The Land of Aratta

Author(s): Yousef Majidzadeh

Source: Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 35, No. 2 (Apr., 1976), pp. 105-113
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/545195
Accessed: 26-11-2018 12:44 UTC

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 THE LAND OF ARATTA

YO USEF MAJIDZADEH, Department of Archaeology and History of

Art, Tehran University

DURING the last thirty years, one of the outstanding problems in the field of the
ancient history of Iran has been the search for the exact location of Anshan and Aratta,
two important neighboring city states somewhere on the Iranian plateau. Both states are
mentioned for the first time in the Sumerian texts usually thought to reflect the Early
Dynastic II period (the first half of the third millennium B.c.). Anshan remained well
known in later periods also as one of the main centers of the Elamite kingdom, while
Aratta was a wealthy area to which the Early Dynastic rulers looked as a source for costly
commodities. The uncertainty as to the precise location of these two regions resulted
in a series of controversies among scholars who have proposed to identify them with
different areas within the present geographical borders of Iran. The state of Anshan,
however, finally found its identity and exact location through the archaeological
activities at Tall-i-Malyan led by William Sumner.' It is noteworthy that before the
evidence of the discoveries at Tall-i-Malyan was available, John Hansman was the only
scholar who identified that site as Anshan.2
So far, four different regions have been proposed by four different scholars as the exact
location of the state of Aratta, all before the recent definitive demonstration of the
location of Anshan: (1) S. N. Kramer equated the state of Aratta with the modern
province of Luristan in the southwestern Iran;3 (2) the second proposal was made by
Georgina Herrmann, while discussing the lapis lazuli trade, who located the state of
Aratta "somewhere south or southeast of the Caspian";4 (3) the third suggestion was
made by HansmanS in a footnote, where he identified the city with Shahr-i-Sokhta, an
archaeological site on the southeast side of Lake Hilman which has produced thousands of
flakes of lapis lazuli and carnelian during recent excavations;6 (4) and finally, Sol Cohen
has identified Aratta with the combined areas of Hamadan-Nahavand-Kermanshah-
Sanandaj in a very detailed discussion in his Ph.D. dissertation.7
The discovery of the exact location of the state of Anshan as the modern province of
1 W. Sumner, "Excavations at Tall-i-Malyan 6 M. Tosi, "Excavations at Shahr-i-Sokhta, A
1971-72," Iran 12 (1974): 155-75; Erica Reiner, Chalcolithic Settlement in the Iranian Sistan. Pre-
"Tall-i-Malyan, Epigraphic Finds 1971-72," Iranliminary
12 Report on the First Campaign, October-
(1974); 176; idem, "The Location of An'an," Revue December 1967," East and West 18 (1968): 9-66; idem,
d'Assyriologie 67 (1973): 57-62. "Excavations at Shahr-i-Sokhta, Preliminary Report
2 . Hansman, "Elamites, Achaemenians and on the Second Campaign, September-December
Anshan," Iran 10 (1972): 101-25. 1968," East and West 19 (1969): 283-386; idem,
3 S. N. Kramer, Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta:
"Shahr-i-Sokhta," Iran 8 (1970): 188 ff.; idem, "Shahr-
A Sumerian Epic Tale of Iraq and Iran (Philadelphia
i-Sokhta," Iran 10 (1972): 174-75; C. C. Lamberg-
1952), p. 3. Karlovsky and M. Tosi, "Shahr-i-Sokhta and Tepe
4 G. Herrmann, "Lapis Lazuli: The Early Phase
Yahya: Tracks on the Earliest History of the Iranian
of its Trade," Iraq 30 (1968): 54. Plateau,"East and West 23 (1973): 21-53.
5 J. Hansman, "Elamites, Achaemenians and 7 S. Cohen, "Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta"
Anshan," p. 118, n. 97. (Ph.D. diss., University of Pensylvania, 1973). I must
thank Dr. M. Civil who kindly allowed me to use his
[JNES 35 no. 2 (1976)] Xerox copy of this unpublished dissertation, given to
C 1976 by the University of Chicago. him by the author himself. It is now available from
All rights reserved. University Microfilm, at Ann Arbor, Michigan.
105

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 C~asPian Sea uAN

HA KARA Till BADKH

e MA GODIN TEPE
SAGOAD HA0 VA5LK

URUK Il

KERMAN * SH MTA Q

VAHYA 9 OHENJ

UlfL

Of Oman

0 100 200 300 4QO on

FIG. 1.-Map showing

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 THE LAND OF ARATTA 107

Fars, however, proved that the identification

or southeast of the Caspian by Herrmann,
Sanandaj by Cohen are all completely out of th
of Aratta was adjacent to the state of Ansh
looked to the east. He included the province of
and having brought the modern state of Sista
posed the possibility that Shahr-i-Sokhta could
The discovery of Anshan in Fars and the resu
logical activity in the province of Kerman
sources and to make another attempt in the h
state of Aratta.

The earliest written sources in which the state of Aratta was mentioned belong to
Enmerkar, who according to the Sumerian King list was the second king of the First
Dynasty of Uruk.9 It is also probable that Enmerkar was a ruler during the Early
Dynastic II period.10 One of the texts is known as "Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta,"'1
for which I shall use the abbreviation ELA, and the other, "Enmerkar-Lugalbanda,'12
for which I shall use the abbreviation EL. We learn from the Epic of ELA that the king
demands the advice of the goddess Inanna in the search for gold, silver, and lapis lazuli
from the state of Aratta: "it was then the lord of Uruk-Kullaba, Enmerkar... in need
of Aratta's craftsmen and building material, turned, at the outside of the propitious
fertility rite."'3 Heeding his (Enmerkar's) plea, Inanna . . . advises him to select a suit-
able emissary to carry her message via Susa, the mountain country of Anshan, and over
great mountain ranges to the land of Aratta."14 Accordingly, in order to get to Aratta,
the emissary had to cross Susa (the modern province of Khuzistan) and traverse Anshan
(the modern province of Fars). Furthermore, we know that after crossing Anshan and
before arriving at Aratta, one had to cross seven mighty mountains.'5 This geographical
description fits very well with the character of the mountainous region between Fars and
Kerman, so that the destination of Enmerkar's emissary could have been nowhere but
the modern province of Kerman. Geographically, Kerman is separated from Fars by the
long chain of the Kerman range, comprised of high mountains, some of which reach six
and seven thousand feet above the surface of the surrounding plateau.16 There is a series
of long and southeastward intermontaine valleys which are located between the Kerman
range and the Zagros mountains of Fars and within the Kerman range. These valleys
include the Anar Valley, the Bard-Sir Valley, the Kerman Basin, and the Rayin-Sarvestan
Valley.17 More intermontaine valleys are situated in the southwest region of the Kerman
province, among which are the Soghun Valley, the Jiroft Valley, and the Dolatabad
Plain.'8 Furthermore, it is within these intermontaine valleys that two important exca-
vated and many unexcavated fourth and third millennium B.C. settlements are located.
8J* . Hansman, "Elamites, Achaemenians and 13 S. Cohen, "Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta,"
Anshan," p. 118, n. 97. pp. 28-29.
9 T. Jacobsen, The Sumerian King List, AS no. 14 Ibid., pp. 30-31.
11 (1939), table 2. 15 S. N. Kramer, Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta,
1o G. Herrmann, "Lapis Lazuli: The Early Phase p. 17, lines 166 ff.
of its Trade," p. 38, n. 87. 16 J. R. Caldwell, Investigations at Tal-i-Iblis,
11 S. N. Kramer, Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta; Illinois State Museum, Preliminary Reports, no. 9.
S. Cohen, "Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta." (1967), pp. 21-40.
12 C. Wilcke, Das Lugalbandaepos (Wiesbaden, 17 Ibid., p. 27.
1969); cf. reviews by S. N. Kramer, Acta Or. 33 (1971): 18 C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky and M. Tosi, "Shahr-
363 n. 1 and M. Civil, JNES 31 (1972): 386. i-Sokhta and Tepe Yahya," p. 29.

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 108 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES

On the other hand, it is impossible to accept the ancient

located in Sistan well to the east of Kerman, as a prob
Aratta. Since the writers of the Epic of ELA and the E
detailed geographical descriptions for the regions between
Sokhta had been Aratta, they would certainly have men
desert of Dasht-i-Lut (the deadly desert which lies betwee
Hilmand.

The mountain range of hur-sag-zubi/black mountain in ELA, (lines 73-74, 10

and 164-65) passed on the route of Aratta, has been taken as a reference to the
Dagh in southern Kurdistan and thus as a reason to look for Aratta in this dir
However, there is evidence to indicate that for the Sumerians a black mountain was a
source for white gypsum.19 Therefore, the identification of the hur-sag-zubi in ELA with
any identified or unidentified black mountain which was located in the vicinity of Sumer
and was used as a source for white gypsum could be a mistake since this name apparently
was not a proper name for a specific mountain but for black mountains which could
produce white gypsum. Even today qara, a word of Turkish origin is used commonly as
an adjective for geographical names such as qara su or qara chai "black river," qara
chaman "black grass," or qara dagh "black mountain."20 The existence of such black
mountains as the source for gypsum, however, has been attested in the vicinity of Tal-i-
Iblis in western Kerman by the unearthing of a large furnace for baking gypsum.21
Therefore, the mountain with the gypsum resources used at Tal-i-Iblis or any similar
"black mountain" within the Kerman region may be identified with the mountain range
of hur-sag-zubi of ELA.
Like the reference of hur-sag-zubi, the names of the two rivers Aratta and Rappa,
crossed by Sargon II, in his eighth campaign,22 have been taken as evidence for the
location of the land of Aratta; the two rivers have been identified by Gordon as the Ab-i-
Sirwan and the headwaters of the Diyala.23 If we accept the assumption that the river
Aratta is adjacent to the land of Aratta, this could again point towards the west. How-
ever, there is no certainty that the Aratta river in this late text refers to the same place
as the Early Dynastic Aratta. The identity in name between Aratta river and the state of
Aratta may be a mere coincidence and not an indication of relationship, since we know
that the word aratta was also a word for "abundance" and "glory."24 Another possibility
is that Aratta was applied to more than one area.25

19 E. Gordon, "A New Look at the Wisdom of 24 S. Cohen, "Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta,"
Sumer and Akkad," Bibliotheca Orientalis 17 p. (1960):
55 and n. 67.
pp. 131-35; hur-sag-gi mu-im-babbar ba-an-mu, "my 25 A good example is the occurrence of three
Black Mountains has produced white Gypsum"; also states of Parsua in three different locations
different
C. L. Edmonds in his "Two Ancient Monuments in in the Neo-Assyrian records. On the basis of geo-
Southern Kurdistan," Geographical Journal 65 (1925):
graphical description from the reign of Shalmaneser
63, discusses the interesting fact that Qara Dagh,III,
theas well as the third campaign of Shamshi-Adad
"black mountain" where the bas-reliefs of Naram- V, in a list of Adad-Nirari III, and from the reign of
Sin were found, produced gypsum. Tiglathpileser III indicate that the land of Parsua
20 For more examples of similar names see should be located in the northwestern Zagros. During
Dehkhoda, Lughatndme, vol. 57 (1960), p. 249 where the seventh century B.C., according to the account of
another Qara Dagh is mentioned as a mountain range the eighth campaign of Sennacherib and the records
in Azarbayjan. of Ashurbanipal, a second Parsua was located in the
21 J. R. Caldwell, Investigations at Tal-i-Iblis, p.
southwestern Zagros, probably on the middle Karun
180 and p. 178, pl. 9. River; yet, the third Parsua was in the province of
22 F. Thureau-Dangin, TOL 3, pp. 8 and 30. Fars, the homeland of the Achaemenid Persians. For a
23 E. Gordon, "dKASKAL. KUR," JCS 21 (1967): detailed study see T. Cuyler Young, Jr., "The Iranian
72 and n. 9.
Migration into the Zagros," Iran 5 (1969): 17-19.

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 THE LAND OF ARATTA 109

The occurrence of various geographical

identified with localities neighboring
route between Uruk and Aratta. As in the case of the black mountains and river Aratta,
we may presume that familiar names were applied to similar geographical features on the
road to Aratta. Furthermore, the crossing of seven mountains27 may very well be
formulaic28 since the number seven had particular significance and could be used as the
symbolic expression for such things as the measurement of time, space, and distance in
the ancient Near East, as well as today. Therefore, the number seven may only indicate
the crossing of a series of mountains. Finally, one has to keep in mind that both texts are
epics from which one should not expect detailed geographical exactitude.
As for the sources of precious stones, in the epic of ELA, Enmerkar addresses Inanna,
saying: "Let the people of Aratta, having brought down the stones of the mountains
from their highlands, build for me the great temple... ,"29 which is not really specific
as to the source of the valuable stones. Although the existence of lapis lazuli in the
mountains of Kerman has been mentioned in two medieval reports, the one by Hamd-
Allah-Mostawfi of Qazvin, the state accountant of Sultan Abu Said (A.D. 1316-35),30 and
the other in 1295 by c~an Te, a Chinese traveler,31 in Sistan the similarity of lapis lazuli,
found in large numbers of chips, from Shahr-i-Sokhta with that of Badakhshan indicates
that this stone was being imported from Afghanistan32 and shipped to Uruk via Kerman,
Anshan, and Susa.33 Kerman falls into place between Shahr-i-Sokhta and Uruk, so that
the route via Aratta, Anshan, and Susa by which Badakhshan lapis lazuli reached
Mesopotamia is evident and fits the textual evidence.34 There is, however, evidence to
indicate that some of the lapis lazuli of Badakhshan, while passing through the Kerman
area, was used in the region. This has been shown through the excavations of Ali Hakemi
of the Iranian archaeological service at Shahdad at the northwestern edge of the Dasht-i-
Lut somewhat northeast of the city of Kerman.35 In his brief report the excavator

26 S. Cohen, "Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta," of the geographical description of the region and its
pp. 50-55. historical background is given here. "The Dasht-i-Lut
27 S. N. Kramer, Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta, is separated from the Kerman region by a range of
p. 17, lines 166 ff. mountains which continues northwards to the regions
28 C. Wilcke, Das Lugalbandaepos, p. 122, lines of Ravar and Darband, and southwards into the area
342-44.
of Bam. Shahddd, a modern name for the ancient city of
29 S. N. Kramer, Enmerkar and the Lord ofKhabis,
Aratta,is located at the foot of Mount Joft&n, the
p. 9, lines 38 ff. highest peak of which rises some 3,990 m. above sea
3o Hamd-Allah Mostawfi, The Geographical
level.Part
The peaks of this mountain range are covered
of the Nuzhat-al-Qulub, trans. G. Le Strange
with(Cam-
snow until the middle of May. Thus a fairly large
bridge, 1905), p. 197. amount of water flows into the Shahdtd plain all
31 B. Laufer, Sino Iranica (Chicago, 1919), p. 250. through the year. The permanent water of Shahddd is
32 C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky and M. Tosi, "Shahr- provided by the Derakhtangdn river, which originates
i-Sokhta and Tepe Yahya," p. 46. in the Hinnaman mountains; another river with less
33 Ibid., p. 27. water originates in the high peaks of Joftan.
34 S. Cohen, "Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta," "The remains of several ancient river beds in this
p. 59. region indicate that in prehistoric times the Shahdid
35 Ali Hakemi, "Etude archeologiques de la lisibre plain enjoyed much more water than today. The
du Desert de Lout," Bastan Chenassi va Honar-e Iran, present region of Shahddd is entirely covered with
Revue d'archdologie et d'art Iraniens 2 (1969): 24-25 in citrus and date trees which are more dense in the
French and 36-51 in Persian; idem, "Shahdad," southern and western than in the eastern and northern
Iran 11 (1973): 201-3 and pl. 10.; Mr. Hakemi has also parts of the region.
published two successive reports in Honar va Mardom"A brief survey in the vicinity of the Shahdid
[Art and People], a monthly publication of the
cemetery has demonstrated extensive cultural re-
Directorate General of Cultural Relations of the mains up to 7 km. to the east of the cemetery. A huge
Iranian Ministry of Culture and Art, no. 126 (April,
flood during the twelfth or thirteenth century A.D.
1973): 75-83 and no. 127 (May, 1973); 79-89. Since
destroyed this large settlement. The remains of various
these articles are in Persian, a summary translation
settlements ranging in date from the prehistoric to the

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 110 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES

mentions the appearance of a large number of lapis lazuli b

objects related to the Early Dynastic II-III periods. Since th
from a cemetery, one has to consider the possibility of the
stone industry for lapis lazuli in a nearby settlement whose
Shahdad cemetery, where a portion of the manufactured materi
dead.

Although there has been relatively little archaeological activity in the eastern part of
Iran, there is already enough evidence to prove the province of Kerman to have been
highly-developed and well-populated region during the first half of the third millennium
B.C. In the southwest of Kerman, within the intermontaine valleys of Soghun and Jiroft,
"though incompletely surveyed," a large number of fourth millennium B.C. settlements
have been noted; so far twenty-seven have been registered by the Tepe Yahya expedition.36
Tepe Yahya, in the Soghun Valley is the largest one of all.37 Yahya IVC and IVB ar
contemporary with the Jemdat Nasr and Early Dynastic periods, respectively. The
appearance of Jemdat Nasr four-lugged jars and beveled-rim bowls in association with
Proto-Elamite tablets, cylinder seals, and a larger number of decorated steatite bowls
shows very close cultural relationship between southern Mesopotamia, Susa, and Tep
Yahya.38
A second major prehistoric settlement in western Kerman, which has yielded the
earliest evidence for the smelting of copper ores in the southern Iranian plateau, is Tal-i-
Iblis, a settlement 125 km. northwest of Tepe Yahya.39 The presence of beveled-rim
bowls, cylinder seals, and Proto-Elamite tablets indicates a close cultural relationship
between Iblis 5-6, Yahya IVC, Susa C, and the Jemdat Nasr period.40 A survey in the
vicinity of Tal-i-Iblis, in the Bard Sir Valley, resulted in identifying twenty-four pre-
historic sites, while, according to the surveyors "there is every reason to suspect that
additional survey will show many more."41 Here also, as in the Soghun Valley, we are
confronted with a highly-developed and well-populated area.
The cultural unity between western Kerman and eastern Kerman province, on the one
hand, and its relationship with southern Mesopotamia and Susa, on the other, become
quite evident if we include in this picture the excavations at Bampur,42 where the
pottery of periods I-VI is closely related to that of Yahya IVC-IVB,43 and the cemetery
of Shahdad, which is very closely related both to the Early Dynastic II-III Periods and

thirteenth century A.D. cover a total area of 64 sq. km. 38 C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky and M. Tosi, "Shahr-
Some Sasanian and Seljuk architectural remains are i-Sokhta and Tepe Yayha," pp. 48-49.
still visible above ground." For detailed information 39 R. C. Daugherty and J. R. Caldwell, "Evidence
see A. Hakemi, Honar va Mardom, no. 126 (April, of Early Pyrometallurgy in the Kerman Range in
1973): 76-78. Iran," in J. R. Caldwell, Investigations at Tal-i-Iblis,
36 C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky and M. Tosi, "Shahr-pp. 16-21.
i-Sokhta and Tepe Yahya," p. 29. 40 C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky, "The Proto-Elamite
37 For some of the publications on the Tepe Yahya
Settlement," p. 90.
excavations see: C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky, Excava- 41 J. R. Caldwell, Investigations at Tal-i-Iblis,
tions at Tepe Yahya, Iran, 1967-1969, American p. 73.
School of Prehistoric Research, Peabody Museum, 42 B. de Cardi, "Excavations at Bampur, S. E.
Harvard University, Bulletin no. 27 (1970); idem,
Iran: A Brief Report," Iran 6 (1968): 135-55; idem,
"The Proto-Elamite Settlement of Tepe Yahya," Iran Excavations at Bampur, A Third Millennium Settle-
9 (1971): 87-96; idem, "Tepe Yahya 1971, Mesopo- ment in Persian Baluchistan, 1966, Anthropological
tamia and the Indo-Iranian Borderlands," Iran 10Papers of the American Museum of Natural History,
(1972): 89-100; C. C. and Martha Lamberg-Karlovsky,vol. 52, no. 3 (New York, 1970).
"An Early City in Iran," Scientific American 224, no. 43 C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky and M. Tosi, "Shahr-
6 (1971), pp. 102-111. i-Sokhta and Tepe Yahya," p. 40.

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 THE LAND OF ARATTA 111

to the rest of the Kerman region. The simila

has already been pointed out.44
We also learn from the Epic of ELA that t
workers, stone cutters, masons, and sculpto
fashion artfully gold (and) silver,... May (t
interior."''45 If we turn again to the provinc
skilled craftsmenship: (a) the highly-develo
suggest that at the time of Early Dynastic II-II
center for a lithic industry.46 It is even beli
were being imported from Tepe Yahya;47 (b) th
such as painted statues with their hands clas
prayer, strikingly similar to the Early Dynasti
together with the arms is schematized in a cur
plaques, steatite carved vessels, a cylinder seal
masses of lapis lazuli and agate beads, and ma
the cemetery of Shahdad, indicates great art
their dead there;48 (c) finally, significant evid
the Kerman region has been documented at Tal
Despite the undisputable close cultural conn
Susa and Mesopotamia during the Late Proto
(Proto-Elamite = Susa D) periods, the entirely d
region,50 and the "generalized similarities in
architectural and lithic industries" between th
identity entirely different from the cultures
In addition, the Kerman sites possess a speci
black-on-gray ware which connects Yahya I
ware is at home.51

On the basis of all the criteria given above, th

inces of Kerman and Fars together to repr
cultural region, as proposed by Hansman, is
of identifying Aratta as the ancient settlem
proposed by Hansman53 cannot be accepted
mentioned, the topographical features of Shahr
the geography of Aratta as described in bo
criteria which give a completely distinct ident
different from that of Anshan, Susa, and
44 C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky, "Tepe
some of the Yahya
outstanding 1971,"
pieces were shown by the
p. 91, n. 10. excavator, Mr. Hakemi, during the presentation of his
45 S. N. Kramer, Enmerkar and
excavation the Lord of Aratta,
report.
p. 9, lines 38 ff. 49 R. C. Daugherty and J. R. Caldwell, "Evidence
46 C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky of Earlyand M. Tosi,
Pyrometallurgy in the"Shahr-
Kerman Range in
i-Sokhta and Tepe Yahya," pp.
Iran," 33-34.
in J. R. Caldwell, "Investigations at Tal-i-
47 C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky, "The
Iblis," pp. 16-21. Proto-Elamite
Settlement," p. 92. -o C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky, "The Proto-Elamite
48 Except for one plate Settlement," (A. Hakemi, p. 90. "Shahdad,"
pl. 10), so far none of the Shahdad material has 51 C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky and M. Tosi, "Shahr-
been published. I have, however, had the opportunity,
i-Sokhta and Tepe Yahya," pp. 39-40.
on several occasions, to see these materials. Also, in 52 J. Hansman, "Elamites, Achaemenians and
the summer of 1972, at the Sixth Congress for the
Anshan," p. 118, n. 97.
Art and Archaeology of Iran in Oxford, photos of
53 Ibid., p. 118, n. 97.

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 112 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES

regarded as a direct neighbor of Anshan; (c) the pottery

contemporary with the Jemdat Nasr period, is closely connect
culture of southern Turkmenia.54 The similarity of the Geok
in the Quetta Valley in western Pakistan55 and in Mundiga
Afghanistan56 has been indicated by Lamberg-Karlovsky a
periods II-IV at Shahr-i-Sokhta some changes occur in the
basic continuity all through the period and the connection
and Mundigak IV is certain.58
In contrast to the strong cultural relationship between sout
tan, Pakistan, and Shahr-i-Sokhta, there is practically not
Susa and Mesopotamia except for three clay cylinder sea
relatable to some of the Jemdat Nasr period from Sin Tem
a fourth cylinder seal found on the surface of the mound.60
from Shahr-i-Sokhta I-early II have been found which,61
similarity to the well-known examples from Sin Temple IV-V
jars of Shahr-i-Sokhta, Period I,63 which have been compa
Nasr period,64 provide no specific similarities either in ty
general similarity in the number of lugs.
The disputable direct relationship between Shahr-i-Sokht
proposed on the basis of three cylinder seals and the bull vase
Shahr-i-Sokhta II-IV, which are the phases contemporary
II-III periods. At this time the only possible relationship
between Shahr-i-Sokhta and Mesopotamia is the widespread us
quantity of lapis lazuli collected in Shahr-i-Sokhta has qu
indicating that it had been imported from the Badakhshan
Only about 10 percent of this lapis lazuli had been worked int
occurred as waster flakes. This indicates that the lapis lazuli w
worked at Shahr-i-Sokhta before its onward shipment to M
The lack of archaeological evidence establishing some cul
Shahr-i-Sokhta III-IV and Early Dynastic Mesopotami
indicates the existence of well-established cultural and politic
potamia and Aratta. Thus the identification of Shahr-i-Sok
cluded.

In conclusion, the modern province of Kerman remains the only region which can
reasonably be regarded as the exact location of the state of Aratta. This is, furthermore,
supported by the fact that Aratta was located on the route for the transshipment of

54 C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky and M. Tosi, "Shahr- 61 C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky and M. Tosi, "Shahr-

i-Sokhta and Tepe Yahya," p. 24, n. 11.
55 W. A. Fairservis, Jr., Excavations in the Quetta
Valley, West Pakistan, Anthropological Papers of the
American Museum of Natural History, vol. 45. (New
York, 1956), pp. 263-64, 326-27.
56 J. M. Casal, Fouilles de Mundigak (Paris, 1961).
57 C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky and M. Tosi, "Shahr-
i-Sokhta and Tepe Yahya," pp. 24-26.
58 Ibid., pp. 24, 42.
59 Ibid., p. 26, figs. 16-18.
60 M. Tosi, "Excavations at Shahr-i-Sokhta," fig.
107.
i-Sokhta and Tepe Yahya," p. 36, fig. 141.
62 P. P. Delougaz and S. Lloyd, Pre-Sargonid
Temples in the Diyala Region, Oriental Institute
Publications, vol. 58 (Chicago, 1942), pp. 43-44, pls.
25-26.
63 C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky and M. Tosi, "Shahr-
i-Sokhta and Tepe Yahya," figs. 139-40.
64 Ibid., p. 36.
65 Ibid., p. 46.
66 Ibid., p. 27, 46; M. Tosi and M. Piperno, "Lithic
Technology behind the Ancient Lapis Lazuli Trade,"
Expedition, Fall 1973, pp. 20-21.

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 THE LAND OF ARATTA 113

lapis lazuli from its sources.67 Thus, the la

brought to Shahr-i-Sokhta, and there, after re
sent through Aratta to Uruk without any d
Mesopotamia.68
At the present time, the archaeological evi
certainty the residential city of the Lord of A
cemetery may, however, lead us in the directio
problem lies in the fact that no other cemeter
Kerman region. Therefore, one cannot rule o
Shahdad cemetery the inhabitants of Kerman w
cemeteries were being loaded with similar rich
excavations the cemetery of Shahdad remain
look for a settlement somewhere between Shah
a site whose residents buried their dead in this
Kerman already are filling a great gap. In pl
visualize a specific area and begin to see the
civilizations in the finds from excavated sites.
67 G. Herrmann, "Lapis Lazuli," p.
Aratta described 36.
in the Sumerian Texts does not fit
68 C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky and M. Tosi, "Shahr- the situation at Shahr-i-Sokhta. For a detailed
i-Sokhta and Tepe Yahya," p. 50. description of the Shahr-i-Sokhta graveyard s
69 Compare the wealth of the Shahdad cemetery Piperno and M. Tosi, "The Graveyard of Shahr-i-
with that of the Shahr-i-Sokhta graveyard. AlthoughSokhta Iran," Archaeology 28 (1975): 186-97.
the richest graves are in the latter and belong to 70 The location of the capital city of Aratta in the
phases 5-7 (Period II), which are approximately vicinity of the Shahdad cemetery becomes more
contemporary with the Shahddd cemetery, they likely when one considers the geographical description
appear much poorer. This in turn indicates once more of the region and its historical background given in
that the richness and the prosperity of the people ofn. 35 above.

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