Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Concept of "Tawhīd"
Author(s): SUMANTO AL QURTUBY
Source: Islamic Studies, Vol. 52, No. 3/4 (Autumn-Winter 2013), pp. 297-325
Published by: Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, Islamabad
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/43997226
Accessed: 16-01-2017 00:35 UTC
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Islamic Studies 52:3-4 (2013) pp. 297-325
SUMANTO AL QURTUBY
Abstract
Using the concept o/Tawhîd- a cardinal Islamic belief, as a point of departure and as
a theoretical framework, this paper examines the Islamic roots and theological
foundations for the ideas and practices of liberation, peacebuilding, justice, and
nonviolence within Islam. It argues that the notions of pacification, equality, freedom,
and fairness hold a central place in Islam because such ideas are deeply rooted in the
concept of tawhld. Unlike most studies that tend to put emphasis merely on analyses of
tawhid through theological and eschatological explanations (theocentric framework),
this paper examines it from the lens of anthropocentrism by understanding and
interpreting it as a "principle of unity" for liberation, justice, and peace, while still
acknowledging its theocentric dimension . In short, this article lays emphasis on
analysis of tawhld as an n anthropocentric theism. " In the concept of tawhld, this
paper underlines the significance of the unity of God, the unity of the many streams of
revelation, the unity of humanity, and ultimately the unity of existence (Wahdat al-
Wujûd), principles on which freedom, conciliation, egalitarianism, and nonviolence
are grounded.
<o>
Introduction
I wish to thank the anonymous reviewers and the editor for providing detai
comments on the earlier draft of this article. I also wish to express my deepest tha
Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies at the University of Notre Dame fo
research fellowship from 2012-2014 that enabled me to write this manuscript. Any
remain are of course entirely my own.
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
29g SUMANTO AL QURTUBY
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE ISLAMIC ROOTS OF LIBERATION, JUSTICE, AND PEACE 299
Islam, with the idea of its tawbtd, would like to pursue in this world.
Prior to explaining tawkïd as a theological source of an Islamic just-peace,
it is necessary to discuss briefly (1) debates in the academia and non-academia
pertaining Islamic sources of violence and injustice as well as resources for
peace and justice and (2) approaches of peacebuilding and conflict resolution
developed by some Muslim scholars, activists, and practitioners. The
discussion of these two issues aims to locate frameworks and objectives of this
article. As I will explain in the following paragraphs, there are certainly
multiple approaches of so-called "Islamic just-peacebuilding," most of which
do not use tawhtd, as a framework; accordingly this article will complement
previous studies of Islamic concepts of justice and peace.
The discussion about Islam as a peaceful, just, and nonviolent religion remains
a major challenge because the negative narratives about Islam added with
violent acts of some extremist Muslim groups, have been dominated in media
as well as academic discourses that influence public opinion.4 The usual
response of many, perhaps most, non-Muslims when a Muslim tries to explain
Islam to them as a peaceful religion is as follows: "how can you say that 'Islam
means peace', if so much violence seems to come from it?"5 Others, especially
the intelligent people, will respond the same by referring to the wars fought
during the life of Prophet Muhammad and early days of Islam or medieval and
modern Muslim involvements in the warfare failing to appreciate their
particular socio-political settings. Rather than agreeing with and supporting
the idea of Islam as a religion of peace and nonviolence, [some] non-Muslims
in both the West and non-Western countries alike even consider this sort of
explanation as an apologetic argument contrasts with the facts of Muslim
practices and basic teachings of the Qur'ân that seemingly allow Muslims to
commit violence against the evil and infidels. Some of them even go further by
provoking non-Muslims to not welcoming Muslims in the Western countries
arguing that their presence shall be a potential source of arising resentment,
intolerance, and terrorism.6
No doubt one of the common mistakes among Westerners and non-
Muslims alike towards Islam deals with the idea that this religion inherently
teaches its followers to commit violence, war, and terrorism, as well as
encourages Muslims to practice intolerance and injustice against non-Muslims,
4 For instance, see John L. Esposito and Dalia Mogahed, Who Speaks for Islam ? What a Billion
Muslims Really Think (New York: Gallup Press, 2007).
5 John R. Bowen, A New Anthropology of Islam (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 3.
6 See Bowen, Blaming Islam (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2012).
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
3QQ SUMANTO AL QURTUBY
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE ISLAMIC ROOTS OF LIBERATION, JUSTICE, AND PEACE
" For instance, see Ibid.; Lewis, "Islam and Liberal Democracy," The Atlantic Monthly, February
1993, http://www.theatlantic.com/past/docs/issues/93feb/lewis.htm, accessed February 20,
2013; Lewis, The Assassins; Lewis, What Went Wrong. Lewis, The Crisis of Islam.
12 For instance, see Samuel P. Huntington, "The Clash of Civilizations?," Foreign Affairs 72:3
(1993); Daniel Pipes, In the Path of God: Islam and Political Power (New York: Basic Books,
1983); Anthony Dennis, The Rise of the Islamic Empire and the Threat to the West (Bristol, IN:
Wyndham Hall Press, 1996); Robert Spencer, The Myth of Islamic Tolerance: How Islamic Law
Treats Non-Muslims (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 2005).
13 Joseph E. B. Lumbard, ed., Islam, Fundamentalism, and the Betrayal of Tradition: Essays by
Western Muslim Scholars (Bloomington, IN: World Wisdom, 2009).
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
3Q2 sumanto al qurtuby
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE ISLAMIC ROOTS OF LIBERATION, JUSTICE, AND PEACE jqj
In these early days of Islam the Companions of the Prophet would often go out
together in groups to the glens outside Mecca where they could pray the ritual
prayer together without being seen. But one day a number of idolaters came
upon them while they were praying and rudely interrupted them with ridicule.
Finally they came to blows, and Sa'd [Sa'd] of Zuhrah struck one of the
disbelievers with the jawbone of a camel and wounded him. This was the first
bloodshed in Islam. But after that they decided to refrain from violence until
God should decide otherwise, for the Revelation continually enjoined patience
upon the Prophet and therefore upon them. Bear with patience what they say , and
part from them with a courteous farewell [Q. 73:10] and also Deal gently with the
disbelievers, give them respite for a while [Q. 86: 17]. 18
18 Martin Lings, Muhammad: His Life Based on the Earliest Sources (Rochester, VT.: Inner
Traditions International, Ltd, 2006), 52.
19 Nasr Hāmid Abū Zayd, Mafhum al-Ņass: Dirasah fi Vlum al-Qur'an (Cairo: al-Hay'ah al-
Misriyyah al-'Āmmah li'1-Kitāb, 1990).
20 Qur'an 8:46.
Ibid., 5:48.
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
ßQ4 SUMANTO AL QURTUBY
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE ISLAMIC ROOTS OF LIBERATION, JUSTICE, AND PEACE jqij
peacefully and nonviolently to Islamic religion, and the Muslims were further
commanded, for prudential reasons, not to respond to the hostility of the
Quraysh. Muslim pacifism and tolerance during the Makkl period was not
only a "religious mandate," but also socio-political means to influence social
changes and to protect Muslims from mass destruction.27
Furthermore, one might trace the Islamic roots for conciliation and
peacebuilding, which is a term describing interventions that are designed to
prevent the start or resumption of violent conflict within a society by creating
a sustainable peace, from the perspectives of Islamic law (fiqh), Islamic
mysticism ( tasawwuj) , theology {kalām), history (ta'rīkh), and philosophy
(falsafah), among others. The diversity of Islamic approaches to peace can be
found in various academic works written by both Muslim and non-Muslim
scholars of Islam.28 Scholars varied in responding to the Islamic concepts of
peacemaking. The multiple approaches to peace include (peace through)
political power {siyãsat al-quwwah), the power of law and institutions {islãh
and tajdid), the power of communication (sulk), the power of human spirit
(lā'unf), and the power of love {tasawwuj)?
The first approach, political power {siyãsat al-quwwah), was advocated by,
Majid Khadduri (1909-2007) and Ibn Khaldūn (1332-1406 CE). Both Khadduri
and Ibn Khaldūn present state as legitimate power and authority and for
preserving social order. Ibn Khaldūn states,
Social organization is necessary to the human species. Without it, the existence of
human beings would be incomplete ....
When mankind has achieved social organization, . . . people need someone
to exercise a restraining influence and keep them apart, for aggressiveness and
injustice are in the animal nature of man. The weapons made for the defense of
human beings against the aggressiveness of dumb animals do not suffice against
the aggressiveness of man to man, because all of them possess those weapons.
Thus, something else is needed for defense against the aggressiveness of human
beings toward each other .... He must dominate them and have power and
27 See Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im, Toward an Islamic Reformation: Civil Liberties, Human
Rights, and International Law (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1996).
See Said, Funk, and Kadayifci, Peace and Conflict ; Abdulaziz Sachedina, The Islamic Roots of
Democratic Pluralism (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2001); Robert W. Hefner, ed.,
Remaking Muslim Politics: Pluralism, Contestation, Democratization (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 2005); Abu-Nimer, Nonviolence and Peace Building in Islam-, Scott Appleby,
The Ambivalence of the Sacred: Religion, Violence, and Reconciliation (Lanham, MD: Rowman
and Littlefield Publishers, 2000); Daniel Philpott, Just and Unjust Peace: An Ethic of Political
Reconciliation (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012); Qamar-ul Huda, Crescent and Dove-,
Mirbagheri, War and Peace in Islam.
25 For instance, see Said, Funk, and Kadayifci, Peace and Conflict.
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
2Q£ SUMANTO AL QURTUBY
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE ISLAMIC ROOTS OF LIBERATION, JUSTICE, AND PEACE ļQļ
36 Abu-Nimer, Nonviolence and Peace Building in Islam ; Ahmed Moussalli, "An Islamic Model
for Political Conflict Resolution" in Peace and Conflict Resolution in Islam: Precept and Practice ,
ed. Abdul Aziz Said, Nathan C. Funk, and Ayse S. Kadayifci (Lanham, MD: University Press of
America, 2001).
37 For instance, see Chaiwat Satha-Anand (Qader Muheideen), The Nonviolent Crescent : Two
Essays on Islam and Nonviolence (Alkmaar, The Netherlands: International Fellowship of
Reconciliation, 1996); Daniel L. Smith-Christopher, ed., Subverting Hatred: The Challenge of
Nonviolence in Religious Traditions (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 2007).
38 Said, Funk, and Kadayifci, Peace and Conflict Resolution in Islam , 21.
39 M. R. Bawa Muhaiyaddeen, Islam and World Peace: Explanations of a Sufi (Philadelphia, PA:
The Fellowship Press, 1990).
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
•jQg SUMANTO AL QURTUBY
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE ISLAMIC ROOTS OF LIBERATION, JUSTICE, AND PEACE 3Q9
Unlike 'Abduh and al-Ghazālī, Sayyid Abū 'l-'Alā al-Mawdūdī (d. 1979),
one of the most prolific Islamist writers of the twentieth century and founder
of then Pakistan-based Jamā'at-i Islāmī, regarded tawbid as a highly political
imperative, not simply a theological tenet or a spiritual belief. Mawdûdï,
argues that in the idea of tawhtd, it entails granting the full legal and political
implications of the "power of God." For Mawdûdï, God alone is the source of
the law; consequently all people (Muslims) must submit to this law. It is the
completion of this God's law that becomes the sole mandate of the foundation
of the Islamic state. Islamic values and norms exist, Mawdûdï reveals, not
merely to be followed by Muslims on their personal initiative and in their
individual lives but "need to be put into effect through the coercive power of
the Islamic state."42 Based on this sort of reasoning, Mawdûdï disagrees with
the approaches and understandings of tawbid proposed by Sufis that emphasise
the vigor and essentiality of love and compassion in part because, he asserts,
"without the [political] power to enforce, it is meaningless merely to believe in
or present a doctrine or a way of life."43 Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad
Qasim Zaman see Mawdûdï's approach, by emphasising the central authority
of leadership, is a to despotism in the name of Islam.44
Scholar of Sufism William C. Chittick, rather than simplifying- and
politicising- the meaning of tawbid , tends to complexify it arguing that this
notion is not for political end but a sort of test of human's love and
submission to God. Literally means "to say one, to make one, to assert one, to
declare one," tawbid theologically, Chittick holds, means "to declare that the
ultimate reality, by whatever name it may be called, is one."45 Chittick reveals
that this statement is not only found in Islam, but also in practically almost all
religious traditions, world religions or local beliefs, and most premodern
philosophy. As Chittick points out, the essence of tawbid had indeed been
practiced by sedentary or tribal societies of Arabia in the pre-Islamic era.46
42 Sayyid Abul A'la Maududi, The Islamic Law and Constitution, trans, and ed. Khurshid Ahmad,
2nd ed. (Lahore: Islamic Publications, 1960), 196-213.
43 Maududi, A Short History of the Revivalist Movement in Islam, trans. al-Ash'ari (Lahore:
Islamic Publications, 1963), 22-23.
44 Roxanne L. Euben and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, Princeton Readings in Islamic Thought:
Texts and Contexts from Al-Banna to Bin Laden (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press,
2009), 82.
45 William C. Chittick, "Islam and the Goal of Love," Huffington Post, November 6, 2010,
http:/ / www.huffingtonpost.com/ william-c-chittick-phd/ the-goal-of-love_b_776173.html,
accessed March 30, 2015.
46 See, Chittick, The Sufi Path of Love: The Spiritual Teachings of Rumi (Albany, NY: State
University of New York Press, 1983); Chittick, The Sufi Path of Knowledge: Ibn al-'Arabi's
Metaphysics of Imagination (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1989).
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
3ļQ SUMANTO AL QURTUBY
47 Contrary to the henotheism, tawhid negates the existence of other gods save the God.
41 See http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/henotheism, accessed March 31, 2013.
49 Deuteronomy 6:4.
50 Ibid., 5:6-7.
51 For a short explanation of the Shema Yisrael see http://www.hebrew4christians.com
/Scripture/Torah/The_Shema/the_shema.html.
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE ISLAMIC ROOTS OF LIBERATION, JUSTICE, AND PEACE jļļ
after Rome's sacking of the Temple in Jerusalem, and after the messianic
uprising of Simon Bar Kokhba.52 The historian of Jews in Arabia, Norman
Stillman said that when Prophet Muhammad was born, Jews not only
inhabited Arabia in considerable numbers but "were well integrated into the
life and culture of the peninsula."53 During that time, the Jews, as other pagan
tribes, spoke Arabic, were organized into clans and tribes, and had assimilated
many of values of desert society. Stillman maintains that Jewish influence in
Arabia was quite vital so that for a short time Judaism was adopted by the
royal house of the Yemenite kingdom of Himyar under Yûsuf As'ad Dhū
Nuwãs, and Muhammad's hometown Makkah was a great mercantile entrepot
situated along the caravan route linking Yemen in the south with Byzantine
Egypt and Syria-Palestine to the northwest and the Sasanian Empire to the
northeast. Muhammad was believed to meet Jews in both Syria and Arabia.54
In brief, the Jews were a thriving and highly influential diaspora whose
cultures and traditions had been thoroughly integrated into the social and
religious milieu of pre-Islamic Arabia; thereby it is not a coincidence if there
are some Jewish cultural-religious elements in Islamic cultures and teachings,
including the concept of tawhld.
52 Reza Asian, No god but God: The Origins, Evolution, and Future of Islam (New York: Random
House, 2006), 8-9.
53 Norman A. Stillman, The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book (Philadelphia, PA:
The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1979), 4.
54 Ibid., 4-5.
55 Lings, Muhammad ; Mahmoud Ayoub, A Muslim View of Christianity: Essays on Dialogue, ed.
Irfan A. Omar (Maryknol, NY: Orbis Books, 2007); Asian, No god but God.
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
jļ2 SUMANTO AL QURTUBY
56 See for an early Muslim-Christian encounter Muhammad Ibn Ishak, The Life of Muhammad: A
Translation ofhhaq's Sirat Rasūl Allāh, trans. Alfred Guillaume (London: Oxford University
Press, 1955), 150-155.
57 See, Hugh Goddard, A History of Christian-Muslim Relations (Chicago, IL: New Amsterdam
Books, 2000), 20.
58 Sunan Abi Da'ūd, Kitab al-Malahim, Bab al-Nahy 'an Tahyii al-Habashah, Hadith No. 4309.
59 Rudolph Peters, trans, and ed., Jihad in Mediaeval and Modern Islam: The Chapter on Jihad from
Averroes' Legal Handbook 'Bidayat Al-Mudjtahid' and the Treatise 'Koran and Fighting' by the Late
Shaykh-Al-Azhar, Mahmud Shaltut (Leiden: Brill, 1977), 11.
60 Safi, "War and Peace in Islam," 40-41.
61 Ayoub, A Muslim View of Christianity.
62 Matthew 22:37.
63 Ibid., 22:39.
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE ISLAMIC ROOTS OF LIBERATION, JUSTICE, AND PEACE ļļļ
Farid Esack had done a great job by putting the socio-political settings of
Arabia and the ill-treatment of tribal leaders toward Muslims during the time
of Muhammad into South African contexts. Based on the bitter experience of
Muslims (and South African Christians) in his country during the Apartheid
system, Esack developed an Islamic theology of liberation, rooted in the
concept of tawhïd, as a religious foundation to resist against the Apartheid.
Just as Latin American Catholic leaders who used Biblical traditions to
advance a liberation theology to oppose violence and oppression,66 Esack
describes an astounding account of the use of Qur'ânic texts and Islamic
teachings and values, added with the prophetic practices of Muhammad, as a
64 The word Allah is not a proper name but a contraction of the word al-ilāh which means
simply athe god." The word ilāh itself was derived from the Hebrew word the name of a
god in the ancient Israelites. Thus the words Lã ilāha illā Allah can be translated as "No god but
the God" (Nurcholish Madjid, "The Necessity of Renewing Islamic Thought and
Reinvigorating Religious Understanding," in Liberal Islam : A Source Book , ed. Charles Kurzman
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 284-294.
65 For instance, see Ismā'īl Rāji al-Fārūqī, al Tawhïd: Its Implications for Thought and Life , 2nd ed.
(Abu Dhabi: United Arab Bureau, 1994); Sayyid Abul Qasim Radhawi, Essential Tawhid: What
the Ahl ul'Bayt Told Us ... (Raleigh, NC: Lulu Press, 2011).
66 For example, Gustavo Gutierrez, A Theology of Liberation: History , Politics , and Salvation
(Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1988).
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
■j SUMANTO AL QURTUBY
67 Farid Esack, Qur'ân, Liberation and Pluralism: An Islamic Perspective of Interreligious Solidarity
against Oppression (Oxford: Oneworld, 1997).
68 Rudolf Otto, The Idea of the Holy: An Inquiry into the Non-Rational Factor in the Idea of the
Divine and its Relation to the Rational, trans. John W. Harvey (London: Oxford University
Press, 1958).
69 William C. Chittick, "Islam and the Goal of Love," Huffington Post, November 6, 2010.
70 Ibid.
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE ISLAMIC ROOTS OF LIBERATION, JUSTICE, AND PEACE 3 J5
and an absolute value and not relative and reserved for the Muslim community
only. Moreover, the pursuit of justice and peacebuilding is directly linked
because, as Abu-Nimer has aptly pointed out, "there is a correlation among
the act of preserving the common good, serving others, protecting the weak,
preserving human dignity, and ensuring that peace is established and sustained
in human affairs."72
Such understandings of the interconnectedness between justice and peace
are not only drawn from the Qur'an but also from the practices of
Muhammad. It is imperative to note that the rise of the concept of tawhid. as a
theology of liberation, justice, and peace cannot be separated from the socio-
political-historical contexts of Makkah and Arabia in general where
Muhammad lived and spread Islam in the sixth and seventh centuries. During
the time, two major empires of the world, Persia in the east and Byzantine in
the west, were involved in bloody communal conflicts and bitter wars
resulting in countless deaths and destructions.73 The Arab nation, consisted of
various tribes and clans, was also sundered by violent conflicts among tribal
groups. Each tribe, 'Abduh said, "gloried in wars with its neighbors, capturing
the women folk, killing the chieftains, and pillaging the land."74 As an
outcome of these unhealthy rivalries and brutal clashes, local people and tribes
lived in difficulty and suffering. Major issues of local societies of Makkah and
Arabia in general were economic gaps, social differences, political bankruptcy,
ignorance, corruption, slavery, collapse of the tribe-based economy, and
trading oligarchy, among others.75 The late Indian scholar and activist Asghar
Ali Engineer depicts the picture of Makkan societies as follows: oligarchy
thrived due to greed toward materials and properties as well as ignorant tribal
mie. As a result nobody took care of orphans, widows, the old, the poor, etc;
female and male slaves spread throughout the region. They were forced to
work without earnings and female slaves were compelled to do sexual acts
with their masters.76
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
SUMANTO AL QURTUBY
There was unparalleled opulence and arrogance, luxurious living and indulgence
in many forms, alike in royal palaces and among amirs, sultans, and religious
leaders on either side. Their greed knew no bounds. Taxes were extortionate and
excise duties so excessive that they became more than the population could bear,
depriving the people of the due fruits of their labours. Those who had the power
used it to snatch from them the possessions of the poor, while the clever schemed
to steal from the foolish. And in consequence these nations fell victims to the
multiplied evils of poverty, degradation, fear and turmoil. Neither soul nor
property were secure.77
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE ISLAMIC ROOTS OF LIBERATION, JUSTICE, AND PEACE ļļj
(3) bonding Makkï/Arab societies under one flag of Islam in order to oppose
political discrimination and trading oligarchy controlled by tribal leaders and
gluttonous Arab bourgeoisie.
These revolutionary messages of Islam were cheerfully welcomed by the
oppressed, ordinary people, but on the other hand, these were harshly
opposed by some local bourgeoisie, traditional aristocrats, and tribal leaders
including those from Muhammad's own tribe, the Quraysh, the dominant
tribal group upon the appearance of Islam.81 These particular groups of Arab
elites deemed Muhammad's presence as a real menace to their socio-economic-
political existence; consequently they tirelessly endeavoured to banish and
fight and his companions by mobilising local tribes and using religious
languages. They also approached Abū Tālib (549-619 CE), Muhammad's
powerful uncle, to exert his influence on his nephew to end his da'wah
activities.82 An in-depth look at the activities of the opponents of Muhammad
reveals the fact that their opposition was not intended to defend their beliefs
nor motivated by religious reasons, rather they considered missions and
teachings of prophet as a serious peril for monopolistic, socio-economic
structures and established tribal political systems. Some leaders of the Quraysh
and other Arab tribes, Muhammad (peace be on him) showed no inclination
toward the use of force in any form, even for self-defense. Focusing on the
values of patience and steadfastness in the face of oppression and
discrimination, Muhammad (peace be on him) conducted nonviolent
resistance through all his instructions and teaching during the Makkī period
(610-622 CE), in which Muslims were a minority.83
Against this backdrop, tawhîd thus must be understood in two main
dimensions, namely the unity of Godhead ("vertical dimension") and the unity
" The Quraysh's dominance in Makkah began at the end of the fourth century when Qusayy
managed to gain control of the Ka'bah by uniting a number of conflicting clans tinder his
authority. Clans in the Arabian Peninsula were composed of large extended families of what so-
called bayt (house) or banū (sons) of the family's patriarch. Prophet Muhammad's clan was
known as Banū Hāshim ("the Sons of Hãshim"). Through intermarriage and political alliances, a
group of clans could join to become an ahi or a qawm which means "a people" but more
commonly called a tribe. In essence, Qusayy had managed to do was unite those clans who were
nominally bound to each other through blood and marriage into a single dominant tribe, that
was, the Quraysh (Asian, No god but God, 24-25). However among clans within the Quraysh
tribe itself, violent conflicts very often broke out due to scramble for position, power, influence,
etc. The presence of Muhammad (peace be on him), who was from the Banū Hāshim's clan, was
also opposed, not only by other tribes, but also by part of the Quraysh, tribe which was from a
different clan. Abū Jahal and Abū Lahab, the most persevering opposing people against
Muhammad, were also from the Quraysh tribe.
82 Lings, Muhammad, 54-57.
,} Abu-Nimer, "An Islamic Model of Conflict Resolution," 81-82.
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
SUMANTO AL QURTUBY
84 Qur'ân 49:13.
85 Ibid., 53:45.
86 Ibid., 30:22.
87 Ibid., 64:2.
88 Ibid., 11:118.
8' Ibid., 5:48.
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE ISLAMIC ROOTS OF LIBERATION, JUSTICE, AND PEACE jjg
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
220 SUMANTO AL QURTUBY
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE ISLAMIC ROOTS OF LIBERATION, JUSTICE, AND PEACE 12'
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
222 SUMANTO AL QURTUBY
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE ISLAMIC ROOTS OF LIBERATION, JUSTICE, AND PEACE ^23
This event of the conquer of Makkah clearly shows the steps taken by the
Holy Prophet for provided a great example of ideas and peace, reconciliation,
and nonviolence.111
Conclusion
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
J24 SUMANTO AL QURTUBY
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
THE ISLAMIC ROOTS OF LIBERATION, JUSTICE, AND PEACE -J25
nonviolent acts to stop evil do not work. This is to say that as long as
nonviolent peaceful alternatives exist as a means of struggle against injustice
and tyranny, Muslims should avoid violent ways. Tawbid entails and demands
Muslims to erect justice and peace and to struggle for liberation in the society
through civilized peaceful mechanisms.
$ $ $
This content downloaded from 130.133.8.114 on Mon, 16 Jan 2017 00:35:00 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms