Shilluk Kingship.

Power Struggles and the Question of Successiòn

Author(s): Burkhard Schnepel
Source: Anthropos, Bd. 85, H. 1./3. (1990), pp. 105-124
Published by: Anthropos Institute
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 85.1990:105-124
Anthropos

ShillukKingship
and theQuestionof Succession
PowerStruggles
BurkhardSchnepel

Abstract.- Thepresent articlerepresents an attemptto throw On theone handwerethosewhosaw the

onthekindofauthority Shilluk
kingor
light kingsholdbyinvestigatingrethas thehead of a ad-
thewaysinwhichtheShillukhavemettheproblem ofsucces- hierarchicallyorganized
sion.InSections2,3, and 4 1discuss criteria fortheelectionofa ministrativeand political
system, inwhich capacity
king,I analysepatterns ofsuccession, lookat theformation of he enjoys absolute adjudicativeand executive
ororo-clans,andinvestigate thewaysin whicha princehas to powers(see Westermann 1912; Hofmayr1925).
pursuehisclaimsifhewantstosucceedtotheroyaloffice. Sec- On theotherhandwerethosewhostressed therit-
tions5 and6 investigate historical datafromthebeginning of
Shilluk tillthelatenineteenth andconcerning
ual andsymbolic functionof thereth as the centre
kingship century
thetwentieth century respectively. Throughout thearticlethe ofthe Shilluksocial and naturalorder, but who did
and of the
representation interpretation ethnographical and his- not regard him as someone exercisinganyimpor-
toricaldata are guidedby Max Weber'sdistinction of three tantpoliticaloradministrative functions.Thisview
typesoflegitimate authority. It is arguedthatShillukkingship is condensedin Evans-Pritchard's statement that
representsa routinized formof charismatic domination. The
factthattheShillukhavenotdevelopedmorespecific rulesof "the king of the Shillukreigns but does not gov-
succession,suchas primogeniture, is thenan indicationofthe ern" (1948: 16).
conception oftheirkingship as an openandcompetitive office, The presentarticleis intendedas a contribu-
which hastobeoccupiednotbyjustanypersonbutbytheright, tiontotheongoing debateaboutthenatureofShil-
charismatically
qualified one.[Southern Sudan,Shilluk,divine
theproblemofsuccession]
luk kingshipby investigatinga distinctiveandlimit-
kingship,
ed setofethnographical andhistoricaldata;itrep-
Burkhard Schnepel, D. Phil. (Oxford1987), M. A. (Berlin resentsan attempt to throwsome light on thekind
1982);Theses:Das Charisma desKönigs.Zumpolitischen Kult of authoritythe Shilluk kingshold in theeyesof
derShilluk(Μ. Α.); FiveApproaches totheTheoryofDivine theirsubjectsbydiscussing thewaysin whichthe
KingshipandtheKingship oftheShillukoftheSouthern Sudan Shilluk havemettheproblemofsuccession andby
(D. Phil.);- FieldworkintheSouthern Sudan,1980and1982;- ofthe
Publications include:RecentResearchintheSudan(Journal of showing aspects accompanying powerstrug-
theAnthropological Societyof Oxford1983);- Max Weber's gles.1For thispurposeI finditbothusefulandof
Theoryof Charismaand itsApplicability to Anthropologicalheuristic valueto presentandinterpret theethno-
Research (JASO1987);- In QuestofLife.Hocart'sSchemeof graphical andhistorical datawithWeber'sanalyt-
Evolution fromRitualOrganization to Government (Archives icaldistinction
ofthreelegitimate
Européennesde Sociologie1988); - see also References
typesofauthori-
Cited. ty in mind.To recall:
The validity
oftheclaimsto legitimacy maybe basedon:
1. Rationalgrounds- resting
on a beliefinthelegalityofen-
actedrulesandtherightofthoseelevatedto authority under
suchrulesto issuecommands (legalauthority);
2. Traditional
grounds- restingon an established
beliefinthe
1. Introduction ofimmemorial traditionsand thelegitimacyofthose
sanctity
authority
exercising underthem(traditional authority);
ofanthropological
In thehistory thoughttheking-
shipoftheShillukoftheSouthern Sudanhas be-
of 1 Thepaperthusrepresents a further
attempt ofmine(see al-
comeoneofthemainethnographical paradigms so Schnepel1988,1990)to analyseandelucidatethebasic
of"divinekingship."
theinstitution Itsvariousin- and valuesthatguideShillukideasand actions
principles
following
terpreters, first
Seligman's report(1911) concerningtheirkingship
bylooking,notatthenormal state
and Frazer'sadaptationof it in "The Golden andcourseofaffairs,
butattimesoftransition
andcrisis- at
forward two main howdisruptionsofthenormal orderaredealtwithandover-
Bough"(1911-1915), put oppos- come.I am gratefulto Prof.E. Gellner,Dr. R. G. Lien-
ingpointsofviewas faras thenatureandscopeof hardt,Dr. W. James,Dr. A. Duff-Cooper,Dr. R. Parkin,
thepoweroftheShillukkingandtheassessment of and Mr. J. Coote fortheirhelpfulcomments on earlier
theShillukpoliticalsystem as suchareconcerned. draftsofthispaper.

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106 Burkhard
Schnepel

or,finally, royalclanand,as a further a nyireth

specification,
3. Charismatic
grounds- resting
ondevotion or sonofa king.Although
totheexceptional and
patrifiliation patri-
heroism
sanctity, or exemplarycharacter
ofan individual
per-linealdescentaretwointerconnected itis
son,and of thenormative or orderrevealedor or- criteria,
patterns to the two. Patrifiliationdoes
dainedbyhim(charismatic (Weber1968:215).
authority) necessary distinguish
notservesolelyas a mediumfortransmitting de-
As faras thethird typeofdomination isconcerned, scentstatus;it is thedirectsourceofa credential
Weberholdsthat"initspureformcharismatic au- foraccessionandservesas a principle fordifferen-
thoritymay be said to existonly in statunasce ndi. tiating amongtheeligibleprincesbysibling groups
It cannotremainstable,butbecomestraditional-and different housesoftheroyalclan.
ized or rationalized, or a combination of both"
(1968:246).Weber'smaininterest, then,liesinthe
transformation of"pure"charisma Nyikang(l)
byitsroutiniza-
tionor "Veralltäglichung" (every-day-ification). Cal (2) Dak (3)
The principal motivesunderlying thistransforma-
tion,according to Weber,are theidealas wellas Nyidoro(4) Odak Ocolo (5)
I
materialinterests of the charismatic leader'sad- » I
Duwat(6) Pyemand othersons
ministrative staffand followers, whowantto put I of Odak Ocolo killed
theirpositions on a stable,everyday basisand are Boc(7) |
interestedinthecontinuation andcontinual reacti- l~"^ I Ororo
vationofthecharismatic community (246). "These Abudok(8) Tokot(9)
interests,"Weber writes, "become conspicuously Tugo (10)
evidentwiththe disappearanceof the personal ι
charismatic leaderandwiththeproblemofsucces- Okon (11) Nyidwai(12)
sion.Thewayinwhichthisproblemis met- ifitis
metat all and thecharismatic community contin- Kudit(16) Muko(13) Wak (14) Nyelgut(15)
uestoexistor nowbeginsto emerge- is ofcrucial
importance forthecharacter ofthesubsequent re- Nyakwac(17)
lationships" (246).

charisma, whichI have discussedat lengthelse- 1

This briefexcursusinto Weber'stheoryof Anei (18) Akwot(19) Awin(20) Nyidok(22) (n)
L-»
Kwathker(23) (s) L_ I
where(see Schnepel1987), mustsufficehere. Akoj (21) (n)
However,beforeI concentrate on an investigation j Ajang(24)(n) Kur (27) (n)
oftheShillukdata,I shouldstateherethatI base Yor (26) (n) Anei (30) (n)
inthisarticleon thepremisethat r_J
myinvestigations I Kuikon(25) (s) Fadiet(28) (s) I
theShilluk reiAship represents a routinized form of Ι ι I
thecharismatic typeofdomination. Fafiti(29) (n) Dak (31) (s) Ajang (33) (n)
I
Kur (32) (η)
2. Criteriaforthe Election of a King
GenealogyofShillukKings
A lookat theroyalgenealogy showsthataccessto
theroyaloffice is governed bytwointerdependent Even thoughthesegenealogical criteria
con-
genealogical rules.2A legitimate claimantto the siderably restrictthoseShillukeligiblefortheroyal
thronemustbe a malekwareth or memberofthe office, theirnumber is usuallystillso largethatad-
ditionalcriteria
fortheselection ofthepropersuc-
2 The genealogy givenherecoincideswiththe one recon- cessorhavetobe applied.A Shilluk kingis chosen
structed
byHofmayr (1925:42) fromaccounts ofShillukin- on thebasisofa combination ofdynastic andadop-
formantsandotherhistorical sources.I concentrate on this tive criteria
versionof theroyalgenealogynotonlyforworking as, in addition to the genealogical
pur-
poses,butalso becauseit seemsto be themostprofound criteria,the successful claimantis chosenfrom
one.However,I do notwanttobe dogmatic incaseswhich amongtheprinces on thebasisoftheexistence (or
can hardlybe authenticated.Forother,different royalge- absence)of certaindistinguishing aestheticaland
nealogiessee Seligman1911:218; Hofmayr 1925:38-41; ethicalcharacteristics. toHofmayr, "all
andHowell1953:201. In mygenealogy a king'sresidence According
beforeelectionis indicated those princesare excluded from being electedking
bytheletters s andn, standing
forthecountry'ssouthern andnorthern halvesrespectively, whoare afflicted withmentalor bodilydamages:
inbrackets afterthenames.See also note8. thosewho are left-handed, cross-eyed, mutilated

85.1990
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ShillukKingship 107

orimbecile;further, thosewhosebodyhasa large required tobe installed as king,thecharisma ofthe

wound"(1925:144).One Shillukgivesthefollow- rethappearsverymuchin theroutinized formof
ing account:"The mostimportant thingis that the "charismaof the office,"forit represents a
thereshouldbe no deformity withthePrince.He qualitywhichis closelyassociatedwiththeoffice
shouldn'thave been beatenon his head witha andNyikang (whotakespossession ofhissuccessor
stick,becausewefight withsticks,histeethshould during theceremonies ofinstallation), andas such
all be present, he cannotbe lame,he shouldn't be is thought to be transferable bymeansofsanctify-
one-handed, he can'thaveone ofhisfingers miss- ingritualacts.Moreover, accesstotheroyaloffice
ing, he can't be circumcised" (in Singer1975). isrestricted, as I haveshownabove,bymonopoliz-
Moreover, an electedprincehas to provethathe ingitfora community closedona traditional basis.
of
possessesqualities strength, and
skill, courage. As the validity of a reth'sclaim to legitimate au-
Hofmayr reports that he has to undergo the testof is
thority substantially based on the inherited ge-
a fight andonlywhenhe haspasseditsuccessfullynealogicalpositionas nyireth (on thequalityorpu-
doesthechiefofGol Nyikang (thesouthern ritual rityofhisblood,one couldsay),hischarisma also
moiety of Shilluk country) accept hisclaim bysay- takes the routinized forms of "charisma of the
ing: "You arecourageous! Juok [God] hasdecided clan" and "hereditary charisma."
thatyoushouldreignoverShillukcountry" (1925:
146).Westermann citesthestoryofthecowardly
king,according towhicha rather shortmannamed 3. Patterns ofSuccessionand theFormation of
AkunyoBako wantedto becomereth.At first the OroroClans
Shilluk consented, butwhenone man,scepticalof
the new king'sreal qualities,frightened himso Nyikang,beforedisappearing in a whirlwind, is
muchthathe ranaway,thepeoplerealizedtheir saidto havenominated hisson Dak as successor.
mistake(see Westermann 1912:148f.). Thismythical precedent doesnotfinda convincing
The electionofthesuccessoris, according to expression in Shillukpoliticallife.Lookingat the
Shillukpoliticaltheology,alwaysa divinelyor- royalgenealogy one seesthatusuallya sondidnot
dainedchoice.ItisheldthatNyikang, thefirstking succeed his father directly.Oftenthesuccessor was
andimmortal heroofShillukmythology, joins with the brother of the reth
preceding (e.g., the 14th,
God toelecta king(see Hofmayr 1925:451). Shil- 15th,19th,and 20thkings);sometimes we finda
luk believethatthe divinechoicecan be made cousin(16threth),an uncle(22ndreth),ora neph-
knownto themthrough certainoracletechniques. ew (23rdreth).Therefore, therulethatonlya nyi-
In one oracle describedby Westermann (1912: reth is as
eligible king should notbe understood in
122) sticks, representing the various princely the sense that only thesons of the reigning king are
claimants, arethrown intoa fire;theonestickthat eligible.Allprinces, nomatter whether thesonsof
producesthe brightest flameindicatesthe right thereigning kingor of previouskings,are legiti-
choice.Hofmayr (1925: 145) reportsanotherora- mateclaimantsto the throne.Hence, royaleli-
cle technique in whichpebbles,insteadof sticks, giblesinShilluksocietydo notfallintoa queueof
arethrown intothefireandtheirchangeincolour orderdetermined bythecomputation ofdegreesof
is interpreted: whiteand red,standing forfertilityclosenessto thereigning royalmonarch.
ofcattleandabundant crops,areregarded as royal In Shillukhistory, then,notone royalhouse
colours.Somesuch oracles are said to have been has become powerful enoughto succeedin estab-
conducted bytheNuba of Liriwho,according to lishingitsdominanceovertheothers.The closed
Shillukoraltradition, weregivenbyNyikangthe community forwhichaccessto theroyalofficeis
to
right participate in the election (1925:31). monopolized is a corporation internally dividedin-
The notionof the refA'spossessionby Nyi- to competing branchesor houses.A look at the
kang duringthe installationceremoniesand, royal genealogyshows that from about the
hence,of hisdivineelectionformsthemainele- mid-nineteenth century onwards - startingwiththe
menton accountof whichShillukrecognizea 21streth,Akoj Akwot thelegitimate - successor
king'sreignas legitimate. Ifitismainly forthisrea- has beenchosenfromthreebranchesoftheroyal
sonthatthereiAship oftheShillukhas to be con- clan.Accessto thedignity ofkinghasbecomere-
sideredas a charismatic typeof domination, one strictedto the houses of Akoj (21st reth)and
mustadd thatgenuinecharismatic qualitiesofthe Kwathker (23rdreth)(bothbeingoffspring ofthe
individual do notformtheonlyandmainbasisof houseofAkwot)andtothehouseofNyidok(22nd
the typeof legitimate authority held by Shilluk reth).Moreover, itcanbe seenthatthequestionof
kings.In viewof theelaborateritualprocedures succession totheroyaloffice hasbeenmetbya reg-

85.1990
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108
ular rotationbetween these houses; the reíAship
has passed fromthehouse of Akoj to thehouse of
Nyidok,thento thehouse ofKwathkerand back to
the house of Ajang Nyidok,thenback to Kuikon
Kwathker,and again back to the house of Akoj,
representedbyhisson Yor, and so on in thatorder
of succession.Despite the regularityand apparent
smoothnesswithwhichthe rotationprinciplehas
been appliedin thetwentieth century,competition
between the houses has never been completely
eliminated.One reasonforthiscertainlylies in the
fact,feltto be unjust by some, that some kings,
such as FafitiYor and Kur Fafitifromthe Akoj
branchof the royalclan, reignedforlong periods
(24 and 22 years respectively),whereas other
kings,likeKurNyidokand Anei Kur fromtheNyi-
dok branch,witheleven yearsand one and a half
yearofreignrespectively, werenotnearlyas fortu-
nate. Moreover,membersof the house of Nyidok
have also regardedwith misgivingsthe fact that
twobranches,Akoj and Kwathker,are closelyre-
latedoffshoots ofone and thesame house. Finally,
one has to take accountofthefactthattwohouses,
Akoj and Nyidok,are locallybased in thenorth,in
orderto understandwhythe south and its repre-
sentative,the house of Kwathker,has feltitselfto
be in an underprivileged position.
The rotationof theroyalofficebetweenthree
houses representsa furtherroutinizationof the
charismaof thekingbycriteriaof heredity.Never-
theless,thereare usuallystilla numberof princes
fromtheeligiblehouse fromamongwhomthesuc-
cessorhas to be chosenon accountofhisindividual
ethical,aesthetical,and otherqualities. It remains
to be stated that there is no preferencefor one
princebycriteriaofprimogeniture or seniority.On
the contrary,the evidence we have seems to indi-
cate a preferenceforyoungerbrothers.A Shilluk
writesthat"in the electionthe elder son of a Reth
and a left-handed princecannotbe elected,accord-
ingto traditionalcustom" (Anonymous1956: 99).
When I asked the eldest son of the presentking,
nyirethBudok Ajang, about his prospectsof be-
comingking,he answeredthathe would probably
be too old whenitis theturnof his house again; he
also said thattheoldersons of a kingpreferto sup-
porta youngerbrotherand, afterhis election,to
exertpower throughhim.
On accountof therulethata legitimateclaim-
antmustbe the son of a previousreth,the danger
arisesforsome branchesof theroyalclan thatthey
are foreverlosing the rightto provide the reth
whenall theirprinceshave become too old or died.
If a branchor house of the royalclan was unsuc-
cessfulin puttingthroughthe claim of at least one
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Burkhard
Schnepel
of its princes,it usuallyremainspart of the royal
clan and as such continuesto share in the clan's
prestige and privileges. However, there is one
mechanismin Shilluksociety,the "thornceremo-
ny," throughwhichthe numberof branchesin the
royalclan maybe reduced. A branchthathas lost
therightto providea kingmaylose itsmembership
and be "degraded" to ororo-status.Shilluktradi-
tionhas itthatthefirstororo were sons of Pyem,a
son of rethOdak Ocolo (the fifthShillukkingof
our genealogy),and the descendantsof othersons
of Odak Ocolo. It is rememberedthatin the time
of rethOdak Ocolo's reigntheShillukwereon the
vergeoflosingthebattle.It was decided- contrary
to Shilluk custom - that nyirethPyem and the
reth's othersons should participatein the battle.
All ofthemwerekilled,exceptOdak's son Duwat,
who stayedbehind.In hisanguish,Odak wantedto
throwall the spears of Nyikang- importantroyal
emblems- intothe riverand therebyabandon the
kingship.Duwat, whomOdak did not considerfit
forthe titleof reth,preventedhimfromdoingso
and thus preservedthe kingship.Duwat became
kingand duringhis reignmade all thedescendants
of the slain princesinto ororo(see Hofmayr1925:
66-68).
Present-dayororo are not only the descen-
dants of the slain sons of reth Odak. Pumphrey
holds that "ororo is a termused to describe any
lineage of the Kwar Reth whichhas been degrad-
ed, by act of the Reth, to Collo rank" (1941: 12).
He furtherreportsthat"the Reth has alwayspos-
sessed and stillpossesses the privilegeof pruning
the royaltree by thisprocessof excisingbranches
relativelydistantfromhisown" (13). Thereis little
evidenceas to whenand forwhomthethorncere-
monywas conducted. Hofmayrreportsthat reth
Fadiet attempted(but did notsucceed at thetime)
to downgrade the branch of reth Nyidwai, the
twelfthShilluk king, especially the house of his
son, rethWak (see 1925: 66, 83, 262; also Pum-
phrey1941: 13; Howell 1953: 202). In theceremo-
nyconductedto transfer a branchof theroyalclan
into ororo-status,the rethsacrificesa bull in the
presenceof the representatives of the branchand
thenpulls a thornout of the ground,intowhichit
was plantedpreviously(see Hofmayr1925:262; al-
so Pumphrey1941: 13). Shilluk then say "bung
kodhyigen" ("theyhave no thorn")whentalking
about ororo (see Pumphrey1941: 13). Another
meaningof the termororois said to be "sons of a
crowd of girls" (ibid.), an expressionwhichindi-
cates, like the thornanalogy,thatthe ororo'sline
of descent throughmales is seen as being inter-
rupted.
85.1990
Anthropos
ShillukKingship
The elementof downgradingthatcan be seen
in theact of transferring a branchof theroyalclan
intoororo-status refersto mattersof prestigerath-
er thanto mattersof politico-ritual power; in that
a
respect formerly unimportant branch oftheroyal
clan mayactuallygain by becomingororo. Ororo
have important functionsduringtheroyalceremo-
nies of death and installation.Moreover, accord-
ingto traditioneverykingmusttake severalwives
fromthe ororo clan; these are said to reportthe
reth'sill-healthor sexual impotencyto thechiefsof
theirclan. Seligman (1911: 222) holds that the
questionas to whethera king should be ritually
killedis ultimately decidedbyororoand also thatit
fallsto a memberofthisclan,evento an ororowife
oftheking,to killhim.A branchof the ororoclan
holdsthe importantchieftainship of Tonga settle-
ment,and as such the clan has an importantsay in
the electionof a king. The loss, first,oftherightto
provide kingand, secondly,of the prestigeand
a as follows: "While one of the followersof Nyi-
privilegesthat go with membershipin the royal
clan,are therefore compensatedbythegainofsub-
stantialpowersas faras the election,installation,
and keepingof a kingare concerned.
Shillukkingssometimesattemptedto secure
theirdirectsuccessionbytheirown son, or to avoid
thefateof theirhouse becomingororo, by killing
theprincesof rivalbranchesof theroyalclan. The
practiceof prince-killing was particularly frequent
duringthe reignsof the fifteenth, sixteenth,and
seventeenth kingsoftheroyalgenealogy(approxi-
matelybetween1760 und 1820). NyelgutNyidwai
princesduringa feastcun-
is said to have killedfifty
ninglygiven for that purpose. The clever prince
Kudit Okon, however,escaped and took refuge
amongtheNuba ofLiri. Whentheimmediatedan-
gerwas overand he had foundenoughhenchmen,
Kuditreturnedto Shillukcountry,killedNyelgut
and became kinginstead. During his own reign,
Kuditcontinuedwiththepracticeof killingprinces
and succeededin killingmanyrivalprinces.Nyak-
wac, theson and successorof Kudit,is said to have
killedthelastson ofNyelgut.As a resultall Shilluk
kingsafterNyakwacare his descendants,and the
branchof Nyelgutis in dangerof becomingororo
(see Hofmayr1925: 8Φ-88;also Westermann1912:
145).
These "legendary" power strugglesfind ex-
pressionalso in Shillukmythicalthought.Dynastic
-
quarrelsare seen byShillukto be at thebeginning
indeedas the beginning - of the Shilluk kingdom:
at thedeathof theirfatherUkwa, Nyikangand his
half-brother Duwat are said to have quarrelled
over the questionas to who should succeed their
fatheras king.Nyikangfailedto take hold of the
85.1990
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109
office,whereuponhe left"the land of Ukwa," mi-
gratingnorthwithhis followerstowardsthe Shil-
luk's present homeland (see Pumphrey1941: 1;
Oyler 1918: 107).
A fineexpression- and legitimation- of the
practiceofkillinga princecan be foundin a Shilluk
mythpassed on bynyirethOthwonDak.3 The epi-
sode in question here takes place in the "land of
Dimo," wereNyikangand hisfollowerssettledfor
thefirsttimeafterleavingtheirhome country.Di-
mo, who arrivedin the regionfirst,is regardedas
the ancestorof the Luo of the Bahr-al-Ghazal.In
the beginning,the two groups lived together
peacefully,butthentherearose a seriesofquarrels
whichled to the increasingpolarizationof the two
groups.At thisstage therewas, accordingto nyi-
rethOthwonDak, "a spiritof vengeancein theair
harbouredbybothsides" (in Lienhardt1975: 223).
The son ofrethDak Fadiet continuesthenarrative
kango sat stringingbeads, a child fromDimo's
group (sometimes believed to be Dimo's child)
swallowed his bead. The owner asked that he
should be given back the verybead. Everything
was done to make the childdisgorgethe bead, but
everything failed,so eventuallythechild'sstomach
had to be slitopen to getthebead. Thiswas thelast
straw.Dimo and his followerspacked, and aftera
mutual pledge between him and Nyikango that
theirfollowerswould not see each other again,
the formerled his people away" (Lienhardt1975:
223).
In order to understandthe meaning of this
mythitmaybe illuminating to pointto thefactthat
a
during typical Shilluk peace ceremony,as forex-
ample the one conducted by Reth FafitiYor in
1932(describedin Howell 1952: 111 f.), thesacrifi-
cial killingof an animaland the throwingof hand-
fulsof theanimal'sstomachcontentsat thehostile
factionshave centralimportance.Shilluksay that
"the animal eats a bit here and there,but in the
stomachit all becomes one mass" (see Oyler1920:
299) . The sprinkling ofthestomachcontentsofthe
sacrificialanimalover membersof the quarrelling
partiesthensymbolicallyrepresentstheirrestored
unity.
In the mythnarratedby Othwon Dak it is
3 The narrativecan be foundin Lienhardt's
essay"Getting
Your Own Back" (1975),wherehe interprets it together
withotherNiloticmyths topic.In my
dealingwitha similar
ratherbriefconcernwiththeShillukversionof"themyth
of thebead" I willfollowLienhardt's mainconclusions.
Forsimilarmyths, thoughwithdifferencesin detailwhich
cannotbe discussedhere,see Hofmayr1910: 329, and
1925:13.
HO BurkhardSchnepel

againthestomachcontentswhichare of impor- placewithin thepre-structured framework ofShil-

tance.But therethekillingis nota sacrificial act luksocialandpoliticalorganization andon theba-
whichunites;it separates.It is the apparently sis ofthemoralvaluesoperating in it.
greedykilling of a seemingly innocent child, in No doubt, the most important sourceofsup-
search,notforthe undifferentiated massof the portfora princecomesfromhisfather.Socially,
stomachcontents, butforthespecificobjectof a thereis the merefactof patrifiliation to a king
beadfeltto be an irreplacable, exclusiveproperty whichformsthebasisof a nyireth's claimsto the
ofonegroupwhichhasbeenappropriated unjusti- royaloffice.Economically, the mostimportant
fiablyby a memberof the opposinggroup.The meansofsupplycomefrom theking,whowillsend
bead ofthemythis associatedin Shillukthought cattleand othermeansoflivelihood to thesettle-
withtheroyalbeads,calledocoro,whichare tied mentinwhichhissonis raised.Thiswilllateren-
to the king-elect's ankle duringthe installation able a princeto marry and thereby establish links
ceremonies. The quarreloverthebead is then,as of supportwithaffines, to founda hamletof his
Lienhardt argues,a quarrelovera royalemblem own,possiblywithpersonalretainers, and to en-
whichrepresents an independent kingship. Conse- hance his prestige among the Shilluk through gen-
quently, the separationbetweenDimo and Nyi- erosity or in otherways.
kangistheresultoftheirdisagreement overpower The mostcharacteristic elementofa prince's
and authority (see Lienhardt1975:222,226f.). anchorage insociety, whencomparedwiththatof
In thecontext ofmydiscussion ofthepractice a commoner, is givenbythefactthatthewifeofa
ofprince-killing, thedisagreement betweenDimo rethleavesFashoda,theroyalcapital,sometime
andNyikang is notonlyonebetweentwoindepen- duringherpregnancy and settlesdown,in most
dentkings;supplementing theinterpretation given cases,inhernatalvillage.Theretheprinceis born
above,itcan also be interpreted as expressing the andraised("plantedout") undertheguardianship
quarrelbetweentwocollateralagnaticlineagesof ofthesettlement chief,whoisoftentheheadofthe
oneroyalclan,a quarrelwhichhasparallelsinthe prince'smother's patrilineage, oris evenhismoth-
struggle for domination between the houses of er'sbrother or mother's father. A nyireth's prima-
OkonandNyidwai inShilluklegendary history."It ry social contacts are thus amongmatrikin. He
is no smallthing,"as Lienhardtputsit, "to cut livesapartfromhisfather andhisbrothers, poten-
opena childfora bead" (1975: 232). But, as he tialrivalsforthethrone, andcannotrelyonthesol-
adds,"thebead, representing thekingship, is no idarityofhispatrilineage inthesamewayordinary
smallthing either"(ibid.).Themaintransgression,Shillukdo. Whereasthecorporate descentgroups
whichinShillukeyesexplainsandto a certainex- ofcommoners areunified andlocalizedinthelin-
tentjustifiesthekilling, is thatof swallowing the eage ofthehamlet,a king'shouseis characterized
beadofthekingship attheexpenseofitssupposed- byitsfission intoa numberofdomestic unitscon-
ly rightfulowners.The killingof the childand sisting ofwivesand theiroffspring and intoa do-
prince,therefore, is ultimatelyseenas a legitimate mesticcore,occupiedbythepatriarch whois ac-
act,anditsapparentcruelty enhancesstillfurther companiedbyhis seniorwivesand, temporarily,
theShilluk'sfeelingof itsvalidity.The mythex- up to theirpregnancy, byseveralofhisneworfa-
pressestheright ofa kingintakingwhatever dras- vouritewives.
ticactionhe considers appropriate in orderto se- Whilepatrifiliation provides thelegalstatusas
curethepowerandauthority oftheroyaloffice for wellas thematerialsupportnecessary forbecom-
hishouse. inga king,linksestablished through complementa-
ryfiliation are thenalso ofgreatimportance and,
indeed, particularly attractive for a nyirethin
4. FromNyireth to Reth searchofsupport.I suggest thata nyireth's mater-
nal kinsmen a
provide very decisive moral as well
Let us nowlookat thecharacter and composition as practicalsourceofsupport.On accountofthe
ofgroups within whicha princeornyireth mayfind scarcefactualevidenceon thispoint,I willsupport
support forhisclaimstothethrone. Theexactfield thissuggestion anddevelopitfurther byinvestigat-
fromwhicha princemaydrawsupportis depen- inghowShillukmythical thought represents there-
denton a combination of too manypolitical,so- lationship betweenDak, theprototypical prince,
cial,historical, individual, and othervariablesto and hismaternal relatives.
give definiteanswers.Nevertheless, a prince's The eventsnarratedin one mythtakeagain
searchforsupport, no matter whether one is deal- placeinthelandofDimo,whereNyikang issaidto
ingwithrebellions or "electioncampaigns," takes have marriedDimo's daughter, Akec, who bore

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ShillukKingship
himDak. In thatmythDak encountersa seriesof
clasheswithDimo's people, who at a meetingde-
cide to killhim:
It chancedthatDok had a friendpresentat theconference,....
He made haste to informDok of the plot againsthis life. Dok
tooka largepiece of ambach,and fashionedan image of a man
fromit. He made itas muchlike himselfas possible,and afterit
was finishedhe put all his ornamentson it, and fastenedit up-
rightinhishouse. In theeveninghe playedon hisharpas usual.
Afterhe finishedplayinghe threwthe harp down witha thud,
and thenhe vanishedfromthe room. The would-be assassins
heardthesound, and made haste to put theirplans intoexecu-
tion.They threwseveral spears into the image, and it made a
soundas thougha personhad been struck.The imagefell,and
theyran away thinkingthattheyhad killed Dok.
The people gave themselvesoverto dancingand rejoicing
in honourof Dok's death. Dim seemed to take delightin the
proceedings,and as a jest he suggestedthattheyhave a mourn-
ingforDok. The suggestionpleased the youngmen well, and
theystartedto holdtheirmourning.Theyweresingingoverand
over the same words, "Son of my daughter,Dok son of Ni-
kawngdied." They were singingand dancingwithgreatgusto
whenDók appeared in theirmidst.The people were terribly
frightened fortwo causes, in the firstplace theythoughtthey
had seen a spirit,and in thesecondplace, ifDok was reallyalive
theyfearedhis vengeance(Oyler 1918: 109; see also Hofmayr
1925: 16; Crazzolara 1951: 123 f., 127 f.).
In his "NiloticKingsand theirMothers'Kin"
(1955), wherehe discussesthismythand othersim-
ilarones, Lienhardtarguesthat "the main theme
appears to be the conflictbetween the prince's
'loyalties'towardshis mother'sand his father'sag-
nates" (1955: 34). He continues,referring to the
social factof the raisingof a princein the home of
his maternalrelatives,by sayingthat "it is essen-
tial,forthepreservationof the agnaticintegrity of
the royalclan, thatthe princesshould clearlyde-
tach themselves from the commoner lineages
among whom theygrow up and have theironly
homes" and that "the finalemphasisis upon the
strength of royalagnation,as againstthe counter-
attraction oftheprince'smother'sagnates" (ibid.).
If, then,one of a prince'sprimarysources of
supportforhis claim to the throneis fromamong
maternalrelatives(as was mysuggestionwhichled
to thislineofthought),itis - on accountoftheevi-
denceofthemythsin question- hardlythe agnatic
lineageofthemotheras a corporatedescentgroup
whichhelps. Complementaryfiliation,as is well
known since Radcliffe-Brown'sstudy of "The
Mother'sBrotherin South Africa" (1924), estab-
lishesties of supporton an individualratherthan
on a corporatebasis, and to close uterinekinfirst.4
4 For a morerecentsocial anthropologicalelaborationof this
aspect of Radcliffe-Brown'swork,whichI have discussed
elsewhere(Schnepel 1989), one has to mentionnumerousof
Fortes'writings,forexample, Fortes 1970.
Anthropos85.1990
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111
This social factfindsconfirmationin Shillukmythi-
cal thought.In the mythin question the relation-
ship between the agnaticlineage of Nyikangand
Dak, on theone side, and theagnaticlineageofthe
Luo (Dimo's group), on the other, are severed,
while Dak's relationsto close uterinekin remain
intact.When Dimo's and Nyikang'sgroupsmove
apart fromeach other,Dak is followedby some
membersof Dimo's groupbelieved to be his clos-
est maternalrelatives.These are the foundingan-
cestorsof the presentShillukclan of Thurro.
If one looks at the matterfromthe point of
view of the mother'slineage, the precedingargu-
mentthatit is close matrikinon a personal basis
ratherthan classificatory mother'sbrothers,i.e.,
matrikinon a corporatebasis, who tendto support
a prince,is strengthened.It can thenbe seen that
theconflictof interestsarisingfroma prince'sresi-
dence among matrikinis not onlyone concerning
the integrity of the royal agnatic lineage; similar
are faced by the agnaticlineage of the
problems
hosts.The descendantsofa Shillukcommonerwho
has settled uxorilocally(not an unusual thing,
thoughnot the rule,as it is forprinces)oftenstart
to trace theirdescent throughthe mother;their
lineage is graftedinto the lineage of theirhosts.
When royal Shilluk, especially a prince, are in-
volved,the situationmaylook different. A prince
willin mostcases be wealthyenoughto marryear-
ly, to enjoy the advantages of polygamy,and to
build a hamletof his own withinthe settlementof
hishosts.5In courseof timehishouse maybecome
so powerfuland prestigiousas to threatenthelocal
lineage of mother'sagnatesin itsdominantstatus,
and it mayeven succeed in replacingit. It mustbe
assumed on accountof the manysettlementspre-
sided over by a chiefof royal descent today that
thisprocessesof "eatingup" (as Shillukphraseit)
of a commonerlineagebya newlyestablishedroy-
al house has happenedfrequently in Shillukhistory
- ifnotduringthelifetimeofa nyireth, thenas a re-
sult of a process going on for several genera-
tions.
We can now turnour attentionto themythical
incidentwhereNyikanggivesDak's motherto one
of his brothers,who leaves the countrywithher.
Dak becomes so furiousat the loss of his mother
that he even risks serious strifewith his father:
5 A nyirethwill attemptto marryearlyand as oftenas possi-
ble, forthe bridewealthhe needs does not come fromthe
bridewealthofhissister- royaldaughtersare notallowedto
marryin Shilluksociety- but fromhis father'scattle. As
theseultimately belongto Nyikangand theroyalofficethey
are inheritedby the successor of a king and not by his
sons.
112
"He was veryangryand Nikawngsoughtto placate
him. He said to Nikawng:'Why did you give my
motheraway?' Nikawngthen offeredhim wives,
but he refused,and thenhe offeredhim cattleto
comfort himfortheloss ofhismother,butagainhe
refused,and Nikawngasked himwhat he desired
as a recompensefortheloss ofhis mother.He said
to hisfather:Ί wantyourdaughterfora wife.'His
request was granted. He thus became the son-
in-lawofhisown father"(Oyler 1918: 110). In this
myththeloss of maternalprotectionis thussought
to be compensatedby the establishmentof mar-
riage alliances, particularlyof one sort,the mar-
riagewitha half-sister. I do notknowwhetherthis
sort of marriageis actuallypractised by Shilluk
kings.However,duringtheroyalceremoniesofin-
stallationsexual intercoursetakes place between
therethand a half-sister. AmongtheShillukthisis
an act of incestcalled akwalo which,forbiddento
commoners,has become a royalprivilegeor obli-
gation.At the stage of the ceremonieswhen the
rein-elect"marries"a half-sister, hisidentification
withNyikanghas alreadyproceededso farthatthe
Shilluk say: rony arum, "the installationis as-
sured" (see Howell and Thomson1946: 61; Schne-
pel 1988: 445). The fact of having married a
half-sistertherefore indicatesan importantstepto-
wardsbecominga king,ifnot the holdingof royal
statusas such. In a discussionof the characterand
compositionof a prince'ssupportgroups,thewish
to marrya half-sister,expressed vehementlyby
Dak, maybe interpreted as symbolizingthewishto
gain the support of a collateral branch of patri-
kin.
Patrikinof various categoriesare, of course,
an importantsource of support,althoughin most
cases theyhave to choose betweenseveralcompet-
ing "sons." Older brothersespeciallyare inclined
to supportyounger,particularlyuterinebrothers
ratherthanto compete forthe royalofficethem-
selves. Uterine sisters (nyimia), who sometimes
achieve powerfulpositions in their natal settle-
ments,as wellas paternalaunts(waja) mayalso be
helpfulfora princeinhisclaimsto therethship.To
findsupportfromcollateral patrilineageswill be
moredifficult. In one versionofthemythnarrating
theattemptto killDak, thewould-beassassinsare
said to be notmembersoftheagnaticlineageofthe
motherbut the brothersof Nyikang,or Dak's pa-
ternalunclesand patrilateralcousins(see Wester-
mann 1912: 159).
Shilluk princes, like most adolescent male
Shilluk,enjoy travellingin Shillukcountryfor a
period. During thistime a princewill attemptto
make "friends"and findsupportersfromvarious
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BurkhardSchnepel
non-relatedsocial segments.Further,one often
findsthata youngprinceis invitedby a settlement
chief,not relatedto him,to live in his settlement.
The linksestablishedin suchadoptivevillagesmay
provideyet more support.The choice of a settle-
mentchiefininviting a promisingyoungprinceand
the choice of a princein acceptingthe invitation
and buildinga hamletin a "friendly"settlement
are, as we have seen, not unproblematicfor the
host'slineage. Invitationand acceptancerepresent
politicaldecisionsto be seen in the contextof the
segmentaryprocessesgoingon in Shilluksociety.
A politicallyastuteprincewill make use of these
processes and attemptto turnstructuralopposi-
tions,expressedas quarrelsand feudsbetweenset-
tlementsor sectionsof them,to his advantage.
The personal and structuralopposition be-
tweena kingand a prince,or betweenprinces,was
in Shillukhistoryoftenraised to the segmentary
level of the northernand southernhalves of the
kingdom, especially during the late nineteenth
century.With the appearance of forcesentering
the indigenousShilluk political systemfromthe
outsidefromabout thelate eighteenthcenturyon-
wards - adventurers,travellers, slave-traders,
merchants,or colonial powers- a princehad even
moreoptionsin findingpowerfulallies. As mostof
these externalforces came fromthe north,the
northernhalfof Shillukcountrycame to achieve,
as we have seen, a certaindominancein providing
thereth.
In hissearchforfollowersa princecannotrely
on a broad basis oftraditionaland institutionalized
support.Though pre-structured by the social and
politicalorganization, the means and fieldsof sup-
port are not fixed, and a prince has to be politically
astuteand needs diplomaticskillsin orderto bal-
ance the conflictinginterestsand make the best
possible use of the given options. A prince's
chancesof success in findingfollowersor warriors
are not groundedin "mechanical solidarity,"to
use Durkheim's expression; they are based on
contractratherthan on status.Due to the uncer-
tainsolidarityofbrothersand otherpatrikin,a nyi-
rethmusttaketheinitiativeand "fraternize"in or-
derto make allies. Successin attracting followersis
verymuchinfluencedby theprestige,personality,
and competenceof the pretender.A princemust
make use of personalcharismaticqualitiesin addi-
tionto theinstitutional bases describedabove. The
very success of a rebellious attemptor election
campaign(in combination with thefurther qualifi-
cation of havinggone throughthe sanctifying acts
oftheceremoniesofinstallation)willunderlinethe
validityof a prince'sclaimto be thé (one and only)
Anthropos85.1990
ShillukKingship 113

legitimate successor. His charismatic qualitiesmay 5. HistoricalData: BeginningstillLate

thenbe recognized bymore,ifnotmostShilluk. NineteenthCentury
As faras the personalcharismatic qualities
thata successfulprincemustpossess are con- In thenexttwosectionsI wanttoinvestigate some
cerned,I havealreadymentioned mostofthemin historical dataconcerning powerstruggles andthe
mydiscussion ofthemyths of Dak. Dak is head- questionofsuccessionto theShillukroyaloffice.
strong, arrogant, bellicose,brave,astute,andcun- On accountofthelimitations ofthispaperthisun-
ning; he is the trickster and hare among the dertaking cannotclaimto represent an adequate
princes.6 In the mythof Dimo's attemptto kill accountofShillukhistory: thedataarenecessarily
Dak, thereasongivenbyDimoisthat"Nikawng is incomplete and filtered; thesourcesand studiesI
a fool,butDok is fulloftalk"(Oyler1918:108). makeuse ofcannotbe discussedin themannera
Thisindicates thatDak is seenas a manofideas, properhistorical analysiswouldhavecalledfor.7
andoftheresilience andpersuasive powers to set The interests ofthefollowers in a stable,ev-
themintopractice.In manymyths Dak showshis erydaybasisoftheirsocialandpoliticalorganiza-
skillsby turning animalsinto humanbeings,a tion,whichforWeberformtheprincipal motives
mytheme which the of
expresses turning foreigners for the routinization of charismaand which be-
intoShillukcitizens or,as inthefollowing episode come particularly evidentat the deathor disap-
ofa longerstory, ofturning Shillukintofollowers: pearanceof thepersonalcharismatic leader,find
"Dak went,hewenttotheriver.The fishliftedup expression in Shillukmythsaboutthedisappear-
itshead,saying,'Buh!' He stabbedit,butmissed anceofNyikang. It is remembered thataftersuc-
it.He camehome,saying,Ί do notknowhowto cessfulraidsandthegainofgreatbootyunderthe
stabit!'ButNyikang replied,Oh, mycousin,you command ofNyikang theShillukwarriors became
havenotyettriedproperly.' Dak madehisspear tiredoffighting and thehardships imposedupon
handlestraight, andwentagain.The fishliftedup them.Nyikang, grievedat theircomplaining, de-
itshead,saying, 'Buh!' In thismoment Dak threw cidedto leavethem,afterannouncing thathisson
thespearat theplace wherethesplashing of the Dok shouldsucceedhimas king(see Oyler1918:
waterwas,and thespearfellon thefish(hitit). 115). A similareventis remembered forthetime
Thentheman(thefish)arose,andsaid,'Ah,Dak, of thereignof TokotBoc. Tokotis said to have
yourtalkis bad, youare a cunning one!' He (the led successful raidsagainstvariousneighbouring
went
fish-man) home, he became a subject(ofNyi- tribes.But,again,thewarriors becametiredand
he
kang), (Nyikang) built him a village,and called discontented with their leaderbecause,we learn,
itsnameAlengo,hebuiltitbesidethebrookDok" he did notallowthemto livewiththeirfamilies.
(Westermann 1912:168).Similarqualitiesaredis- Whentheyshowedtheirinsubordination openly
playedby Dak inwarsagainsttheturtles andfire- theangryTokottookthemar,an auspiciousob-
flies(see 1912:170). ject,andthrewitintotheriver,fromwhereitwas
The myths withDak as theirmainactordis- neverrecovered(see Hofmayr1925:72-75; We-
cussedhere,then,are notonlyexpressing social stermann 1912:143f.; Paul 1952).BothNyikang
conflicts and validating thedominanceof agnatic andTokot,therefore, cametorealizethattheirpo-
integrity, as Lienhardt's analyses(see 1955,1975), sitionsas warlords, thatis as charismatic leadersin
madeinothercontexts, haveshown;theyalsotake extraordinary situations,were not stable ones.
theprince'spointofviewandspeculateaboutthe Tiredofbeingwarriors, theirhenchmen refused al-
optionsandpossibilities ofa nyireth whowantsto legianceandceasedtorecognize theirleaders'char-
becomeking.Theyrepresent a politicaldiscourse ismaticqualities.
in whichquestions personalcharismatic
of quali- Withregardto thehistorical establishment of
ties,political tactics and manoeuvres in a given theShilluk kingship as a routineform of charismat-
context ofpoliticalsituations and processesare a
dominant theme.
7 For moredetailedaccountssee Frost1974, Kunijwok1982,
Gray 1961, and Riad 1959. Various othersourcesand stud-
6 The hare is a favouriteanimal in Shillukfolklore.See, for ies are referredto in the text.The sectionwhichfollowsre-
example, Westermann1912: 182-200, and Hofmayr1925: lies primarilyon Mercer'sutilizationof earlytravelreports
373-376. There are some obvious similaritiesbetween the (1971). These travelreportswerewrittenbyBrowne(1799),
mythical deeds ofthehareand thoseofDak. To giveone ex- Bruce (1790), Burckhardt(1822), Petheric(1861), and oth-
ample,likeDak thehareis said to have misusedthefriendli- ers. For a discussionof thevariousearlytravelreports(and
ness of the crocodile by eating its children(see Hofmayr their authors) see also Mühlbacher-Hansen1974: 17-31.
1925:376; also 63). For a discussionofDak's qualitiessee al- Moreover, I make use of Hofmayr's historicalaccount
so Lienhardt1954: 158-160. (1925).

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114
ic dominationit is significant thatthe Shilluk'sde-
sire to put a warlord'sleadershipon a stable, ev-
erydaybasis is expresslyrememberedin Shilluk
oral traditionin the cases of these two kingsonly.
In Nyikang'scase the people's desireis to be seen
as a mythicalevent,in Tokot's case as a historical
one. This hypothesisis supportedby the factthat
Tugo Tokot, Tokot's son and successor,is said to
havebeen thefirstto establishthepermanentroyal
capitalat Fashoda. Accordingto Shillukoral tradi-
tionTugo also organizedthebuildingof thesacred
mound Aturwic in Fashoda and he introduced
important partsof theinstallationceremonies(see
Westermann1912: 139, 148; Hofmayr1925: 76 f.;
Crazzolara 1950: 134).
All thismaywell mean thattheestablishment
ofthetypeofkingshipwhichwas firstdescribedby
travellersof the late eighteenthcenturyand which
laterwas called "divine" took place in thelate sev-
enteenthor early eighteenthcenturyduringthe
reignsof the ninthreth, Tokot Boc (c. 1670 to
1690),and hisson,Tugo Tokot (c. 1690to 1710). It
is likely,as Wall (1976) suggests,thatpriorto the
establishment of Fashoda as the permanentroyal
capital Shilluk kings reignedfromtheirnatal or
adoptivevillages and that maternalrelativesand
hostshad a greatpoliticalimportance.The Shilluk
politicalsystemofthetimebeforethereignsofTo-
kot and Tugo consistedof relativelyautonomous
local units, headed by their respective chiefs,
whichwere drawn into a wider political system
mainlyby competingforthe royal office.Mercer
even suggeststhat"Tugo was the firsttrueReth"
and that"Tugo's predecessorsin the king-listmay
therefore, wheretheyexisted,be thoughtto have
rankedsimplyas prominentchiefswhose exploits,
alongwiththemythofNyikang,werelaterbuiltup
in Shilluklore in orderto givehonourto thereign-
ing dynasty"(1971: 416).
At the time of Tugo's reign the Shilluk's
sphereofinfluenceextendedup to 200 milesnorth-
wardsfromMuomo, a riverregionwhichwas re-
gardedbythe Shillukas podhe manyoor "raiding
country"and which came to be known among
peoples of thenorthas "Bahr Shelouk" (see 1971:
408,410). Whilethisregionwas notsuitableforag-
riculture, itofferedabundantgame and richfishing
grounds. Most ofall, the"raidingcountry"offered
to theskillfulShillukcanoeistsand warriorsa good
opportunity to gain richesby attackingDinka or
SelimBaggara herdsas theywerebeingwateredor
by attackingvillages.Withthe decline of the Funj
sultanatearoundSennarin the1780s,Shillukinflu-
ence in the northincreased even furtherand en-
abled them to harass caravan traderstraversing
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BurkhardSchnepel
thatregion(see 411). Shillukcontrolover the riv-
er-regionto the northwas exertedless fromper-
manent land-bases than by long-distanceraids
whichseem to have been essentiallylineageor set-
tlementaffairs.The rethprobablydid nothave di-
rectcontrolover these raids (unless theywere or-
ganized by himself),althoughhe may have been
entitledto a share of the booty (see 412-416).
For the firsttwo decades immediatelyfollow-
ing the establishmentof the Turco-Egyptianre-
gimeintheSudan in 1821, Shilluklorereportswars
against the Dinka under the 19th reth, Akwot
Nyakwac (c. 1825-1835), and againstNuer under
rethAwinNyakwac(c. 1835-1840).The 21stking,
rethAkoj Akwot (c. 1840-1845), is remembered
by Shillukas a cruelruler.His injustice,in combi-
nationwiththeoccurrenceof a famine,resultedin
a generalindignationwhichfinallyled to a rebel-
lion and to his assassinationby sons of rethNyak-
wac (see Hofmayr1925: 91-99). Duringthe reign
ofthesekingsfirstdirectencountersofShillukwith
representatives oftheTurco-Egyptianregimetook
place in 1830, when Shillukwere attackedby gov-
ernmenttroopsin the"raidingcountry,"and when
a flotillaof governmentshipstraversedthe White
Nile region for the firsttime, enteringa region
whichhad been traditionally dominatedbyShilluk
canoes. On theirreturntheflotillawas attackedby
Shilluk, thoughwith littlesuccess (see Holt and
Daly 1979: 62 f.). SubsequentexpeditionsbyTur-
co-Egyptiansailing-shipsin the period between
1839 and 1842 did not lead to furtherbattles(see
Mercer1971: 418 f.). Duringthereignof rethNyi-
dok Nyakwac(c. 1845-1859),who refusedto meet
any "Turki" personally,Turco-Egyptianexpedi-
tions constantlytraversedthe White Nile region
(see 419).
Some economicchangeswithinShillukcoun-
tryprovedmoreinfluential thandirectmilitaryand
politicalencounters. From themid-eighteenthcen-
turyonwards (if not fromearlier times) Shilluk
made contactswithsmallSudanese tradersor djel-
labas coming predominantlyfromthe Kordofan
area and theTegali sultanateto thewest.It was the
habit of djellabas to contactchiefsfortheirtrad-
ing, and one has to assume that they also ap-
proachedtherethand sentgiftsto himin returnfor
guaranteedsafe conductinto Shillukterritory. In
his tradewithdjellabas, the rethand otherShilluk
chiefsacquiredsaltand ironin exchangeforcattle,
animalhides,and othergoods. In general,theval-
ue ofgoods to be offeredbyShillukcould nothave
been veryhigh,and contactwithMuslim traders
was of minorimportanceonly. However, the es-
tablishment ofTurco-Egyptianrulein theSudan in
Anthropos85.1990
ShillukKingship 115

1821coincidedwiththeincreasingdemandfortwo horsebackwithguns,Shillukfollowedon footwith

commoditiesin foreignmarkets:ivoryand slaves. spears (425). In 1861 Kheir made his firstattacks
Trade in these"commodities"was carriedout on a into Shillukcountry;otherslaversfollowed,ran-
greaterscale so that links between Shilluk and sackingShillukcountryfroma base at theriverSo-
Muslim traders were furtherexpanded. It was bat (see Hofmayr1925: 100).
mainlythroughthesecontactsthatShillukwerein- Reth NyidokNyakwacin whose reignmostof
variably drawn into the Turco-Egyptiansphere of these developmentsfell, is said to have been so
influence(see 415-418). badly wounded in a rebelliousattemptthathe was
From1840onwards,Kaka in thenorthofShil- rituallykilledby ororo afterwards.Two brothers,
luk countrybecame an importantcentrefor the Acin and KwathkerAkwot, competedforsucces-
tradeofivory,whichwas largelyunderthecontrol sion to the royal office. Kwathker, advised by
oftherethand as suchundoubtedlyrepresentedan some Shillukchiefs,gave a big feastand became
importantsource of royal revenue (420). It is at reth(c. 1860), whileAcin leftShillukcountryand
thistimethat,due to theincreasingwealthof Shil- curseditspopulation(1925: 102). The increasingly
luk kings,the balance of power betweenthe Shil- warlikeattitudeofShillukto tradersand slavers,in
luk kingand settlementchiefsshiftedin favourof combinationwithotherpoliticaland economicrea-
the former.The economic and politicalpower of sons, led the Turco-Egyptiangovernmentto ex-
the Shillukkingalso attracteda steadystreamof tend its effectivecontrolin 1867 and to installAli
non-Shillukimmigrants into Shillukcountry.The Bey Kurdias mudirin Kodok, whichwas called Fa-
immigrants (oftenSudanese Muslimswithdrawing shoda. In 1868 rethKwathkerAkwotwas accused
fromthedirectcontrolof theTurco-Egyptiangov- by the governmentof disloyalty,when he refused
ernment)probablywere obligedto the reth,a fact to pay the demanded amountof grainand slaves.
whichfurther strengthened his authority(420). It The integrationof the Shilluknationintothe
also appears thatthe numberof personal Shilluk widereconomic and politicalsystemof the Otto-
retainersof a reth,his bangreth,increasedat that man Empire took place at varyingrates in the
time.The bang rethcould thenbe used as body- country'shalves. The north,geographicallyin a
guardsor as a privatearmyby the king,and this more favourable position, was always fasterin
further changedthebalance of powerbetweenthe makingallianceswithtradersand in profiting from
king and chiefs.Moreover, it is likelythatthe king these contacts. The structural opposition between
came intopossessionofguns,whilehe forbadethe the politicalmoieties,Gerr in the northand Luak
tradersto sell gunsto his subjects (423). One can in the south, became so vehementlyfeltthatthe
thensaythatduringthefirsthalfof thenineteenth lastdecades ofthenineteenthcenturywerecharac-
centurythe effectiveauthorityof Shilluk kings terizedby increasingantagonismand civilwar be-
was,comparedwithotherperiods,at itsgreatest,a tween the country'shalves.8 In their search for
factwhichleads Mercer to the observationthat support,princesand kingsfromthe 1860sonwards
"thisconceptoftheReth as a kingwho 'reignsbut had to takenotonlymerchantsbutalso armedslav-
does not govern' [Evans-Pritchard1948: 16], ers and colonial powers into account. Ajang Nyi-
seems ill-fittedto the early nineteenth-centurydok, a prince fromthe north,was the firstwho
Shilluksocial context"(421 f.).
Whilerelationsof an economickindwithfor-
eign tradersled to an increase in and a climaxof 8 The internalstructureof the Shilluknationis characterized
theeffective authorityoftheShillukking,theyalso by two kindsof south/north divisions:the divisionintothe
f ritualmoietiesof Gol Nyikangand Gol Dhiang, and thedi-
led to a decline in the reths authorityfromthe
vision into the politico-militaryhalves of Luak and Gerr.
mid-1850sonwards.The reasonforthisis thatthe The ritualmoietiesare dividedby the riverArepejur,just
immigrant community in thenorthofShillukcoun- south of Fashoda. The chief of the settlementDebalo
trygrew so rapidlythat the reigning reth'scontrol Kwom, immediatelysouth of the river,is regardedas the
over the commercein which Shilluk themselves chiefof Gol Nyikang,while the chiefof the settlementof
Golbany,some fivemilesnorthof theriver,representsGol
playedonlya minorpartwaned. This was themore Dhiang. The boundaryof the politicalhalves of Luak and
so as duringthistime the ivorytrade diminished Gerr lies just southof the settlementof Both (fifteenmiles
and tradein slaves (whichby thenhad been abol- south of the riverArepejur). During the civil wars at the
ishedin Egypt)came to the forein the Sudan. In turnof the century,the settlementsfromBoth to Debalo
1854the Dongolan Mohamed Kheir establisheda Kwom,althoughrituallybelongingto thesouthernGol Nyi-
kang half, often foughtin support of northernprinces
base in Kaka fromwherehe undertookslave raids
againstthe remainingsouthernsettlements.On thispoint
intoDinka country.Shillukjoined Kheir's Bagga- see Pumphrey1941: 16-18; Howell and Thomson 1946:
ra forces,but whileBaggara huntedthe Dinka on 75 f.

Anthropos85.1990

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116
overthrewa reigningrethwiththe aid of such ex-
ternal forces. Ajang participatedin slave raids
whichwereundertakenfromtheSobat mouthinto
Nuer country(see Hofmayr 1925: 104). When
Kwathkerand Ajang quarrelledabout the king's
share of the booty, the princethrewoffhis alle-
gianceto the king(a man fromthe south) and al-
lied withthe alreadydiscontentmudir.A civilwar
betweenthe northernhalf,supportingAjang, and
thesouthernhalf,supportingKwathker,followed.
Kwathkerhad to flee fromFashoda (which was
burntdownbygovernment troops),and in 1870he
was capturedand died in Kodok prison(see ibid.;
also Pumphrey1941: 3; Howell 1952: 103).
Q 1 ? 3 km
I J 1 1
/ pnAkurvaφ ã
/) I *).
y / //
"" Debalo
„1 ï^S
/rung y''JN*
'
/*'''
/ Tonga / Í ^,"
^ ι
^^ / yMalaka!;'
ShillukMoieties(afterHowell1953:opp.201)
Kwathker'ssuccessor,Ajang Nyidok(c. 1870
to 1875), was neverfullyinstalledand all through
hisreignthe civilwar continued.When Ajang did
notturnout to be thewillingpuppetthemudirhad
expected,he soon fellinto disgrace.Afterhaving
been suspectedof complicityin the killingof gov-
ernmenttroops, Ajang had to fightagainst both
thesouthernShillukand troopsofthegovernment.
For severalyearsgovernmenttroopstryingto get
holdofAjang experiencedmanycasualtiesin these
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Burkhard
Schnepel
attempts.Whennorthernvillageswhichhad previ-
ously supported Ajang turned against him and
whenclasheswithNuer (in whoseterritory he tem-
porarily took further
refuge) weakened Ajang's ar-
my,he was finallycapturedand hangedin Kodok,
all hishenchmenbeingkilledas well (see Hofmayr
1925: 108^112; Pumphrey1941: 4; Howell 1952:
103).
AfterAjang's death the then mudir,Yusef
Bey, refusedto accepttheShilluk'selectionof nyi-
rethDedunyal as kingand decided to governthe
Shillukpeople withouta king. Contiguoussettle-
mentswere unitedintolargeradministrative units
under one division chief whose election was
broughtunderthe close controlof the mudir.All
thisled to greatunrestand furtheroutbreaksofvi-
olence. In 1874/75ShillukwarriorsbesiegedKaka.
The Italian Romolo Gessi who passed by in a
steamersenta reliefparty,butall his 140or so men
•'
•'Muomo were ambushedand killedby the Shillukwarriors.
y ^ The formermudir,Ali Bey Kurdi, was recalled,
and the siege was finallybroken. Dedunyal and
many chiefs were hanged (see Hofmayr 1925:
112 f.; Pumphrey1941: 4; Howell and Thomson
1946: 16).
In 1876 Ali Bey Kurdi nominated Kuikon
Kwathker,a princefromthe south, as king.The
civil war between northand south calmed down,
though Kuikon was never fullyaccepted by the
whole nation.Kuikon's prestigeamongtheShilluk
people as a wholeincreasedwhenhe made use ofa
new forcein the Sudan: he succeeded in making
the thenGovernorGeneral of the Sudan, Charles
!
George Gordon, sign a decree whichorderedthe
suspensionof the tributein slaves forthe Shilluk.
Anotherpopular measureof Kuikon's was the re-
duction of the amount of bridewealthcattle, a
measure whichtook account of the vastlydimin-
ished number of cattle after the unrestsof the
1860s and 1870s. In 1878 the harvestin Shilluk
countrywas extraordinarily good: warand hunger,
so dominantintheyearsbefore,came to a halt(see
Hofmayr1925: 114 f.). But the "Turkia" was in its
finalphase and was to be supersededbythe"Mah-
dia" soon. When the Mahdi's warriorswere sum-
moned to theJebelQadir area of theWesternNu-
ba mountainsin 1881,Rashid Bey, thenew mudir,
recruitedan armyof 400 governmentsoldiersand
1000Shilluktroopsundertheirreth.The armywas
ambushed and disastrouslydefeated. Almost all
the mudir's soldiers and Shilluk were killed, in-
cludingRashid Bey and reth Kuikon themselves
(see Hofmayr1925: 115 f.; Holt 1970: 56).
From1981onwardstheSudan came underthe
dominationof the puritanIslamic Mahdist sect.
85.1990
Anthropos
ShillukKingship
Two sons of rethAkoj wentto El Obeid, thenthe
Mahdi's headquarter,to seek the new ruler'sfa-
vour.Yor intriguedagainsthisbrotherAyoke and
probablykilled him, thereafterbeing appointed
rethby the Mahdi (see Hofmayr1925: 117; also
Pumphrey1941: 4). Reth Yor Akoj seems to have
been on good termswiththeMahdistsin thebegin-
ning.But the Shilluk'srelationshipwiththe new
governmentworsened,probablyas the resultof
the revivingslave trade and of hightax demands
(see Howell and Thomson 1946: 16). When the
Mahdi,MuhammadAhmad,died in 1885,therela-
tionshipbetweenhis successor,khalifaAbdallahi
Muhammad, and the Shilluk furtherdeterio-
rated.
In the mid-1880sthe externalthreatfor the
Mahdiststatewas temporarilyovercome,but the
internalcrisishad only begun. The separatistat-
temptsof Dar Fur provinceled in 1886 to the dis-
patch of the powerful governor of the
Bahr-el-Ghazalprovince,Karamallah Kurqusawi,
to Dar Fur. Large numbersof troops were with-
drawnfromKodok in order to help preventDar
Furseparatism.Thisweakeningofthegovernment
garrisonin Shillukcountryresultedin thefactthat
duringtheyearsbetween1886and 1891theShilluk
lived in relative independence under reth Yor.
However, the diminishedMahdist contingentof
troopsin Shillukcountryalso meantthatrethYor
was no longerbacked by a foreignforceto the ex-
tentthathe had been before. Moreover, discon-
tentof some Shillukwiththe rethled to rebellious
attempts,and to intriguesagainsthim in Omdur-
man,thekhalifa'scapital(see Hofmayr1925: 119).
Littleby littleYor lost the khalifa'ssupport.
In 1889/90the harvestin the Sudan was bad.
Supplyof grainin the rapidlyexpandingcapital of
the Mahdist state was inadequate and a famine
could not be prevented.The khalifaattemptedto
alleviate the distressin Omdurmanby obtaining
grainfromtheShilluk,but two steamerswithgov-
ernmenttroopssent to Fashoda were not able to
obtainthe demandedamountof grain,even when
applyingforce;onlya littlegrainwas sent by reth
Yor "voluntarily"(see Holt 1970: 192 f., 209). As
soon as the faminewas over in 1891, the khalifa
sentZaki Tamal to punishthe Shilluk'sinsubordi-
nation. Zaki built a strongencampmentin Fa-
diang,and althoughhis troopsfirstsufferedmany
defeats,Zaki prevailedin the end. Thousands of
Shillukwere killed or taken as slaves. Reth Yor
was hunteddown, broughtto Fadiang and killed,
hishead beingdisplayedin publicto discouragethe
Shilluk from furtherresistance (see Pumphrey
1941: 5; Holt 1970: 208).
Anthropos85.1990
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117
Kur Nyidok, a brotherof reth Ajang, suc-
ceeded Yor in 1892 as the 27thShillukking.Dur-
ing Zaki Tamal's campaign against reth Yor he
joined the emir'sforcesand helped in a decisive
way to get hold of Yor (see Hofmayr1925: 120,
124; Pumphrey1941: 5). As a rewardforhis ser-
vices,Kurwas takenbyZaki to Omdurman,where
he was appointed rethby the khalifa.Kur, once
again, was a princefromthe north,and duringhis
stay in Omdurmanthe southernLuak half arose
withAkol Kwathkeras a throne-pretender. Akol,
who had beforeattempteda rebellionagainstreth
Yor, marchedwithhis followerstowardsFashoda
and could only be preventedfromenteringit by
combined northernShilluk and Mahdist forces.
AfterhisreturnfromOmdurman,Kur managedto
decide the new civilwar in his favour,again with
thehelp of Mahdisttroops.Akol and hisfollowers
had to flee Shilluk country(see Hofmayr1925:
125; Pumphrey1941: 5; Collins 1962: 11 f.).
DuringrethKur's reignShillukrelationswith
the governmentdid not again escalate on a great
scale. This was probablydue to the Mahdists'ac-
knowledgement thattheShillukcould notbe total-
ly subdued. On the otherhand,itappears thatKur
did notrefusethepaymentoftheMahdists'taxde-
mands,a factwhichverylikelymade himunpopu-
lar in Shilluk eyes (see Hofmayr1925: 126). In
1895 discontentamongthe Shillukmusthave been
so greatthatrethKur again needed outsidehelp.
MahdisttroopspassingFashoda on theirwaysouth
to theEquatoria Provincein autumn1895(in order
to combat attemptsof the Belgian king, Leo-
pold II, to gain controlover the SouthernSudan
fromthe Congo) were divertedby rethKur and
campaignedagainstrebelliousShillukuntilJanu-
ary 1896 (see Collins 1962: 133).
ApartfromtheBelgiansin thesouth,twooth-
er colonial forcesappeared on the stage towards
the end of the nineteenthcentury.In August/Sep-
tember1898 the Britishgeneral Kitchenerrecap-
tured the northof the Sudan and decisivelyde-
featedthe khalifa'sarmynear Omdurman.But at
about the same time a serious threatto British
plans fortheUpper Nile regionoccurredwhenthe
FrenchmajorMarchandestablishedhimselfwitha
smallgroupofsoldiersat Fashoda. The Shillukap-
pear to have receivedtheFrenchexpeditionwarm-
ly,and Kur swiftly turnedawayfromtheMahdists
towards the French. On hearingthis, Kitchener
promptlyleftforFashoda withfivegun-boatsand
strongforces;for,to combat Frenchand Belgian
attemptsto extendtheirspheresof influenceinto
the Sudan had been one reason behindtheBritish
re-occupationof the Sudan. On September19th,
118 BurkhardSchnepel

1898, Kitchenerarrivedat Fashoda or Kodok jectssoonerorlaterledtodiscontent on eitherthe

whichnowbecamethecentreofan Europeancon- government ortheShillukside,inmostcasesprob-
flictofcolonialinterests. EnglandandFrancewere ablyonbothsides.Thisdiscontent ledtorebellions
brought to the of
edge war, but when an agreement which often escalated into civil wars. The king
wasreachedbetweenthetwocountries aboutthe couldonlysurvive ifhekeptthesupport ofthegov-
future statusoftheSudan,MarchandleftShilluk ernment and hissectionof Shilluksociety.If the
territory (see Holt 1970: 223-229; Bates 1984). government was discontented and a princesuc-
Withthekilling ofthekhalifaon November 24th, ceededinfinding thesupport ofa sectionofShilluk
1899,theAnglo-Egyptian ruleovertheSudanwas societyandofthegovernment, therethwaslikely
completely secured,anda newphaseinShillukhis- to be overthrown. It is evidentthatseveralofthe
torybegan. kingsof the nineteenth century, once in power,
I havearguedthatthetraditional balanceof turned awayfromtheirgovernment superiors after
powerbetweena kingand the settlement chiefs a while.Whilethisraisedtheirreputation among
changedwiththearrivalofexternalforceson the theShillukpopulation, italsoprovidedtheoppor-
scenein theearlynineteenth century. Withthis, tunity forotherpretenders tojointhegovernment
thebalanceofpowerbetweenkingsandrivalpre- forcesanddeposetheking.In thehistorical period
tenders to thethronealso changed.An ambitious in question,thecontradiction between"dogma"
prince whowantedtobecomerethcouldonlydo so and "social facts" as seen by Evans-Pritchard
withthesupportof Turkishand Mahdistforces. (1948:38), thatis betweenthedogmaoftheroyal
Oncehewasking,hecouldonlyremaininhisposi- officeas an institution standing aboveall sectional
tionby keepingtheirsupport,henceby showing interests andthefactofa king'sanchorage inone
loyalty to the non-Shilluk elements in the power particular section of Shilluk society, was clearly
struggles. Takingintoconsideration theShilluk's disclosedandfeltvehemently bytheShilluk.From
strong willforindependence and theforeign gov- the earlynineteenth century onwardsthe king's
ernments' oftenunbearabledemandsfortax and commitment wasnotonlytoa particular sectionof
slaves,itis obviousthata Shillukkingwasina dif- Shilluksociety. Thepowerbehindthethrone wasa
ficultpoliticalposition.Fromthe governments'poweroutsidetheindigenous politicalsystem and
pointofviewtherein'smainfunctions weretoob- structurally antagonistic to thenationas a whole.
tainthedemanded amounts ofgrainandslavesand Rebellionsceased to be purelyendemicexpres-
to ensurethatgovernment policyprevailedover sionsof politicalprocessesand powerstruggles
theShilluk.FromtheShilluk's pointofviewthele- withinShilluksociety:theyachievedincreasingly
gitimacyof the rettfsauthoritywas severely thecharacter of anti-colonial movements against
shattered. He wasnotanylongera successful pre- thegovernments and againstunwanted kings.
tender through theconsent ofallShilluk, oratleast
the
through backing of the most powerful pressure
groupwithin thetraditional Shillukframework of 6. HistoricalData: The TwentiethCentury
powerstruggles. From the beginning of the nine-
teenth century onwardsShillukkingswerebacked RethKurreigneduntil1903whenhe wasdeposed
bypowersungraspable anduncontrollable byboth bytheAnglo-Egyptian government whichaccused
subjectsand kings.9 himofhavingbeenunjustandoppressive, a judge-
The dual responsibility of Shillukkingsto- mentwhichwas influenced by slanderous reports
wardscolonialgovernments andtheirShilluksub- sentin to Kodok by eligibleprinces(see Howell
and Thomson1946:16). Kurwas luredto Khar-
toumbygovernment authorities, andthencetaken
9 An indicatorof the generalpolitico-religious disturbanceis to Wadi Haifa wherehe laterdied in exile. As
theappearanceduringthistimeofprophets,who claimedto Kur's successorthe government nominatedthe
be Nyikang,Dak, Ukwa, or Deng (see Westermann1912: rather oldFadietKwathker, a brother ofrethKui-
146 f.; Hofmayr1925: 128 f.), a factwhichseems to express
a reactionto these foreignuncontrollablepowers and the
kon and ofprince Akol (whose unsuccessful rebel-
kings' alliances with them. The prophets' popularityex- lion I mentioned above). Although Fadiet was a
presseda revivalof traditional,well-knowndeitiesand the Shilluk ofthesouthern half,he wasnotsupported
old values connectedwiththem.The spiritualconceptions by(thedead) Akol'sfollowers whobythenhadre-
withwhichtheprophetswere associatedwere especiallyca- turnedfromexile; theypreferred the younger
pable of expressinganti-colonialfeelings,as they tran-
scendedsectionalinterestsand were commonto all Shilluk Akokwan Akol. Other parts of the Shilluk nation,
and even otherNilotes. Reth Kur is said to have personally as well,regarded Fadiet'snomination as interfer-
killedthe prophets(see Westermann1912: 147). ence by yetanotherforeign powerin Shillukaf-
Anthropos85.1990

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ShillukKingship
fairs.The British,tryingto raise Fadiet's reputa-
tion,made himgo throughall theimportantstages
of the installationceremonies,but theyabolished
one ritualwhichrequiredthe steppingover of an
old man. This, accordingto Hofmayr(1925: 131),
led to a furtherdeteriorationin Fadiet's reputa-
tion.Anotherfactorwas the unknownfateof reth
Kur. Onlywhengovernment officialsmade itabso-
lutely clear that Kur would not returnwas Fadiet
as
graduallyaccepted kingby the Shilluk.
Fadiet was strictly controlledin his actionsby
thegovernoroftheUpper Nile province,and he is
said to have been subservientto hissuperiors.Hof-
mayrcharacterizeshim as weak, fearsome,suspi-
cious,cunning,fickle,and silly;butone shouldfol-
low themissionary'sassessmentonlywithreserva-
tions,althoughverylikelyHofmayrknew Fadiet
personally.Due to his limitedpowerand his being
strictly controlled,Fadiet could not fightopenly
againstrivalprinces,but he is said to have taken
other,moresecretmeasures.NyirethAlicok, who
was popularamonggovernmentofficials,was, ac-
cordingto Hofmayr,killedin a quarrelinstigated
on Fadiet'sbehalf.At Fashoda Fadiet sacrificedan
ox and a sheep to Nyikanginorderto bewitcha son
ofrethYor who livedat theCatholicmissionin Lui
10
(see Hofmayr1925: 133-134).
Britishcolonial rule attemptedto establish
and strengthen its authorityby applyingwhatwas
called "indirectrule." For thispurposeit was nec-
essaryto find,and to ally with,native authority
whichwas regarded as legitimatein the eyes of
thoseto be ruled.It was noteasy in theShillukcase
to assess the kind and scope of authoritywith
whichtherethwas traditionally invested.In order
to maketherethan effective intermediary between
government and Shilluk population his administra-
tiveand politicalfunctionshad to be strengthened.
Also, should the question of succession become
acute,itwas necessaryto finda successorwho was
suitableintheeyesofthegovernment.At thesame
timethe generaldiscontentwithFadiet's election
and rule among the Shillukhad shown that, if a
kingappearedtoo muchas a governmentnominee
and ifhe was too muchrestricted and controlledin
his actions, reputationmightbecome so small
his
thathe wouldnothave theauthority to continueto
enforcegovernmentregulations.
10 The Catholicmissionat Lui was establishedin 1900 during
rethKur's reign;othermissionstationsin Doleib Hill and
Tonga opened in 1902and 1903. For information on theim-
pact (or lack of impact)of Christianproselytizing
attempts
in Shillukcountrysee Hermann 1975.
Anthropos85.1990
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119
WhenFadiet died in 1917,probablyas a result
of regicide,11 all theseproblemswhichan effective
government policyhad to facebecame acute again.
How could the traditionalway of findinga succes-
sor be keptintactand yetgovernment influenceon
theselectionbe guaranteed?Most importantof all
was how a new flaringup of dynasticquarrels,re-
bellion, and civilwar could be prevented,as they
wouldthreatenthefeeble'Tax Britannica"in a re-
gion in whichseveral peoples were stillnot "paci-
fied." All thisrequiredthatthequestionofsucces-
sion had to be regulatedfaster,more smoothly,
and more rationally.
In 1917, at the instigationof the Anglo-Egyp-
tiangovernment, FafitiYor was appointedrethby
(what Howell and Thomson call) a Shilluk"elec-
toralcollege." The southstrongly objected to Fafi-
ti's election,as he came fromthe northernpartof
the country.The south's own candidate, nyireth
Coti Ajang, attemptedto bribeseveralmembersof
the electoral college (see Howell and Thomson
1946: 81), and also marchedtowardsFashoda with
a strongcontingentof warriors.Only the dispatch
of BritishforcespreventedCoti fromenteringFa-
shoda. Thereafter,the government,havingshown
itsmilitarysuperiority and itsdetermination to in-
fluence the election, severelypunished this cus-
tomaryway fora pretenderstressinghis claim by
barringthe accession to the royal officefor all
princesof Ajang's house in future.
Soon afterFafiti'selectionand installationin
1918, an attemptwas made to killthe new rethby
sorcery,but it failed(see IntelligenceDepartment
1922). During the followingyears Fafitibecame
generallyaccepted by the Shillukand his reputa-
tionappearsto have been high.In theearly1930sa
droughtin Shillukcountryled to a famineand Fafi-
ti's prestigesank. In 1932, consequently,another
rebelliousattempt(reconstructed by Arens [1979]
from governmentfiles) was started by nyireth
Nawelo, a son of reth Kur. Fafiti,disturbedby
some Shillukmen seen near his personalvillageat
night, informedthe then districtcommissioner
Titherington about his worries.We learn thatthe
government official assuredtherethof"his rightof
self-defense,includingas an extremeprecaution
employinghis armed guards in an emergency"
(Arens 1979: 169). However,upon havingbeen in-
formedabout Fafiti'sworries,the governorof the
Upper Nile province,C. A. Willis,answeredthat
11 The phenomenof regicideamong the Shilluk,thoughcer-
tainlynot irrelevantforthe topic of thispaper, cannot be
discussedhere. For an account see Schnepel 1990.
120
"therethcould notshootall and sundryhe thought
to be hisrivals"(169). Plans were made bythead-
ministration to deal withthesituationin the event
of the reth's assassination.In a secretmemoran-
dum the governorheld thatthe successionwas to
be decided "in accordancewithShilluktribalcus-
tom" (169), while at the same time the Shilluk's
choiceofthesuccessorwouldbe subjectto thegov-
ernment'sapproval. In the case of troubleswith
theShilluk,thegovernorconsideredtheuse ofmil-
itaryforces;these,he hoped, would includean air-
craft"whichmightrenderthe dispatchof troops
unnecessary,as it is thoughtthe effectof a single
well placed bomb would possibly be decisive"
(170). When Nawelo gatheredhis followersnear
official
Fashoda, he was called in by a government
in Kodok to explainthegathering.At his arrivalin
Kodok, Nawelo was arrested and the rebellion
thusbroughtto an end. Nawelo Kur had to share
thefateof his father:he was sentintoexile to the
northern Sudan, wherehe died severalyearslater.
The villageof Fadwell, a main source of support
forNawelo, was destroyed,thevillagersbeingdis-
persed.In orderto strengthen Fafiti'sshakenrepu-
tation,theBritishpresentedhimwitha sash, a sad-
dle, a beret,and a deck-chair.Fafiti,who was sup-
posed to travelaroundto carryout his administra-
tivefunctions, pointedout to the districtcommis-
sionerthathe did nothave a donkey.Thereafterhe
was presentedwitha donkey,whichwas, however,
rejectedby the kingon the groundsof not being
good enough.A more magnificent beast was pur-
chasedin Khartoum,thoughitdid notarrivein Fa-
shoda untilfouryearslater (171 f.).
With the tighteradministrativegrip on the
country'saffairsby the Anglo-Egyptiangovern-
mentand withthe strengthening of the retiïs ad-
ministrative functions,Shilluk political organiza-
tionincreasingly achievedthecharacterof an hier-
archicallyorganizedpoliticalsystem.The rethbe-
came "Presidentof the CentralShillukCourt" in
whichcapacityhe heard appeals fromthe division
courts.The Anglo-Egyptiangovernmentalso ac-
centuatedtheritualstatusand functions ofthereth
by insisting on the performance of all the major
steps of Shilluk royal ceremonies of installation
and byrevivingtheking'scentralfunctionas sacri-
fierduringthetraditionalShillukpeace ceremony.
The kingnow also receiveda salaryfromthe gov-
ernment.However,thisstrengthening of adminis-
trativeand ritualfunctionswas not accompanied
by an increasein the real politicaland executive
powerof the reth.He lost his traditionalmeans of
acquiringwealth in cattle and was no longer al-
lowed to have personalretainersof the bang reth
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Burkhard
Schnepel
sort, while his actions were carefullysupervised
and controlledby his superiors.
FafitiYor died in September 1943. He was
succeeded by Anei Kur, the thirtieth rethof the
Shillukdynasty.Thomson,a governmentofficial,
writeson the electionof Anei:
Itis oftensaidthata rethnominates hissuccessor. inhis
Fafiti,
lifetime,agreedthatthatwastheoldpractice beforeoutsidein-
fluencesandgovernments started
tointerfere withtheShilluk,
andthismaywellbeso,oratleastbethetradition, forFafitiwas
a mineofShillukhistory. Howeverinthelast100yearsorso it
has notbeendone,andFafitineverintended to nominate his
successor.Itisclear,however, thata candidatenominated bya
dying rethiststillsubjecttoconfirmationorotherwise,bywhat
we maycallthe"electoralcollege."
WhatFafiti diddowastotakeunderhiswingAnei,oneof
thesonsof Kur,and bringhimup, as he himself had been
brought upbyrethKur.Aneiwasknowntobe favoured byFa-
andhewasevengivenoutward
fiti, signsofrecognitionbyhim,
suchas silverbraceletstodesignate AtFafi-
himas a favourite.
ti'sdeathAneiwasnotnominated, butitwaswellknown thatin
facthewasFafiti's choice.AneilatertoldusthatFafitiusedto
saythatifhewereluckyhewouldbe chosenreth.Thisdesigna-
tionbya popularrethwouldseemtobe an important factorin
thechoiceofthenewreth(HowellandThomson1946:28).
I have some reservationsabout acceptingFafiti's
statementthatthenominationof a kingbyhispre-
decessorwas an "old practice."None of our early
authoritiesmentionssuch a practice,and thereis
no circumstantialevidence which would allow a
conclusionin thatdirection.On the contrary,the
competition between the various branches or
houses of the royalclan makes such a conclusion
ratherdoubtful.I would further doubtthecorrect-
ness of the statementthatFafitihimselfhad been
broughtup by rethKur. This seems to be veryun-
likelyas Fafiti'sfather,rethYor, had been hunted
downand beheaded byMahdistswiththeaid ofthe
thennyirethKur. Protectionand designationof a
preferredsuccessorbya reigningrethappear to be
ratherlate introductions intoShillukwaysofmeet-
ing the problemof succession.Fafiti'spreference
forAnei, I suppose, was only showntowardsthe
end of his reign,and then it was probablyinsti-
gated by Britishofficials,Thomson being one of
them.
During the decades precedingFafiti'sdeath
strong discontent among the members of the
branchof Nyidokhad accumulatedand was likely
to break out over the questionof successionafter
Fafiti'sdeath. It will be rememberedthatin 1903
rethKur Nyidokwas sent by the Anglo-Egyptian
governmentinto exile, that nyirethCoti Ajang
Nyidok'srebellionin 1917 was suppressedand all
members of the house of Ajang Nyidok were
barredfromaccess to theroyaloffice,and that,fi-
nally,Nawelo Kur Nyidok'srebellionin 1932 was
85.1990
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ShillukKingship
suppressed and his village destroyed. Fafiti's
pre-nomination and protectionof Anei, whatever
the influenceof colonial administrators may have
been,willhave appeased theNyidok-branch ofthe
royalclan and providedthe governmentwithan
opportunity to influencethe selectionof the suc-
cessor, and the king-to-behimself,at an early
stage. With Anei's pre-selectionand finallyelec-
tion,thethreatto thehouse ofNyidokofbeingde-
gradedto ororostatuswas avertedand therebythe
uprisingof a powerfulroyallineage prevented.At
the same timethe rotationprinciplewas kept in-
tact.
Anei Kur, like other twentieth-century Shil-
lukkings,was elected by an electoralcollege. The
membersof these colleges were powerfulShilluk
chiefs:theircompositionsmirroredthe traditional
structure of Shilluksocietyand the distributionof
powerin it. Withslightvariationsone usuallyfinds
the followingchiefsas membersof the electoral
colleges:
(1) thechief(jago) ofthesettlementDebalo, who
is chiefofthesouthernGol Nyikanghalfofthe
country;
(2) thechiefofGolbany, who is chiefofthenorth-
ern Gol Dhiang half;
(3) thehead oftheroyalclan (jago jang kwareth),
whonormallyis thechiefoftheFadiangsettle-
ment;
(4) the chief of the southernmarch settlement
Tonga, normallyan ororo;
(5) the chief of the northernmarch settlement
Muomo;
(6) otherheads ofimportantbranchesoftheroyal
clan, especially of the three descent lines
whichprovidethe king;
(7) various chiefs of other powerful settle-
ments.12
The election of rethAnei Kur Nyidok went
smoothly.Two remainingsons of thehouse ofreth
Yor were consideredtoo old. Sons of Fafitiwere
not serious competitors,as it was not theirturn
again. This leftFadiet's and Kur's sons. The head
oftheFadiet branchof theroyalclan withdrewthe
claimsforhis line,obviouslybecause he was given
assurancesthat at the next election the house of
Fadiet would provide the reth (see Howell and
12 For a detailed account of the compositionof the electoral
collegesof Fadiet, Fafiti,and Anei see Howell and Thom-
son 1946:29-32, 80 f. The chiefsof theelectoralcollege are
said to have been investedbyNyikangin mythicaltimes.In
the twentieth centurythe "various chiefsof otherpowerful
settlements" happento be nearlyidenticalwiththechiefsof
thedivisionswhichwerefirstintroducedbytheTurco-Egyp-
tian governmentin the mid-nineteenth century.
Anthropos85.1990
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121
Thomson 1946: 38). This leftthe sons of rethKur
amongwhomAnei was theobviouschoice. Thom-
son emphasizes that during Anei's election the
principalfiguresof the electoralcollege were the
chiefsof the ritualmoieties,Gol Nyikangand Gol
Dhiang: "As several of the electorssaid, 'if there
had notbeen agreementbetweenthechiefsof Gol
Dhiang and Gol Nyikang,we should have gone
home, each behind our leader' - presumablyto
prepareforwar" (Howell and Thomson1946: 33).
In Anei's case the election of a Shillukking
was undertakenfreefromfrictionand withoutthe
danger of civil war arising.Whereas in 1903 the
Britishgovernorhimselfheaded the electoralcol-
lege and ultimatelydecided the choice of Fadiet,
and whereas in 1917 disagreementbetween the
kingmakers forcedthegovernment to use troopsto
secure Fafiti'selectionand installation,in 1943 di-
rect Britishintervention was unnecessary."Gov-
ernment,"as Thomsonwrites,"had nothingto do
exceptto warntheShillukthata rethchosenbyvi-
olence would not be accepted by government"
(35 f.).
Reth Anei Kur died in November1945, only
one and a halfyear afterhis election. Once again
the electoralcollege was summonedbyjago Yor-
leiker(Gol Nyikang)andyagoTabo (Gol Dhiang).
DuringhisshortreignAnei Kur did notnominate,
designate, or adopt a successor. It was readily
agreed thatonlysons of rethFadiet were eligible
and also thatthefuturekingshouldcome fromthe
south. Thomson reports: "It was clearer to me
thanbeforethatthe choice restsentirelywiththe
chiefsof Gol Dhiang and Gol Nyikang.I doubt
whethereven the chiefof the Kwarethhas anyin-
fluence"(Thomson 1948: 152). AfterAnei's death
sons ofFadiet marchedtowardsFashoda. This was
seen by the kingmakersas a break withtradition
and leftno impression.An attemptby a female
nyirethto bribe the two main chiefsin order to
make themelectheruterinebrotherfailedas well.
Thomson writes:"It appeared froma discussion
withthetwokingmakers thatbriberyon sucha sol-
emn occasion would resultin certaindeath forthe
recipientat the hands of Nyikangand was out of
the question" (Thomson 1948: 153). Finally the
electionwas held: "The two king-makers reduced
thesons of Fadiet to a shortlistoffournames,and
waitedfora lead fromme, as theycould notdecide
upon any one of these four.Aftermysuggestion
that Dak Fadiet of Falo, one of theirshortlist,
would be a good choice, the chiefsat once agreed
to him" (153).
Reth Dak Fadiet died on May 8th, 1951, the
membersof the electoralcollege metagain, head-
122 Burkhard
Schnepel

ed byjago Yorleiker, jago Tabo, andjago Cayo, tereightyearsofreign,was quitepopularamong

theheadofthekwareth. Besidesthesethree,sev- theShillukandthathe enjoyedthebackingofthe
en otherchiefsweremembers ofthecollege(see Sudanesegovernment. RethAjangAneitoldme
Howell1953:190f.). Baker,thegovernment offi- thathe had250wivesandthathe intended tomar-
cialincharge,writesthat"onlythefirst threeare ryabout250more.Thismaysaysomething about
essentialtothismeeting. The othersaretruly only hisownexpectations as tothepossiblelength ofhis
witnessesor at mostproposersof candidates'" reign,whichstill(June1989)lastson.
(191).Due totheapproachoftherainstheelector- To concludethissectionitmayhelpto recall
al collegewanteda quickdecision.Itwasgenerally thatpartof Weber'stheoryof charismawhich
agreedthatthehouseofFafitishouldprovidethe .dealswiththeroutinization ofcharismatic authori-
reth,and nyirethKur Fafitiwas generallyfa- tybydesignation, preselection, or nomination of
voured.Bakerwrites:"I informed themof three thesuccessoron partofthecharismatic leader,or
candidates whoonvariousgrounds wereunaccept- ofthecharismatically qualifiedstaff:
able to thegovernment and leftthem"(ibid.).
KurFafitiwasinstalledin February1952and Thebasically authoritarian ofcharismatic
principle legitimation
maybe subjectto an anti-authoritarian interpretation, forthe
reigneduntil1974.Duringthe timehe held the validity ofcharismaticauthority restsentirelyonrecognition by
rei/jship,Britishsuperiorswere substituted by theruled,on "proof beforetheireyes.To be sure,thisrecog-
MuslimSudanesewhohavebeenpursuing a policy nitionofa charismatically andhencelegitimate
qualified, per-
of Arabizationand Islamizationin the southern sonis treatedas a duty.Butwhenthecharismatic organization
a progressive it is readilypossible
rationalization,
Sudan- since1955.From1955/56 to 1972a warbe- undergoes
that,insteadofrecognition beingtreatedas consequence ofle-
tweenthenorthern, Arab partof theSudanand gitimacy, itis treatedas thebasisoflegitimacy: democratic le-
theAfrican southcostat leasthalfa millionlives. gitimacy. Thendesignation ofa successorbyan administrative
Thecivilwaractivities ledtothedownfall ofPresi- staffbecomes"preselection,"by the predecessorhimself
whereasrecognition bythegroupbecomesan
dentMahgoubandtheriseofNumeiri in 1966and "nomination,"
"election"(Weber1968:166).
to theAddisAbeba agreement in 1972.In 1974,
twoyearsafterthenegotiations inEthiopiawhich Shillukhistory tosomedegreeprovides a con-
ledto a (temporary) endingofthewar,KurFafiti cretemanifestation of thesemoreabstractly for-
diedandAjangAneiwas electedthe33rdrethof mulatedideas.In thetwentieth century - predomi-
theShillukdynasty. nantlythrough Britishinterference - Shillukways
The electoralcollegein 1974consisted ofsev- ofmeeting thequestionofsuccession to theroyal
en important chiefs,the assistant of rethKur, and office were routinized the
by stressing elective
two local, presumably Arab administrators (see principle. What we find in theend is electionby
Arens1979:180).According toArensthechiefsof votecarriedoutbyanelectoral collegewhosecom-
Gol Dhiangand Gol Nyikangwerenotpresent. positionrepresents an administratively reasonable
Thiswouldindicatean important change in the (that is, a traditional and rational) cross-section of
composition of the electoralcollege:chiefswith Shilluksociety.In thehistorical developments un-
administrative functions havinggainedpredomi- dergonebytheShilluknationintheperiodinques-
nanceoverchiefswithmainlyritualfunctions or tionthebasically charismatic authority oftheShil-
traditional prestige.Ajang Anei's electionad- lukrethwaspushedina rational direction as adop-
heredtotherotation principle,although seriousat- tivecriteriaof the selectionof a successorwere
temptsweremade by one of thelate rethKur's strengthened, while at the same time dynastic
sonsto be elected."The intentof thisindividual criteria werepreserved.
andhisfaction," Arenswrites, "wasforestalled by
an allianceof the two otherlinesto ensurethe
agreeduponsequence"(174). 7. Conclusion
RethAjangis a manfromthenorth,andsup-
portamongsouthern Shillukwas onlygivenwith Myinvestigations inthispaperhavebeenbasedon
hesitation.The chiefof Tonga quite openlyex- thepremisethatShillukkingship represents a rou-
pressedhis doubtsaboutAjang's electionin his tinizedformofcharismatic domination or,to use
speechatthe"dayofthespeeches"oftheinstalla- Weber'sratherparadoxicalterm,a "charismatic
tionceremonies and indirectly accusedAjang of kingship" (Weber1968:1142;also Schnepel1987:
beinga government nominee(see Singer1975).In 36-40). By makinguse of the heuristic value of
1982,whenI spentsometimewiththekinginFa- Weber'stheory ofcharisma anditsroutinization it
shoda,inhisprivate village,andinhisresidence in waspossibleto showthatthereis a certaintension
Malakal,itwasmyimpression thatrethAjang,af- betweenthecharismatic elements forming theba-

85.1990
Anthropos

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ShillukKingship 123

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