room 01 may have gone out of use son 1995, 70-75). This also may have been the case
before Rooms 0 2 and 0 3. In that case, it may be with other, less well-preserved buildings at Vronda,
possible to identify an initial household unit con- such as Buildings E, J-K, and L-M (Gesell, Day, and
sisting of Rooms Oland 0 2, later modified to Coulson 1995, 75-77). If the individual household
include 0 2, 0 3, and possibly 0 4. consists of a nuclear family as a basic social unit,
According to this interpretation, each unit con- these complexes may each represent a cohesive
sists of a two-to-five room structure (depending grouping of the extended family as it expands and
upon population growth and as allowed by the changes over time. It is interesting to note that the
natural topography of the site), forming approxi- house clusters do not seem to share facilities, such
mately 30--40 m 2 of interior roofed space for each as ovens. There is no evidence for communal
house. Although it is extremely difficult to esti- ovens, such as those known in traditional Cretan
mate population sizes accurately based primarily villages today, serving a larger group than the indi-
on architectural form, a house of these dimensions vidual household (Day, Glowacki, and Klein 2000).
may have accommodated a group of four to seven Therefore, the household clearly seems to be one of
individuals, a number logically assumed to corre- the main organizing principles of the LM mc
spond to a nuclear family (e.g., Naron 1962; Vronda community, an interpretation which has
Whitelaw 1983; 2001; Kolb 1985; Fletcher 1981; been argued for other Cretan Dark Ages sites as
1986; Wallace-Hadrill1994, 95-103). well (e.g., Nowicki 1999, 147).
Conclusion
The study of houses and households can pro- a dwelling and the number of people it accommo-
vide important insights into the social and eco- dated can be the basis for a discussion of overall
nomic organization of communities over time. For site population. In this way, houses and house-
a "transitional" period such as the Late Bronze/ holds reflect the complex social structure and
Early Iron Age in Crete, when significant changes organization of the site as a whole, which in tum
were taking place in a post-palatial society, sheds light on regional settlement patterns and
"household archaeology" is an especially appro- economy. The last two decades have seen the ra-
priate level of analysis. The individual house can pid growth of a substantial body of data to which
be the starting point for a comparison of other we can now apply modem interpretive frame-
structures, highlighting differences in construc- works; this analysis at the household level is but
tion, architectural elaboration, and activities so as one new avenue of investigation in the overall
to distinguish domestic, non-domestic, special- study and interpretation of life in Dark Age Crete
ized, or elite buildings in the community. More- which was begun by Harriet Boyd and her col-
over, the relationship between the size and form of leagues one hundred years ago.
HOUSEHOLD ANALYSIS IN DARK AGE CRETE 135
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank the directors of the experience and expertise on Minoan houses and
Kavousi Project, Professors Geraldine C. Gesell, households, especially N. Klein, D. Haggis, M.
Leslie P. Day, and WD.E. Coulson for the opportu- Mook, K. Nowicki, D. Rupp, L. Snyder, L.v. Wa-
nity to study Building I-O-N at Vronda Kavousi, trous, and T. Whitelaw. The presentation of this
and for their many years of help, support, and col- paper in Athens was made possible by generous
laboration on this and other studies. I would also grants from Dr. Charles Paget and the Edward A.
like to express my thanks to the many participants Schrader Endowed Fund for Classical Archae-
of the Crete 2000 conference who shared their ology at Indiana University.
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Table of Contents
PREFACE .................................................................................................................................................................. xv
OPENING REMARKS
James D. Muhly, Director, American School of Classical Studies at Athens ....................................... xxiii
Theodoros Pangalos, Minister of Culture ................................................................................................ xxiv
Nicholas Burns, American Ambassador to Greece ................................................................................. xxiv
Jeremy A. Sabloff, Williams Director, University of Pennsylvania Museum of
Archaeology and Anthropology ..................................................................................................... xxvi
INTRODUCTION
History of American Excavations on Crete: Geraldine C. Gesell .................................................................. 1
PART I: TRADE
1. Pseira and Knossos: The Transformation of an East Cretan Seaport: Philip P. Betancourt.. ...........21
2. The Incised and Relief Lily Jars from MochIos: Thomas M. Brogan ...................................................29
3. Kommos: The Sea-Gate to Southern Crete: Joseph W. Shaw ............................................................... .43
4. A Possible Minoan Harbor on South Crete: Elpida Hadjidaki ............................................................ .53