Professional Documents
Culture Documents
ι
GLASGOW N E W YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON
BY
D. ELLIS EVANS
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1967
Oxford University Press ig6y
A
P R I N T E D IN GREAT BRITAIN
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD
BY VIVIAN RIDLER
P R I N T E R TO THE UNIVERSITY
CYFLWYNIR Y G W A I T H HWN
I'R
L I S T OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S xi
I. I N T R O D U C T I O N
A. Scope and Plan of the Inquiry ι
B. A Survey of Previous Work on Gaulish Anthro-
ponymy ι
C. T h e Nature of the Sources 15
i. The Celtic Inscriptions of Gaul 16
ii. The Commentaries on the Gallic War 21
R E M A R K . O n the Text of the Commentaries on the
Gallic War 23
iii. La Graufesenque Graffiti 31
BIBLIOGRAPHY 34
II. T H E M A T E R I A L : AN ETYMOLOGICAL
SURVEY 38
A. i. Compounded Names 40
ii. Etymological Survey of the Elements of Com
pounded Names 127
R E M A R K . Classification of Name Elements with
regard to meaning 290
B. Uncompounded Names 296
III. P H O N O L O G Y A N D M O R P H O L O G Y 390
A. Phonology 390
i. Vocalism 391
ii. Consonantism 397
R E M A R K . O n Gaulish D, DD, £), £>£), Θ, ΘΘ, etc. 410
Note on 'Tau Gallicum' 420
B. Morphology 420
i. Nominal Inflexion 420
ii. Nominal Composition 428
CONTENTS
iii. Adjectives: Comparison 428
iv. Numerals 428
A P P E N D I X . D O U B T F U L NAMES 430
INDEXES 481
L I S T OF ABBREVIATIONS
A.-A. (also Albenque-Aymard) A. Albenque, 'Nouveaux graffites de La Grau-
fesenque. Γ, REA 53, 1951, 71-81; A. Aymard, 'Nouveaux graffites
de La Graufesenque', REA 54, 1952, 93-101; 55, 1953, 126-31.
AB Annates de Bretagne.
AC Annates Cambriae, ed. E. Phillimore, Cy. 9, 1888, 141 ff.
ACL W. Stokes and K. Meyer, edd., Archiv fur celtische Lexicographie
(Halle ; 1900-7).
AcS A. Holder, Alt-celtischer Sprachschatz, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1891-1913).
Addit. J. Rhys, 'The Celtic Inscriptions of Gaul. Additions and Correc
tions', Proceedings of the British Academy, 5, 1911-12, 261-360. 1
AE VAnnie epigraphique.
AGI Archivio Glottologico Italiano.
AHVN Annalen des historischen Vereinsfur den Niederrhein.
AI (also IA) 'Itinerarium Provinciarum Antonini Augusti', in Itineraria Romana,
vol. i, ed. O. Cuntz (Leipzig, 1929).
AJPh American Journal of Philology.
AKV W. Meid, Die indogermanischen Grundlagen der altirischen absoluten und
konjunkten Verbalflexion (Wiesbaden, 1963).
Albenque-Aymard see Α.-A.
Alpenworter J. Hubschmid, Alpenworter romanischen und vorromanischen Ursprungs
(Bern, 1951).
ALSP A. Tovar, The Ancient Languages of Spain and Portugal (New York,
1961).
Altillyr. PN. H. Krahe, Lexikon altillyrischer Personennamen (Heidelberg, 1929).
AP. I. Williams, Armes Prydein (Caerdydd, 1955).
Arch. Anz. Archaologischer Anzeiger, in Jahrbuch des [kaiserlichen] deutschen archao-
logischen Instituts.
Arch. Camb. Archaeologia Cambrensis.
ASA Anzeiger fur schweizerische Altertumskunde.
ASNP Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa.
ASS Acta Sanctorum.
BA Bulletin arche'ologique.
Bagendon E. M. Clifford, Bagendon: a Belgic Oppidum. A Record of the Excavations
of 1954-56 (Cambridge, 1961).
BaudiS J. Baudis, Grammar of Early Welsh. Part I, Phonology (Oxford, 1924).
BB Beitrage zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen.
BBC J. G. Evans, The Black Book of Carmarthen (Pwllheli, 1906).
BBCS The Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies.
BE Bulletin epigraphique.
1
The reprints of Rhys's lectures to the British Academy are cited by pages as
numbered in the separate issues.
xii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
SBIA Map of Southern Britain in the Iron Age. Made and published by the
Director General of the Ordnance Survey (Chessington, Surrey,
1962).
ScGSt Scottish Gaelic Studies.
Scherer A. Scherer, 'Die keltisch-germanischen Namengleichungen', in
Corolla Linguistica. Festschrift F. Sommer (Wiesbaden, 1955), 199-210.
Schonfeld M. Schonfeld, Worterbuch der altgermanischen Personen- und Volkernamen
(Heidelberg, 1911).
Schuermans H. Schuermans, Sigles figulins (ipoque romaine) (Bruxelles, 1867).
Schulze W. Schulze, Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen (Berlin, 1904).
Seel C. Iulii Caesaris Commentarii rerum gestarum, edidit Otto Seel, vol. 1,
Bellum Gallicum (Lipsiae, 1961).
SIHK (also SVIHK) U . Schmoll, Die Sprachen der vorkeltischen Indogermanen His-
paniens und das Keltiberische (Wiesbaden, 1959).
Sitz> Berl. Akad. Sitzungsberichte der koniglich preufiischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.
SM O. Parlangeli, Studi Messapici (Milan, i960).
Solmsen F. Solmsen, Indogermanische Eigennamen als Spiegel der Kulturgeschichte,
hrsg. u. bearb. v. Ernst Fraenkel (Heidelberg, 1922).
Spr. alt. Illyr. A. Mayer, Die Sprache der alten Illyrier, 2 vols. (Wien, 1957-9).
Spr. Aufgl. H. Krahe, Sprachliche Aufgliederung und Sprachbewegungen in Alteuropa
{Akad. d. Wissenschaften u. d. Literatur [in Mainz]. Abhandlungen d.
Geistes- u. Sozialwissenschafilichen Kl., Jhg. 1959, Nr. 1).
SprFK L. Weisgerber, 'Die Sprache der Festlandkelten', 20. Bericht der
rbmisch-germanischen Kommission 1930 [1931], 147-226.
Spr. Illyr. H. Krahe, Die Sprache der Illyrier. Erster Teil: Die Quellen (Wies
baden, 1955).
SSVH J. Untermann, Sprachraume und Sprachbewegungen im vorromischen His-
panien (Weisbaden, 1961).
Strom H. Strom, Old English Personal Names in BeaVs History (Lund Studies
in English, 8) (Lund, 1939).
Strukt. alteur. Hydr. H. Krahe, Die Struktur der alteuropaischen Hydronymie (Akad. d.
Wissenschaften u. d. Literatur [in Mainz]. Abhandlungen d. Geistes- u.
Sozialwissenschafilichen Kl., Jhg. 1962, Nr. 5).
Studies R. A. S. Macalister, Studies in Irish Epigraphy (London, 1897-1907).
SVIHK see SIHK.
Tab. Coniect. H. MeusePs 'Tabula Coniecturarum* in Lex. Caes.
ΤΑΡΑ Transactions of the American Philological Association.
TB (also Top. bret.) W. B. S. Smith, De la toponymie bretonne. Supplement to Lg.
16/2, April-June 1940 (Language Monograph No. 20).
TBC E. Windisch, ed., Die altirische Heldensage Tain bo Cualnge (Leipzig,
1905)·
TBDD E. Knott, ed., Togail Bruidne Da Derga (Mediaeval and Modern
Irish Series, vol. 8) (Dublin, 1936).
Thes. (also TLL) Thesaurus Linguae Latinae (Lipsiae, 1900-).
Thes. Onom. Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, Onomasticon.
Thes. Pal. W. Stokes and J. Strachan, Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus, 2 vols. (Cam
bridge, 1901-3).
Thes. Praerom. J. Hubschmid, Thesaurus Praeromanicus (Bern, 1963-).
xxii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Thr. Spr. D. Detschew, Die thrakischen Sprachreste (Wien, 1957).
TLL see Thes.
TLL Onom. see Thes. Onom.
Top. bret. see TB.
TP Itineraria Romana, romische Reisewege an der Hand der Tabxda Peu-
tingeriana, ed. K. Miller (Stuttgart, 1916) (reprint, Roma, 1964).
TPhS Transactions of the Philological Society.
Traiti see Blanchet.
Trans.Cymmr. Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion.
Troude A. E. Troude, Nouveau dictionnaire pratique breton-francais (Brest, 1876).
Tr.Z Trierer Zeitschrift.
TTP R. Bromwich, Trioedd Tnys Prydein. The Welsh Triads (Cardiff, 1901).
UAF H. Krahe, Unsere altesten Flufinamen (Wiesbaden, 1964).
Uf&· J· Pokorny, Zur Urgeschichte der Kelten und Illyrier (Halle, 1939). 1
Urk. Spr. W. Stokes, Urkeltischer Sprachschatz, ubersetzt, uberarbeitet und
herausgegeben v. A. Bezzenberger (second part of the fourth
edition of August Fick's Vergleichendes Worterbuch der indogermanischen
Sprachen) (Gottingen, 1894).
Vallee F. Vallee, Grand dictionnaire francais-breton, 2 vols. (Rennes, 1931),
with Supplement (La Baule, 1948).
VB L. Fleuriot, Le Vieux breton. Elements d9une grammaire (Paris, 1964).
VKG H. Pedersen, Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen, 2 vols.
(Gottingen, 1909-13).
Voc. Corn. *Vocabularium Gornicum', edited in GC 1065-81.
Vollmer F. Vollmer, ed. Inscriptions Baivariae Romanae sive inscriptiones pro-
vinciae Raetiae adiectis aliquot Noricis Italicisque (Monaci, 1915).
VP J. Untermann, Die venetischen Personennamen (Wiesbaden, 1961).
VR (also VRom) Vox Romanica. Annales Helvetici explorandis Unguis Romanicis
destinati.
VSB A. W. Wade-Evans, Vitae Sanctorum Britanniae et Genealogiae (Cardiff,
1944)·
VVB J. Loth, Vocabulaire vieux-breton (Paris, 1884).
Wagner F. Wagner, 'Neue Inschriften aus Raetien', 37-38. Bericht der romisch-
germanischen Kommission 1956-7 [1958], 215-64.
Walde A. Walde, Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch* (Heidelberg, 1910).
Wb. Jhb. Wurzburger Jahrbiicher.
Westd. Korrbl. Korrespondenzblatt der Westdeutschen Zutochnfi fur Geschichte und
Kunst.
WG J. Morris-Jones, A Welsh Grammar, Historical and Comparative (Oxford,
1913)·
W.-H. A. Walde, Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch, 3., neubearbeitete
Aufl. v . J . B. Hofmann, 3 vols. (Heidelberg, 1938-56).
WienStud Wiener Studien.
Windisch E. Windisch, Irische Texte mit Worterbuch (Leipzig, 1880).
1
Reprinted from Z^P 20/2, 1935, 315-52; 20/3, 1936, 489-522; 21/1, 1938,
55-204. I cite from the reprint.
L I S T OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S xxiii
forms mentioned in this edition was compiled by Tourneur and published in ACL
3, 1907, 109-37.
1
1st ed., Paris, 1858; 2nd ed., Paris, 1872.
2
See also the Addenda and Corrigenda published by Stokes in BB 21, 1896,
122-37; 23> 1&9Ί> 4I_655 3 2 1 anc * the remarks of Prellwitz, BB 22, 1896, 80 if., of
Loth, RC17,1896,434-43; ϊδ, 1897,89-99; 20, 1899, 344~55> and of Thurneysen,
IFAnz. 6, 1896, 193-6. For other reviews see Stern, Kritischer Jahresbericht iiber die
Fortschntte der romanischen Philologie... hrsg. von Karl Vollmoller 4,1898-1900, i. 50.
4 INTRODUCTION
1
See the following reviews: Menges, Rocznik Slawistyczny 13, 1937, 134;
O'Rahilly, Irish Historical Studies 1, 1938-9, 3 0 6 - 9 ; Sjoestedt-Jonval, BSL 40, 3,
!939> 105-11J Lejeune, REA 41, 1939, 9 3 - 9 5 ; Jackson, Antiquity 15, 1941, 96-100;
Childe, ibid. 100-2; Pisani, AGI 34, 1942, 124-7.
INTRODUCTION I I
where letters are or may be missing. | marks the end of a line in the
original. 11 marks the end of every fifth line. A dot beneath a letter
indicates that it is damaged or otherwise imperfect or uncertain.
Interpuncts are noted as they occur in the original, single ·, double : ,
or other forms », .·., etc.
I have seen the following originals and made my own copies from
them: DAG 46, 48, 60, 63-71, 74 bis, 170-3, Note xiii.
REMARK
1
CPh. 35, 1940, 114.
2
However, there is still disagreement in regard to the sigla of the manuscripts.
I have adopted those of Klotz and Seel. (For Hering's important revision of the
whole problem of the interrelationship of the manuscripts see pp. 30 f. below.)
3
I read and copied L in the library of the British Museum and the Paris manu
scripts, QBT, in the Bibliotheque Nationale. A M S N V U R (and QBLT as well)
I copied from microfilms and G from photographs. For the classification of some
secondary manuscripts see the writings of Meusel referred to below (esp. JB 11,
1885, 173 ff.) and Constans, p. xxix. (Hering now gives pride of place as primary
manuscripts to AB and T U only, see pp. 30 f. below.)
4
See M. B. Mendes da Costa, Bibliotheek der Universiteit van Amsterdam. Catalogus
der Handschriften II, De Handschriften der Stedelijke Bibliotheek met de latere aanwinsten
(Amstelodami, 1902), 16. Concerning the loss of this manuscript in the first part
of the nineteenth century and its return in 1 8 5 4 t o m e Universiteits-Bibliotheek, see
Wochenschriftfirklassische Philologie 16, 1899, 991 f. See further Seelxix, Hering 31 f.
5
See Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum bibliothecae regiae, pars tertia, tomus quadra-
tus (Parisiis, 1744), 35. For a facsimile see fimile Chatelain, PaUographie des clas-
siques latins, Collection de facsimiles, 4 e livraison (Paris, 1886), PI. xlvii. See also now
Hering 25 fT.
6
Tenth century according to Holder, Klotz and Seel, ninth to tenth centuries
Meusel and Constans, ninth century Beeson. See Catalogus codicum manuscnptorum
bibliothecae regiae, vol. cit. 154. Where folia of Β are wanting, Codex Vossianus
Leidensis 53, eleventh century, apparently a copy of Β (cf. Seel xx, and see Hering
35» 37> 8°)> 1S used. It is referred to as C. Sections missing in Β are i. 7. 3 pnncipum
to i. 20. 5 haec cum, v. 44. 10 convertit to v. 48. 7 Gallus, and vi. 11. 4 antiquitus to
vi. 13. 10 parent. Concerning the corrector of Β see Seel, loc. cit. For a facsimile
see Chatelain, op. cit., pi. xlvi. See further Hering 32 fF. (Taf. i-iii).
7
Ninth to tenth centuries Beeson. See Dedefsen, Philologus 17, 1861, 649 if.,
Hauler, Wiener Studien 17, 1895, 122 ff., Ullmann, Philological Quarterly 1, 1922,
17 ff., Hering 10 f. (Taf. iv). For a facsimile see Chatelain, op. cit., pi. liv.
8
Tenth or eleventh centuries according to P. Fabre, Cesar, La guerre civile*,
tome i (Paris, 1954), xliv, and A. Bouvet, Cesar, La guerre d'Afrique (Paris, 1949),
xli. See Indict e Cataloghi, VIII, I codici Ashburnhamiani delta R. Biblioteca Mediceo-
Laurenziana di Firenze, vol. i, fasc. 1 (Romae, 1887) 7 f. For a facsimile see Chatelain,
op. cit., pi. 1. It lacks BG i. 1-29. For some work on the collating of the manuscript
see Stangl, Philologus 45, 1886, 216-18, Kubler and Rostagno, Wochenschrift fur
klassische Philologie 12, 1895, 1240 ff. SLNj3 contain not only the eight books of
the Commentaries on the Gallic War but also the Bellum Civile, the Bellum Alexandnnum,
the Bellum Africanum, and the Bellum Hispaniense. See further K. Jax, 'Die Stellung
26 INTRODUCTION
AQ BMSLN TV UR
Beeson fairly points out that β may have '. . . got its good readings
from variants in X, its archetype, for we know that it had variants'. 5
But there may have been more than one line of descent in the text
history as represented by the symbols y' and the parallel y" in
1
CR 15, 1901, 175; Caesar's Conquest of Gaul2 (Oxford, 1931), 202. Rice Holmes
edited BG in the volume C lull Caesaris Commentarii rerum in Gallia gestarum VII, A.
Hirti Commentarius VIII (Oxford, 1914), see especially pp. xi-xv.
2
Ce'sar, Guerre des Gaules, Texte £tabli et traduit par L.-A. Constans, 2 vols.
(Collection . . . de Γ association Guillaume Bud£) (Paris, 1926), unfavourably
reviewed by Klotz, Philol. Woch. 47, 1927, 933-40. The fifth edition was published
in 1955·
3
*Recherches sur le texte et sur les manuscrits de Cesar, Bellum Gallicum',
REA 27, 1925, 279-96. Cf. id., Revue de philologie 48, 1924, 131-9.
4
I have substituted Klotz's sigla for those of Constans where this was necessary,
s CPh. 35, 1940, 120.
30 INTRODUCTION
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Here I have listed details concerning works dealing with the pottery
of La Graufesenque in general and especially with the graffiti.
A. ALBENQUE, Inventaire de VarcheOlogie gallo-romaine du departement de VAveyron
(Rodez, 1947), esp. pp. 83 ff.
Les Rutenes. Etudes d'histoire, d? archeologie et de toponymie gallo-romaines (Rodez,
1948).
'Nouveaux Graffites de La Graufesenque I.', REA 53, 1951, 71-81.
'Nouvelles Fouilles a La Graufesenque', RA 37, 1951, 175-90.
*Les Nouvelles Fouilles de La Graufesenque (Gampagne de 1950)', Proces-
verbaux des seances de la societe des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 36, 1949-53
(1954), 141-59·
D. ATKINSON, Ά Hoard of Samian Ware from Pompeii', JRS 4, 1914, 27-64.
A. AYMARD, *La Coramique gallo-romaine de La Graufesenque (Aveyron)',
Etudes rigionales pour V enseignement, fasc. 3, 1952, 150-60.
'Nouveaux Graffites de La Graufesenque', REA 54, 1952, 9 3 - 1 0 1 ; 55, 1953,
126-31.
L. BALSAN, 'Reprise de fouilles a La Graufesenque (Gondatomagos). Campagne
1950', Gallia 8, 1950 (1952), 1-13.
'Nouveaux Ροίηςοη-matrices de La Graufesenque', RA 41, 1953, 137-47.
1
For a bibliography concerning terra sigillata see F. Oswald and T. Davies
Pryce, An Introduction to the Study of Terra Sigillata (London, 1920) 2 4 5 - 7 2 ; F.
Oswald, Index of Figure-Types on Terra Sigillata, suppl. to Liverpool Annals of Arch, and
Anthrop. 13-24, 1936-7; Hermet, pp. xix fF. (with particular ref. to La Graufesen
que); H. Comfort, 'Terra Sigillata', P.-W.} Supplementband V I I (1940), 1295-
1352. See also P. de Schaetzen, Index des terminaisons des marques de potters gallo-
romains sur terra sigillata, Collection Latomus, vol. 24 (Bruxelles, 1956), and J. A.
Stanfield and Grace Simpson, Central Gaulish Potters (London, 1958). An excellent
bibliography of recent work is the section entitled 'Chronique de ceramologie' in
Duval's 'Chronique gallo-romaine' in REA 56, 1954, 4 1 8 - 2 1 ; 57, 1955, 335~8;
58» x 956, 3 0 3 - 7 ; 59» i957> 361-4; 60, 1958, 376-80; 61, 1959, 3 8 6 - 9 ; 62, i960,
411-16; 63, 1961, 4 0 1 - 9 ; 64, 1962, 3 4 9 - 5 4 ; 65, 1963» 373-7; 66, 1964, 372-6.
2
F. Oswald, Index of Potters' Stamps on Terra Sigillata, 'Samian Ware9 (Margi-
dunum, 1931) (republished in 1964 by the Gregg Press Limited, London), is here
a helpful but by no means infallible guide.
3
See E. Birley, Latomus 15, 1956, 219.
INTRODUCTION 35
'Les Fouilles de La Graufesenque (Gampagne 1951)', Proces-verbaux des
stances de la soc. des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 36, 1949-53 ( J 9 5 4 ) J 198-200.
'Les Fouilles de 1952 a La Graufesenque', op. cit. 248-53.
'Les Fouilles de La Graufesenque (Gampagne 1953)', Procis-verbaux des
seances de la soc. des lettres, sciences et arts de ly Aveyron 37, 1954-8 (1959), 6-15.
'Les Fouilles de La Graufesenque. Campagne 1954', op. cit. 65-70.
'Ceramiques inedites de La Graufesenque', Ogam 12, i960, i74f.
'Au sujet de deux poincons de La Graufesenque', Revue archeologique du
Centre 2, 1963, 29-34.
A. DE BARTHELEMY, 'Rapport sur les fouilles de M. l'abbe Ceres dans la plaine de
La Graufesenque', Bull. arch, du ComiU des travaux historiques et scientifiques 1886,
324 f.; 1887. 212 f.
A. BERTRAND, Bulletin de giographie historique et descriptive du ComiU des travaux his
toriques et scientifiques 1888, 37-39 (an account of the excavations of Cores).
H. DE VILLEFOSSE, BSAF 1882, 297-9 ( o n graffiti found by Cores 'a la Grau-
Fezen').
O. BOHN, 'VierunddreiBig neue Topferlisten aus La Graufesenque', Germania 8,
1924, 19-27 (v. RC 41, 1924, 493 f.).
E. BONNET, Carte et texte complet du departement de VAveyron {Carte archeologique de la
Gaule romaine, fasc. x) (Paris, 1944), no. 40, pp. 9-11.
P. F. CERES, Proc.-verb des seances de la socidti des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 13,
1880-4, 2 3 * (concerning a request made to Ceres to report on discoveries at the
site and to excavate it).
BSAF 1882, 297-9 a n c * 1884, 83-86 (see here s.nn. A. Bertrand and H. de
Villefosse).
Proc.-verb. des seances de la societe des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 14, 1884-7,
62 f. (an account of excavations at La Graufesenque).
Memoires de la sociSte des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 14, 1887-93, 22-30
(the same).
'Note sur les poteries celtiques, gauloises et romaines du departement de
l'Aveyron et des parties voisines de l'Aveyron et des parties voisines du departe
ment de la Lozere', op. cit. 448-58.
G. CHENET, 'Die Erforschung der galloromischen Topfereien in den Argonnen seit
dem Anfang des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts', Germania 14, 1930, 64-73 (v- RE A
34> 1932, 58).
L. CONSTANS, ΒA 1893, xxxv (concerning Gallo-Roman pottery of Aveyron with
particular reference to that of La Graufesenque).
J. DEGHELETTE, 'La Fabrique de La Graufesenque (Aveyron)', REA 5, 1903,
37-78.
'Les Graffites de La Graufesenque', RA 4 e s£r., 3, 1904, 200-4.
Les Vases ceramiques ornis de la Gaule romaine, vol. i (Paris, 1904), pp. 85-92
(with figs. 61-62), pis. xiii-xiv.
G. DoTTiN, 'La Langue gauloise dans les graffites de La Graufesenque', REA 26,
1924» 73-77 (ϋ· Glotta 15, 1927, 248).
F. DREXEL, 'Romische Sigillataservices', Germania 11, 1928, 51-53 (on the names of
vases, etc.).
A. ERNOUT, 'Acetabulum' in Classical and Mediaeval Studies in Honor of Edward
Kennard Rand . . ., ed. Leslie Webber Jones (New York, 1938), 101-3.
36 INTRODUCTION
P. F. FOURNIER, Gallia 9, 1951, 108 f. (on excavations of 1951), 12, 1954, 193-5 ( o n
excavations of 1952-3), 13, 1955, 182 f. (on excavations of 1954).
J. FRASER, 'The graffiti of La Graufesenque', RC 42, 1925, 93-96 (v. Glotta 16,
1928, 223).
A. GRENIER, in T. Frank, An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, vol. iii (Baltimore,
I937)> 540-62.
'Sur la "coutume ouvriere" des potiers gallo-romains , J in Fest. f. August Oxi
zum 75. Geburtstag . . . (Darmstadt, 1938), 84-89.
J. GRIGOURT, 'Les "marques chiffroes intra-docoratives" de La Graufesenque' in
Hommages a Albert Grenier, ed. M. Renard (Collection Latomus 58) (Bruxelles,
1962), 763-70.
H. GUMMERUS, 'Die sudgallische Terra-sigillata-Industrie nach den Graffiti aus
La Graufesenque', in Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum (Societas Scientiarum
Fennica) iii/3 (Helsingfors, 1932), 1-21 (v. REA 34, 1932, 58).
F. HERMET, Proc.-verb. des stances de la sociiti des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 19,
1900-3, 133-6, 188-90; 21, 1906-7, 56-57 (accounts of excavations at La
Graufesenque).
'Les Graffites de La Graufesenque', RA 4 e ser., 3, 1904, 74-91.
Assoc, frangaise pour Vavancement des sciences. Compte rendu de la 41™ Session (Nimes
igi2) (Paris, 1912), 163 f. (notice of a communication on the pottery and
graffiti of La Graufesenque).
Les Graffites de la Graufesenque pris Millau (Aveyron) (Rodez, 1923) (v. RA
1923, 180 f.).
La Graufesenque (Condatomago) I. Vases sigilUs.-II. Graffites, 2 vols. (Paris, 1934),
reviewed by Davies Pryce, JRS 24, 1934, 231-4; de Weerd, VAntiquiU classique
3» ^34» 543-7; Oxe, ΒJ 140-1, 1936, 325-94; Lantier, RA 1937, 121.
C. JULLIAN, 'Inscription indigene de La Graufesenque', REA 24, 1922, 250 f.
R. KNORR, 'Verzierte Terra sigillata des ersten Jahrhunderts', Germania 21, 1937,
240-7 (v. REA 41, 1939, 35).
R. LANTIER, CRAI1950, 420-2 (on new excavations).
J. LOTH, 'Les Graffites gaulois de la Graufesenque', RC 41, 1924, 1-64, 493, also
42, 1925, 221 f. (v. Glotta 15, 1927, 248).
A. MEILLET, 'Des noms de nombre ordinaux en indo-europeen', BSL 29, 1929,
29-37·
A. NICOLAI, Les Officines de potiers gallo-romaines et les graffites de La Graufesenque . . .
(Paris, 1927) {v. Hermet, pp. 349 f., Weisgerber, SprFK 151).
A. O X E , Die 'Topferrechnungen von der Graufesenque', ΒJ 130, 1925, 38-99
(v RC 43, 1926, 4 4 J ~ 4 ; REA 32, 1930, 261).
'La Graufesenque', BJ 140-1, 1936, 325-94.
A. PETRUCCI, 'Per la storia della scrittura romana: i graffiti di Condatomagos',
Bullettino delVArchivio paleografico italiano, Terza Serie, 1, 1962, 85-132.
R. THURNEYSEN, 'Gallisches', £CP 15, 1925, 379-83 (#C 44, 1927, 249 f.); *Zu
den Graffiti von La Graufesenque', Z^P J 6 , 1927, 285-304 (RC 45, 1928, 415);
'Gall, uxsedios "rudis" ', ZCP 20, 1936, 368.
J. VENDRYES, 'Remarques sur les graffites de La Graufesenque', BSL 25,1924,34-43.
CRAI 1950, 419 f. (on new excavations).
L. VIALETTES, 'Sigles figulins relev£s sur les poteries trouv£es dans PAveyron et a
Banassac (Lozere)', Memoires de la sociiti des lettres, sciences et arts de VAveyron 15,
1894-9» lSG-
INTRODUCTION 37
Η. DE VILLEFOSSE, see s.n. A. Bertrand above.
BSAF 1884, 83-86 (on two graffiti discovered by Ceres 'a la Gros-fesenque').
J. WHATMOUGH, JCS i, 1950, 7-9 (on tuOdos).
DAG, items 90-132 (pp. 274-323).
II
THE MATERIAL:
AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y
I N this chapter are listed and discussed the forms which I think
should be considered in a study of Celtic personal names in the sources
here selected for special consideration.
Owing to the nature of the Celtic inscriptions of Gaul 1 it is inevitable
that some names of doubtful Celticity are included, some forms which
are fragmentary or forms the reading of which is uncertain, and even
some forms which may not be personal names at all. References to the
sources are kept to the barest minimum. Thus, if an inscription is
recorded in The Dialects of Ancient Gaul, reference is not necessarily
made to any other sources such as Dottin or GIL· I have, however,
included, for the sake of convenience, lists of the relevant item num
bers from DAG accompanied by the corresponding numbers from
Dottin. 2
Names from the Commentaries on the Gallic War are listed with brief
biographical notes on their bearers. Details are given concerning
textual variants, conjectures, and emendations, and concerning the
forms of these personal names as attested in other sources in antiquity.
In listing the forms from the graffiti of La Graufesenque which
deserve consideration I quote Whatmough's account of the material
in DAG, and refer to other accounts, such as those of Hermet and
Oxe, only where they differ from that of Whatmough. Graffiti dis
covered during excavations at La Graufesenque in 1950-2, described
by Albenque and Aymard, are referred to as A-A. 1, A.-A. 2, etc.
For a discussion of some of the peculiar problems presented by these
graffiti and by names on terra sigillata, and for a bibliography con
cerning the material, see Chapter I (c) (iii). I have appended an
index of item numbers from Whatmough's DAG, Hermet's La Grau-
fesenque, and Oxe's Die Topferrechnungen von der Graufesenque*
An attempt is also made to interpret the names thus listed. Where
necessary the interpretation of a name is preceded by a discussion of
the reading. The forms are arranged in groups of Compounded Names
(section (A) (i)) and Uncompounded Names (section (B)). T h e
1 2 3
See Chapter I (c) (i). See pp. 481-3. See pp. 485-7.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 39
entries within each section succeed each other in strict alphabetical
order, but a great number of cross-references have been given. In
section (A) (ii) the elements of compounded names have been dealt
with in separate articles. Doubtful names are all discussed together in
the Appendix. To make a strict distinction between these doubtful
names and those the interpretation of which is fairly certain is not
always easy, as will be seen in several cases. It is often not clear in
which section a particular name should be placed. See the introduc
tion to the Appendix.
The Gaulish names, local, ethnic, and divine as Λνεΐΐ as personal,
which are adduced as parallels to illustrate the incidence of various
names or name elements are taken in the main from The Dialects of
Ancient Gaul and Altceltischer Sprachschatz. I have also relied a great deal
on other corpora of relevant material such as GIL and PID or less
extensive collections such as Tovar's Lexico and Palomar Lapesa's
OPL. Moreover, I have, of course, tried to gather in pertinent items
in other sources, some of which have come to light since Holder and
Whatmough published their collections of material.
The criteria used for establishing the etymology of the names fall
into several categories. Of considerable importance are the phonetic
criteria. The value of phonological observations and of orthographical
peculiarities is self-evident. Historical criteria are invaluable, especially
with names from BG, although one has always to recognize that the
local or ethnic associations of its bearer can never be taken as an
absolute proof of the language of any name. Moreover, the local
distribution of names has sometimes a direct bearing on the question of
their origin, as Weisgerber and Whatmough have stressed and abun
dantly illustrated in their published work. Finally, chronological
considerations are occasionally (alas too infrequently) of decisive im
portance, although the chronology of the Celtic inscriptions of Ancient
Gaul is still in general uncertain.
It goes without saying that many of the etymological suggestions
offered in this chapter are tentative and of questionable value. Our
knowledge of Continental Celtic personal nomenclature is still very
imperfect. A systematic investigation of more Insular Celtic sources is
bound to bring much fresh material to light and cause the conclusions
reached concerning Continental forms to be revised and modified. On
the other hand, one always has to bear in mind that the absence of
a clear cognate in the modern Celtic languages is no proof that a
particular name is non-Celtic. But it is as a rule dangerous to invent
a more or less unconvincing Celtic etymology in these circumstances
rather than admit that the etymology is unknown. This is why I have
in some cases entirely avoided giving any etymology. Even among
those given I fear that some few will appear too far-fetched to be
40 THE M A T E R I A L ! AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
A
(i) COMPOUNDED NAMES
What little work had been done previously concerning Gaulish com
pounded personal names 2 has now been superseded by Karl Horst
Schmidt's important monograph entitled 'Die Komposition in gal-
lischen Personennamen' published in J?CP 26, 1957, 33-301. For
reviews of his work, mostly favourable, see the following:
Language 33, 1957, 591-5 (J. Whatmough); Anglia 76, 1958, 430-4
(A. Scherer); Kratylos 3, 1958, 170-4 (J. Pokorny); Lingua Posnaniensis
7> x959i 286-94 (T. Milewski); Emerita 28, i960, 285-309 (M. L.
Albertos); J^pravodaj Mistopisne Komise CSAV 1, i960, 229-32 (M.
Frydrich).
His contribution to the study of Celtic personal names is extremely
valuable, and his treatment of his special subject is distinguished both
for its soundness and for its clarity. However, I feel that Scherer's main
criticism, namely that he has exaggerated the number of meaningful
names and thereby suggested highly improbable meanings for some
names, is quite justified. In a number of cases this is due to the repeti
tion of comparison of quite doubtful or 'ghost' cognates from Insular
Celtic sources. It will be seen from my discussion of individual
examples of compounding in Celtic personal names that I have relied
a great deal on his work. I have carefully acknowledged this in
1
I cannot agree with him in his later insistence, in a review of KGP (Lg. 33,
1957, 593), that 'there is in fact far less uncertainty about the etymology of
Gaulish personal names than is commonly realized by those who are not familiar
with the material, and with Keltic as a whole'.
2
See, for example, Zeuss, GCl 819 ff., GC2 853 ff.; Becker, KSB 3, 1863, 426 ff.;
Holder, AcSpassim; Pedersen, VKG 2. 1 if.; Dottin, Mnl.1 83 ff.; Mnl2 103 ff.;
id., La Langue gauloise 105 ff., 358.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 41
frequent references to KGP. For a systematic analysis of compounding
Schmidt's work, particularly the section entitled 'Kompositionslehre'
(pp. 55-90), must be consulted. Where I differ from him in matters of
interpretation I have indicated my own view below in the discussion
of individual names or name elements.
It used to be commonly supposed that the Indo-European personal
name was characteristically compounded with variously formed simple
or hypocoristic derivations. See, for example, A. Ficfc, Die griechischen
Personennamen (Gottingen, 1874) lxviff.; A. Hilka, Die altindischen
Personennamen [Indische Forschungen 3] (Breslau, 1910), 153 fF.; M .
Redin, Studies on uncompounded personal names in Old English (Uppsala,
1919), xxiiff. ;l T. Milewski, Ό pochodzeniu slowianskich imion
zlozonych', in / Mi$dzynarodowa Slawistyczna Konferencja Onomastyczna
w Krakowie w dniach 22-24 pazdziernika 1959. Ksigga Referatow pod
redakcja Witolda Taszyckiego (Wroclaw-Warszawa-Krakow, 1961),
233-47 (v. RIO 14, 1962, 235). But Ernst Pulgram, in an article
entitled 'Indo-European Personal Names' (published in Language 23,
1947, 189-206), has now convincingly shown that this supposition is
based on faulty and incomplete evidence. His study led him to the
following conclusions:
(1) The fashion of naming which appears in several Indo-European
idioms is not necessarily proved to have been inherited from the parent
speech. (2) In accordance with universal traits of nomenclature and in
view of the serious gaps in the evidence we possess, we must suppose that
the oldest form of name in Indo-European was a simple appellative and
not a compound. (3) The prevalence of compounds in available records for
some areas is not necessarily typical for any speech-area as a whole, and
even less for an entire linguistic family, in view of the socially and historically
conditioned partiality of the tradition, which favours the upper classes.
See also now Pulgram, 'New Evidence on Indo-European Names',
Language 36, i960, 198-202. However, Pokorny has rightly main
tained in a review of KGP2 that both the compounded and the originally
uncompounded types were doubtless common in the parent language.
Some statistical work has been done concerning the incidence of
dithematic names as opposed to monothematic names in Continental
Celtic, and it is still worth referring to this work. But we must re
member Pulgram's warning that statistics of this kind, based on re
cords that are so fragmentary, are bound to be misleading because
they can tell us so very little about the frequency-ratio of each
individual name. Weisgerber (Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 314 ff., see especially
1
Cf. Olof von Feilitzen, The Pre-Conquest Personal Names of Domesday Book
(Uppsala, 1937), n f., Hilmer Strom, Old English Personal Names in Bede's History
(Lund, 1939), xlii.
2
Kratylosfr 1958, 171 f.
42 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
his remarks on pp. 329 f.) counted 28 compounded Celtic names
(with 31 instances) among the Treveri beside 20 (with 27 instances)
abbreviated names and 115 (with 132 instances) originally uncom-
pounded names. He counted 23 compounded forms among 238 in
stances of Celtic names among the Mediomatrici (Rh. V. 18,1953,267).
Schmidt (KGP 39 fF.) claimed that there were in the Commentaries on
the Gallic War 32 compounded personal names (the names of 34 per
sons), 3 abbreviated names, and 21 originally uncompounded names. 1
According to my calculation there are 34 compounded names in BG
(the names of 37 persons), 2 3 abbreviated names, 3 and 21 originally
uncompounded names. 4 In BG Celtic personal names are in the main
those of tribal leaders and such like, members of a wealthy aristocracy,
as the brief biographical details concerning their bearers clearly show.
In contrast to this the potters' names in La Graufesenque graffiti are
mostly those of the humbler strata of society. Of those names in the
graffiti that are probably Celtic only one, Deprosagilos, can be cer
tainly classed as compounded, while 23 are uncompounded. 5 In the
Celtic inscriptions of Gaul, the vast majority of which are funerary or
votive and in which I think we should expect to find as many of the
names of the common people as of their more distinguished and power
ful leaders, the balance of compounded and uncompounded names is
fairly even. In this source I counted 57 compounded as opposed to 55
uncompounded names. 6
ABEPICCADEF(?)AC(?)NVAVMAYM(?)VIXIO
He commented that the second letter appeared to be barred D.
This inscription defies all attempts at a satisfactory interpretation.
But it appears to contain a personal name Adepicca which may be
followed by another Deuacnua.3 The exact relationship of these names
to each other and to the rest of the inscription is uncertain. With
Adepicca compare especially PN Atepiccus in an inscription of Reculver,
Kent (CIL 7. 1325). For other names in atep- and for the interpretation
of them see s.n. Apetemari above. Adepicca may be an abbreviation of
a compounded name such as Atepomariis or Ateporix with the suffix
-icca substituted for the last element. 4 Barred d (see Chapter I I I (A),
Remark) may here represent a dialectal pronunciation or some
mutation of the unvoiced dental stop.5 Compare perhaps forms in
1
Hardly compare Gallo-Bret. areanos (ace. pi.) Amm. Marc. 28. 3. 8 which has
been connected with Ir. airid 'watches, heeds, considers' and airne '(night-)watch'.
See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 17; Loth, RC 35, 1914, 113; 47, 1930, 384; Vendryes, LEIA
A-81 f. Cf. Pokorny, IEW 818.
2
Compare PN Cintugnatus 'first-born'. For this type see Schmidt, KGP 69.
Concerning Ariovistus see further Pokorny, IEW 67; G. Walser, Caesar und die
Germanen (Historia, Einzelschriften, Heft 1) (Wiesbaden, 1956) 49 with η. ι ;
Schmidt, KGP 134; Menzel, Btr. ζ. Ν. 11, i960, 84, n. 27.
3
See Appendix s.n. It is altogether doubtful whether uixio, which is the reading
given for the end of the inscription, should be taken as a separate form and as
a personal name as suggested by Whatmough {DAG 186), comparing Vixuuioni
(DAG 185).
4
In AcS 3. 716 Holder explained Atepiccus as a compound of *Epiccos3 which he
compared (AcS 1. 1444) with Gk. ιππικός.
5
Owing to the similarity between Adepicca and Atepiccus it is tempting to suggest
that Demaison misread d for / or that the engraver committed an error here. But
there can be no justification for accepting either of these suggestions in the mere
fact that it gets rid of the difficulty presented by -if-.
56 THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
atha-, athe-, and athu- listed in section (A) (ii) s.v. ATE-. Demaison
(loc. cit.) assumed that the name is that of a woman (presumably an
tf-stem nom. in -a). It may, however, be a masculine α-stem.1
(A) (ii) s.v. BIL-. With -cedo, for which I admit I can suggest no
reasonable etymology, l compare apart from other instances of names
in bil(l) iced- the following forms: PNN Ced[ DAG 176; Cedoni DAG 136,
CIL 13. 1551, 2 Cedonius CIL 9. 162; LN Cedonia in Moesia Inf. AcS 1.
883, 3. 1177.3 However, the name should perhaps be analysed as
Bili-c-edo with -c-edo in that case functioning as a suffix4 (? -ic(o)-+
-edon-).5
Esugenus, and Totatigen[u]s listed s.v. GEN-. Gluck (KN 49, 102) re
garded the name as the equivalent of Latin Martigena, presumably
because the Gaulish DN Camulus was equated with the Roman Mars.
See also the following:
De Jubainville, RC 8, 1887, 182; 10, 1889, 167; 17, 1896, 309; 19,
1898, 229, La Civilisation des Celtes et celle de Vepopee homerique 172 f.;
le Nestour, RC 2i 3 1900, 102; Dottin, Mnl. 120, La Langue gauloise
94; Vendryes, Rel. Celt. 263; Schmidt, KGP 160; de Vries, KR 58.
Compare PN Camulognaia DAG 182.1
Reine, Cote-d'Or)
The inscription is on a piece of lead found at Mont-Auxois in 1909
(see Rhys, Addit. 51 f., pi. vi) and probably formed part of a longer
text. Rhys commented that 'the end of the lead is very jagged, and
there is nothing left to show whether or not the name had a final C
The form is probably complete on the left, but the final letter or
letters of the name may have been lost on the right.2 The following are
other instances of the name: Caromarus CIL 3. 12014. 185 (Western-
dorf); Caromarus, Caromarusf(ecit) CIL 13. 10010. 46i a ~ d (Osterburken,
Mainz, Kapersburg, ad Mosellam).3 The name is compounded Kapo-
μαρο[ with the stem vowel of the first element preserved in the composi
tion joint. For the second element see section (A) (ii) s.v. MARO-. The
first should probably be related to Celtic caro- 'to love', for which
see ibid. s.v. Here it may have a verbal meaning4 and the name may
accordingly be compounded of verb stem+adjective with the mean
ing 'he who loves greatly'.5 For this type of name compare PNN such
1
D'Arbois de Jubainville (RC 8, 1887, 182) rendered this name as 'celle qui
fait du dieu Camulos Pobjet de son culte habituel'. Schmidt suggested 'die durch
Mars Geborene' or 'mit Kampf vertraut' (KGP 68) and 'die im Gotte Camulos
Geborene (op. cit. 160).
2
The form may well be a mere fragment of a longer text. Thus it is impossible
to be certain concerning the case. Perhaps it is an incomplete o-stem nom. Kapo-
μαρο[ς~\ or dat. Καρομαρο[υ] or -μαρο[υι\. It is hardly to be divided as ]κάρο μαρο[.
3
See also Oswald 62. The name is listed by Whatmough in DAG 228 (iv)
(Names of Potters of Rheinzabern) and 250 (Alien PNN).
4
See Schmidt, KGP 163, n. 2.
5
It is unlikely that the function of 'mams here is merely suffixal. I agree with
Schmidt (KGP loc. cit.) that the meaning suggested by Rhys (Addit. 52) is not
acceptable. But it is hardly necessary to accept Schmidt's assumption that the
name is either a meaningless compound or that caro- is here a form of Celtic carro-
'waggon' (see below s.n. Καρθι,λιτανιος). In this name and possibly in others caro-
may rather have an adjectival meaning 'dear, beloved'. According to Schmidt's
interpretation of this type of compound (KGP 59, 69) the name would mean 'great
in love' or the like. The possibility that caro- in this name is for car(i)ato- or caranto»
should not be overlooked.
62 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
that of Rhys, 1 Gray and Watkins. But this does not mean that we can
determine the precise meaning of this name element. Perhaps it is
related to carsti- and cart- (?< carst-) found in a number of forms in
some of which there is probably a cognate of W. carthu 'clean, purge,
cleanse', Br. karza, Ir. cartaim (see section (A) (ii) s.v. CART-).2
Καρθιλιτανιος may, therefore, be compounded of a verb stem-f-an
adjective with the meaning 'he who cleanses (/scours/ousts) far and
wide' (?) or the like.3 On the other hand, if καρθι- should be related to
Gk. κάρτος, etc., as was suggested by Gray (Lg. 20, 1944, 225), it
may be a tatpurusa compound of substantive+adjective meaning 'he
whose strength (/vigour) is great (/extensive)'. 4
It is noteworthy that Καρθίληανιος contains the same second element
as Κογγεννολιτανος in the same inscription. We have here an instance
of denoting family connexion by variation, i.e. by giving the child
a name of which one element is the same as one in the name of his
father.
1 See also A. Grenier, Revue des cours et confirences 32, 1930-1, 713 f., id., ArcheO-
logie gallo-romaine, 2 e partie, Uarcheologie da sol (Paris, 1934), 257.
2 See LSJ 10&4 s . w . *μό.ττ\μι (A) and ^μάτημι (Β), and compare Whatmough's
remarks in Orbis 1, 1952, 437. The etymology proposed by Vendryes for Gaul.
mantalo- was accepted by Pokorny, IEW 726 s.v. 2. men- 'treten, zertreten, zusam-
mendrucken\ See also Fleuriot DGVB 251.
3 Compare also uncompounded P N N in mant- such as the following: Manta
OPL 83 (also PID viii c Ven., CIL 3. 7330); Mantai (gen.) OPL, loc. cit.; Mantau
OPL 84; Mantia DAG, note xlv (G) (also PID XVB Lig.); Mantidia DAG 214;
Mantius DAG 83, 228 (ix) (see also for Mantia, -ius AcS 2. 411 f.); Mantro DAG 8 3 ;
Mantua OPL, loc. cit.; Mantus DAG 6 (pp. 42, 480); Mantusa DAG 156. See also
D. Detschew, Die thrakischen Sprachreste (Wien, 1957) 286 f. s.nn. Mavra, Manta, etc.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 69
Perhaps the following Welsh and Irish forms should also be con
sidered : W. mant 'mouth, lip', 1 Mllr. medal, metal, Modlr. meadal f.
'maw, paunch, belly, tripe 5 (see RIAContr. M. 117, Hessen 2. 104, 116,
Dinneen 722): Lat. mentum 'chin' and/or Lat. mando Ί chew' (see
Urk. Spr. 200, Zupitza, BB 25, 1899, 94, n. 3, Pedersen, VKG 1. 24,
Marstrander, £CP 7, 1910, 363 f., 0 Briain, £CP 14, 1923, 318 f.,
V/.-P. 2. 263, 270, W.-H. 2. 24, 72 f., IEW 726, 732, LEIA M-17, 44,
Meid, ZF67, 1962, 118).2
Cata- in the name Catamantaloedis does probably represent Gaulish
catu- 'battle'. As for the second element, the etymology proposed by
Vendryes still seems to be the most convincing. 3 The local name
Petrum.uiaco beside Petromantalum tells in favour of interpreting ~man-
talum as a form meaning 'track, path, way', notwithstanding What-
mough's objections {Orbis, loc. cit.). Catamantaloedis may accordingly
mean 'he who treads (/tracks down) [the enemy] in battle'.
section (A) (ii) s.v. CATU-). Rhys interpreted the form as a com
pounded name representing earlier *Catu-ualos and as the Gaulish
counterpart of the Irish PN Cathal and the Welsh PN CadwaL
Professor Watkins has drawn attention (Lg. 31, 1955, 11) to the
fluctuation between noting and not noting the semivowel after syllabic
/u/ in the sequence cons.+w+vowel in Narbonensis, and has con
cluded that in this position it was non-phonemic. But there is no
means of proving from the Gaulish material whether -ου- between
a consonant and vowel in a name such as the one in question here
represents [uw] or simply [w] (with syncope of the stem vowel -w- in
the composition joint). The view that Κατουαλος is a compounded
name pointing to Celtic *Catu-uaios is undoubtedly correct. Many
similar compounded PNN with their second element related to a root
val- 'to be strong, e t c ' are attested in both Continental and Insular
Celtic (see section (A) (ii) s.v. VAL-). It is unlikely that the second
-a- in Κατουαλος is long and that -ουαλος can be connected with W.
gwawl and Ir. fdl (see ibid.). The first element in the name is the
familiar Gaulish form catu- 'battle' (see section (A) (ii) s.v.). I t is
a tatpurusa compound of substantive+adjective meaning 'he who is
strong/mighty in battle' or of substantive+substantive meaning 'battle-
leader' or 'battle-ruler' or the like (with -ουαλος cognate with M1W.
gwal and gwaladyr). As Rhys pointed out (see also Stokes, Urk. Spr. 67,
Holder, AcS 1. 848, Schmidt, KGP 168) the name is cognate with W.
Cadwal (e.g. OW. Catgual LL 140, M1W. Kadwal RP 578. 30 [cf. Lloyd-
Jones, G. 92]) and Ir. Cathal (see, for example, Woulfe 174, O'Brien,
CGH 535 f.).
Κ Ο Γ Γ Ε Ν Ν Ο Λ Ι Τ Α Ν Ο Σ D A G 2 7 (inscriptionof Alleins,Bouches-du-
Rhone)
This name, an o-stem nominative in -ος, is compounded of three
elements, κογ-^/βννο-λίτανος. See section (A) (ii) s.w. COM-, GEN-,
and LITANO-. The stem vowel of the second element has been pre
served. Again the pattern of composition is ( a + b ) + c , with the first
two elements to be taken closely together. For other instances of
names in con-gen(ri)o- υ. s. GEN-.S The nasal /n/ is probably [η] before
1
Beside the instances of forms in con-gon(n)- listed s.v. GON(N)- compare PN
Con-connus CIL 3. 4900. Hardly compare PN C[o]nconius CIL 8. 19099.
2
See Chapter III (A) (ii) (c) for the alternation of c and g. If the suggestion
made here is correct then there is no need to suppose that con(n)eto- should be kept
apart from gon(n)eto- and to pursue further the etymology proposed by Gliick.
3
If con- here denotes connexion or relationship rather than affirmation or
emphasis, then the meaning suggested by de Jubainville may be the correct one.
4
Compare PN Κογγ€νρολπανος below.
5
Holder (AcS 1. 1091), Dottin (p. 247), and Whatmough (DAG 27) compared
76 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
the following stop /g/. Here it is denoted by gamma, and this is the
regular orthography for the nasal in this position in forms written in
the Greek alphabet. Compare, for example, PNN ?Εκσιγγος, Εσκςγγαι,
Εσκβγγορ.ονι, Εξκιγγορ€ΐξ, Σκιγγοριου, and L N *Εξκιγγόμαγος, all
listed in section (A) (ii) s.v. CINGO-. See VKG i. 149, Dottin 48, LP
51, Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 14. But what is the meaning ofcon-gen(n)o-?
The etymology proposed by Rhys (Addit. 29) is unacceptable, and the
meaning suggested by Schmidt for con-geno- ('der mit dem Genus ist') 1
is questionable (v. s. GEAr-). L. H. Gray (EC 6, 1953-4, 63) compared
the name element -yevvo- with Greek yiwa f. 'descent, birth, origin;
offspring, race, family, creation, creature' (v. LSJ 344, cf. Frisk
GEW 296 f.) and proposed for Κογγεννολιτανος the meaning 'celui
qui possede une vaste parente'. This, I think, is the most satisfactory
interpretation of the name, 2 although perhaps one could object that
*gen(n)os (?) 'race, family, generation, offspring' (see p . 205 below)
is not certainly attested here. Compare PN Conconnetodumnas above.
See also s.n. Καρθιλιτανιος.
D E P R O S A G I , D E P R O S A G I L O S La Graufesenque graffiti
]gsagi DAG 92 (b), 1. 14, sc. depr]osagi[los (0 is damaged); deprosagi
DAG 94 (b), 1. 15; depra DAG 94 (b), 1. 16 (depra(sagilos) O x e ) ;
de]prosagilos DAG 97 (b), 1. 15; deprosagi DAG 99 (b), 1. 10; DAG 104
(6), 1. 11; deprosagilos DAG 106 (b), 1. 11 (deprosagilos Hermet, Loth,
Oxe); deprosagi DAG 109 (c), 1. 11; de]prosagi DAG 111 (b), 1. 3 (pr
broken at top); deprosagi DAG i n (6),1. 4 and 1. 5 ; DAG 113 (£),
1. 12; deprosaga DAG 114 (ό), 1. 7 (with the comment 'an -acaV),
Hermet, gr. 22, 1. 7 (but deprosagi Hermet, Grqffites, Loth, O x e ) ;
deprosagi DAG 114 (£), 1. 15.
The name is attested in full in one graffito only (DAG 106), but the
ending -ihs is attested in a second graffito (DAG 97). Deprosagi (also
~\osagi, ]prosagi), which occurs eight times in all, 4 is probably an ab
breviated form of Deprosagilos. Such abbreviations are common in the
graffiti. Compare Depra DAG 94, which also appears to be an abbrevia
tion of the same name.
Hermet, Loth, Oxe, and Thurneysen all claimed Deprosagi(los) as
a potter's name. Whatmough alone (DAG, pp. 289 f.) suggested that
it was probably not such. Loth (RC 41, 1924, 55) interpreted it as
a compounded Celtic name. He related depro- to OBret. diprim gl.
essum (DGVB I44) s and the second element to a Celtic root sag- seen
1
See PID, vol. 3, p. 43. M. Lejeune in Hommages a Max Niedermann (Collection
Latomus 23) (Bruxelles, 1956), 209 favours the earlier reading Tanotaliknoi (? nom.
pi.)· Compare also Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 116 ff.
2
P. Lejay {Inscriptions antiques de la Cote-d'Or (Paris, 1889), no. 3, p. 19) claimed
that forms such as this, with single -w-, are mere graphic variants. This view is
probably correct (v. s. DANNO-).
3
Schmidt (KGP 188) rendered it simply as 'die Stirn eines Dannos habend'.
See also KGP, pp. 66, 275. It is unlikely that de Jubainville's suggestion (RC 11,
1890, 489, AcS 1. 1223) that the name is a compound of adj.+substantive meaning
'front hardi' is correct.
4
This includes deprosaga DAG 114, also read as deprosagi. Hermet's plate (no. 22)
does show a clear a at the end. This may be an error for i. See Οχέ, Β J 130,
1925, 61.
5
Note also MlBret. dibry, dibri, dybri 'to eat' (see GMB 163), ModBrct. debri,
dibri (Troude 104, 117, Vallee 445, Hemon 276 f.), MICorn. debry, dib(b)ry,
dyb(b)ry (R. Williams, Lexicon Cornu-Britannicum (Llandovery, 1865), 103). Pedersen
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 8I
also in Ir. saigid 'approaches, seeks out': Lat. sagire, etc. (see section
(A) (ii) s.v. SAG-). He suggested that Deprosagilos was a slave's name
meaning 'avide de manger'. This was accepted by Thurneysen in
ZCP 1.6, 1927, 296, η. 2.1 See also Weisgerber, SprFK 198; Ogam,
vol. 5, no. 27 (mars-avril 1953) 32; Schmidt, KGP 191: Fleuriot,
DGVB loc. cit.
I see no reason for rejecting the view that Deprosagilos is a potter's
name. Moreover, it is difficult to better Loth's very attractive inter
pretation of it as a compound meaning 'glutton'. But the equation of
depro- with OBret. diprim, etc., 2 in view of the uncertainty concerning
the etymology of the latter, is suspect. If Loth's suggestion is correct
then compare especially PN Curmisagius DAG 244 (Gaul, κούρμι,
curmi 'beer' for which see section (B) s.n. Cervesa).
(VKG 1. i n ) compared the Bret, forms with Gk. hetnvov, %€ΐπν€ω (: *de(i)qu-
after Brugmann, Gnmdrifi, Bd. I 2 (StraBburg, 1897), p. 609). But the etymology
of Gk. het-rrvov itself b quite uncertain (see W.-H. 1. 324, Frisk, GEW 358 *ohne
Etymologic'). Loth, on the other hand (loc. cit.), claimed that Gaul, depro- and
OBret. diprim pointed to a form with a prefix di-, de-, or perhaps do-. See now
Pinault, Ogam 16, 1964, 211-18, Whatmough GrDAG 116.
1
'schon von Loth . . . richtig als "der dem Essen nachgeht", "FreBsack"
gedeutet.'
2
Beside Bret, debri, dibri, etc., note Bret, dibr m. *a saddle' (see Hemon 337) and
OCorn. diber gl. sella (Voc. Corn., see GC 1081, OCV 412).
811930 G
β2 THE M A T E R I A L ! AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
This name is also attested in Cicero, de div. i. 41. go: ace. diuiciacum
fvv.U. diuitiacum, diuiaticum).
section (A) (ii) s.w. DI- and VIC-) to Ir. di-Jich- 'punish, avenge'. 1
Diviciacus is a derivative in -acus of a name Divicius (attested in CIL
12. 2028). Compare PN Divico, also attested in the Commentaries (see
below). I think that this interpretation is preferable to that previously
favoured by de Jubainville (NG 32), 2 who related forms in divico-, etc.,
to Gaul, devo-, dlvo- 'god5 (see section (A) (ii) s.v. DEVO-).
names in the inscription, Vedzui and Vixuvioni (see section (B) and
Appendix s.nn.) is not clear. It is an <z-stem (nom. or dat. ?). The
name may be compounded Diuuo-gna. Diuuo- is probably the familiar
Gaulish diuo- 'god' (v. s. DEVO-). For -MM- compare PN Denua DAG
244. For -gna v. s. GNO-. It may have arisen by syncope from -gena in
Gaulish itself, or may point to an old zero-grade of the root gen- 'to
beget'. 1 Apart from Deuacnua compare PNN Deocena, Dioce\ni3 Dio~
gensis, and Diuogen\ia\, all listed s.v. DEVO-, the Greek personal name
Διόγνητος (Bechtel 133)5 an< ^ Greek διογένης 'sprung from Zeus,
divine'. Diuuogna, therefore, probably means 'god-born, son (/daugh
ter) of god'. 2 But if the function of-gna here is merely sufExal (without
patronymic force), the name may mean simply 'god-like, divine'.
ala Atectorigiana CIL 3. 12452, 13. 1041, 6. 33032 (also 3. 6154), l and
the coin legend Atectori, Atectorix, on coins of the Pictaui and Petrucorii
(Mur.-Chab. 4344-52). 2 Compare also perhaps PN Epade[xtorix] CIL
13. 3064.3 Mowat claimed (RA 35, 1878, 97 fF.) that Epadatextorigi
was a divine name meaning 'seigneur protecteur, dieu tutelaire des
chevaux ou de la cavalerie'. 4 See also Stokes, RC 5, 1881-3, 116 f.,
BB 11, 1886, 134 f, and de Jubainville apud Holder, AcS 1. 1442.
Rhys, who thought that the inscription was funerary, interpreted the
form as a personal name meaning 'he who is captain of protecting
horsemen 5 . s But -αίβχίο- (itself compounded of ad- and -texto-) is to be
taken together with -rigi. However, in view of the doubt concerning
the significance of -αίβχίο- in particular, we cannot be at ail certain
concerning the precise meaning of this name. 6
*GUTUATER
This form is included here from BG 8. 38, although it is in fact not
a personal name at all but rather a Gaulish priestly title. However,
Hirtius seems to have misunderstood it as a personal name. Concern
ing variant readings and the assumption that the same person is
referred to at BG 7. 3. 1 see section (B) s.n. Cotuatus.
In view of the forms found in Latin inscriptions of Aquitania and
Lugdunensis, the reading that should be preferred at BG 8. 38. 3 is
probably gutuairum (ace.) pointing to a nominative *Gutuater. Variants
in gutru- may have arisen by dittography or metathesis. 1 For the quite
plausible interpretation of guiu-ater as a compounded form meaning
'father of invocation' see the full references quoted in section (B),
loc. cit.
W.-H. i. 696 f., E.-M. 564, Ogam, loc. cit. But all this is guesswork.
The meaning and etymology of indutio- are unknown.
BG i· 2 ' I or etor x
^i (orget° ήχ Q J xBMLNjS; 3. 1 gen. orgetorigis
or eior x
" R M L N ^ J 3* 3 g i' ^ B M L N T T R , orgetoris U ; 4. 1 ace. orgetorigem
^ M L N / 9 ; 4· 2 a n d 4· 3 orgetorix χΒΜΙ,Νβ; 9. 3 gen. orgetorigis
i c M L N £ ; 26. 4 gen. orgetorigis χΒΜΙ,Νβ.
The name is also attested as follows: Όρκζτόρίγος (gen.) Dio
Γ ssius 38· 3 1 · 3? Orgetorix Oros. 6. 7. 3 ; Orgetorix Not. Tiron. 117.
6q, 13°· 4 ^'
Tt is far from c ^ e a r n o w niuch importance should be attached to
tain A e d u a n a n d Sequanian coin legends which preserve the forms
t'rix orcitirix, orceti., orcet., or get. See Mur.-Chab. 4800 ff., AcS2. 868,
ο gianchet 132, 405 if., DAG 177, JTGP 252.2 De Saulcy, for
{ mVle9 assumed (Annuaire de la soc.fr. de num. et d'arch. 2, 1867, 6
fH3 that the correct form of the nanie of the Helvetian is accordingly
Π ptirix o r Orcetirix. However, Mommsen claimed {Geschichte des
ischen Munzwesens (Berlin, i860), 685, n. 71 ) 4 that in none of the
f ms on the coins is there attested the name of a person who can be
Ή n t i f i e d w ^ Caesar's Helvetian nobleman. D'Arbois de Jubainville
(WC 8*0 agreed with Mommsen, and Blanchet (pp. 85, 407) was
lined to take the same view. See further R. Forrer, Jhb. d. Gesell-
h ft /"· lothringuche Geschichte u. Altertumskunde 15, 1903, 130; id.,
Κ itische Numismatik der Rhein- und Donaulande (Strafiburg, 1908),
2
2 f . Rice Holmes, CG 847; A. Grenier, Les Gaulois (Paris, 1945),
fiQ · F· Stahelin, op. cit. 68, n. 4 ; Colbert de Beaulieu, Homm. Gren.
2. Compare also [Orget]orix Orgetori[gis/.] in a Latin inscrip
tion of ^ e a u x ( C / L 13· 3024)·
The name is compounded Orgeto-rix. For the ί-stem orget-, followed
h the composition vowel -o-, see section (A) (ii) s.v. ORGETO-.
ι S e £· Taubler, Bellum Helveticum (Zurich, 1924), 24 ff.; id., Tyche: historische
c j . /j^eipzig» 1926), 137 ff.; F. Stahelin, Die Schweiz in romischer £eit3 (Basel,
Q) 66 ff-5 F · Munzer, P.-W. s.n.; W. Hering, 'Caesar und Orgetorix' in
w schefl^ Zts- der Universitat Rostock, Jhg. 12, 1963, Gesellschafts- und Sprach-
.tSSeTlchafiliche Reihe, Heft 2 = Festschrift/. Rudolf Helm (Rostock, 1963), 221-7.
W1
2 Vat a bronze coin of Orgetorix discovered near Bern in 1928 see O. Tschumi,
<y h L rfrdes Bernischen historischen Museums in Bern 8, 1928, 88.
3 See ako M. A. Changarnier, Memoires de Vacad. de Dijon, Annies 1925-6,
2
4'See als° "*'» Mittheilungen der antiquarischen Gesellschaft in Zurich 7, 1852, 241.
f τ* Meyer, Beschreibung der in der Schweiz aufgefundenen gallischen Munzen (Zurich,
1863), 14 ff*
THE M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 109
Compare PNN Orgetius, -ia, Orgetei there listed. For -rix see s.v. REG-.
It is a tatpurusa compound of substantive-f-substantive meaning
'king (/leader) of killers (/murderers, /warriors)'. 1
A
(ii) ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY OF THE ELEMENTS OF COMPOUNDED
NAMES
In this section I have listed under separate headings the various name
elements which are attested in the compounded names discussed in
section (A) (i) above. I decided to do this in order to unburden that
large section of material that could not be strictly relevant to the dis
cussion of individual names. Once this was decided, it seemed to me
that not much value could be attached to a separate treatment of
these selected name elements without gathering in as many examples
as possible (including sometimes forms that could not be proved
beyond doubt to be Celtic, and even some that were demonstrably
non-Celtic) and without giving due consideration to the various
theories concerning the origin, meaning, and function of those ele
ments. I need hardly add that the task bristled with painful difficulties
and serious dangers. But I have tried consistently to recognize that in
matters connected with the etymology of proper names, and particu
larly of personal names, opinion as a rule looms larger than fact, and
also to refuse to be too dogmatic in favouring particular interpreta
tions. Perhaps I should confess that I am very dissatisfied with one
hazardous procedure that I had to adopt time and time again, namely
the grouping together for discussion of so many forms which are bound
to be of multiple origin. This, I fear, was inevitable in any fair com
ment on the name elements in question.
1
The river name Forth (Foirthe c. 1150) may point to an old form *Voritia
(Bohcpia Ptol. 2. 3. 5, Bodotria Tac. Agr. 23, Bdora Rav. 252). See J. Fraser, Scottish
Gaelic Studies 3, 1929-31, 138, Forster, FT 253 f., Macalister, EIHM 528 f., Ifor
Williams, BSRC 24, Nicolaisen, Scottish Studies 2, pt. 1, 1958, i n f. The ethnic
names Ambiuareti DAG 148, 179 and Ambiuariti DAG 212, 221 probably do not
belong here in spite of Loth, RC 37, 1917-19, 311, and Corominas, £CP 25, 1956,
57. See rather Berthoud, Bull, de ge'og. 1927, 47 ff. (REA 31, 1929, 60, SprFK 212),
Vendryes, EC 1, 1936, 374, Whatmough, DAG, p. 754, id., Orbis 1, 1952, 439,
Schmidt, KGP 100 f.
2
'Man der Hilfe' KGP 70, 71, not 'treu in seiner Hilfe', the alternative meaning
suggested in KGP 71. Cf. now Whatmough, GrDAG 65, 85.
128 T H E M A T E R I A L ! AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
-ACTO-
An element -acto- (also -acta, -αχύο-,1 -ato-l-ata-,2 -ado-j-ada-,3 -acthio-fy
past participle passive of the root *ag- 'drive, lead' seen in Ir. agait,
W. Corn. Bret, a: Gr. άγω, Lat. ago (see VKG 2. 451 if., LP 334 ff.,
IEW 4. ff., LEI A A-22) is attested in Celtic forms in ambact-, ατϊώαχΐ-,
ambat-, ambad-, and ambactk-, all listed below s.v. AMBI-. It may also
occur in a few other forms such as PNN Ataayt{i) CIL 13. 10029. 3 2 ^ 5
and Epasnactus DAG 151. 6
AD-
Gaul, ad- (as in P N N Abyevvopiy., Αόρζσσικνος)7 is cognate with
Olr. ad- (preverb and nominal prefix: v. GO I 496-7, LEI A A - 1 3 ,
RIAContr. s.v.)8 and W. a-, add- (preverb and nominal prefix: v.
1
For the Common Celtic development of [kt] to [χί] see section (A) (i) s.n.
Contexts above and Chapter III (A) (ii) (g).
2
For names in ambat- see Pokorny, Urg. 40, 173, Schmidt, KGP i n , Palomar
Lapesa, OPL 31 f., 144, id., ELH 353, Schmoll, SVIHK 82, 96. Cf. Untermann,
SSVH 15, n. 15.
3
For names in ambad- see Tovar, Estudios 134, id., REL 29, 1951, 116, Schmidt,
KGP, loc. cit. ♦ In (?) PN Ambacthius, with -th- for -*- or -cth- for -cht-.
s See ZL4G 151, 156, Remark (B).
6
See section (A) (i) above s.n. A number of other names from Ancient Gaul
may belong here. Note, for example, some names in act- and αχί- such as the
following: Act[ DAG 87, Actalus 83, lActanus 151, Remark (B), Actiliona 87, Actius
224, Actulus 83, Axtouri (gen.) CIL 13. 371 (cf. DAG 86 s.n.), Αχίο DAG 156,
Remark (Β), Αχϋ 194.
7
The names listed here show quite clearly that there are plenty of examples of
the retention of d-\- another voiced stop in Gaulish. Note, however, DN Agganaicus
PID x, PN Abuccia DAG 182 (? < *abbucc- < *ad-bucc-)3 PN Abitus AcS 3. 473, DAG
132 (? < *abbit- < * ad-bit-) which may show assimilation of d-g and d-b (v.
Watkins, Lg. 30, 1954, 517 and see s. name element GEN-). For the assimilation of
ί/-fa liquid to geminate liquid note perhaps PN Alluci beside PNN Adlucca and
Adlucus. For assimilation of d+a. nasal to geminate nasal note PNN Annamoris,
Annama, Annamus, Annamatus beside PNN in adnam-, PN Annasus beside PN
?Adnas[y PN lAnnatus beside PN Adnatus. For the orthographical variation of
dslsslsjejeejdd in PNN Ads(e)deon(is), Adsedi, Adsedili, Assedomari, Asseda..., Asedi,
Asedia, αθζδιοσ {-η-?) or a0ediac[os, AOOedomari, Addedomaros see Chapter III,
Remark. There are several examples of assimilation of d-\- a voiceless stop to
a geminate and then to a single voiceless stop, as in names in atec(t)~, αίεχί-, atreb-,
at(t)es(s)-9 atest-y atett-, and PNN Aclutius, Acincouepus. But some of these names in
at- and others listed here s. name element ad- may contain ate- rather than ad-.
On the other hand some of the names listed s. name element A TE- may rather
belong here. Schmidt suggested that assimilation has occurred in PN Auectius DAG
214 (for Aduectius, v. KGP 90, n. 1, 95, 117; cf. PN [Ad]uecti (gen.) ECMW215).
Such an assimilation could equally well be assumed for many other names in au-
such as Auena DAG 228 (iv), Auendos DAG 203, Auentina DAG 214, 244, -ia 237, -ius
237, -us 202, 214, 224, AuentusDAG 83, (?) ]auorix DAG 182 ( = CIL 13. 3i85)beside
Aduorix (f.) DAG 156, but there can be no certainty concerning any of these forms.
8
For Ir. ad as perfective preverb v. C. Sarauw, Irske Studier (Kobenhavn, 1900),
43, Thurneysen, GOI 344.
THE M A T E R I A L : AN ETYMOLOGICAL S U R V E Y 129
1
WG 263, GPC 31) i Lat. ad, ad-, Goth, at, v. VKG 2. 291-2, W.-P.
1. 44-45, LP 260, W.-H. 1. 11-12, IEW % VB 371.
The precise significance of ad- in most of the names I have listed
here is not clear. Schmidt suggested that the meaning 'to' may still
be present in some names compounded of ad-\- substantive (KGP 56). 2
In names compounded of ad-\-adjective it is probable that ^frequently
functions as an intensive prefix, e.g. PN Admanis Very great', PN
Admata Very good'. 3 Compounds of ad+a. verb-noun or participle
and of ad+a. verb-stem are common, e.g. names in adret(t)~ and
αδρ€σσ~ (v. s. Αδρςσσι,κνος), adsed-, etc., atect- and aduect-,
PNN: Acincouepus DAG 157 ;4 Aclutius CIL 10. 4876 ;5 Adbitus DAG 83;
Adbogius DAG 156 (also 237); Adbucietus DAG 156; Adbucillus DAG 83;
Adbugiouna DAG 244; Adbugissa DAG 208A (also 214); Adbugius 156,
237; Adcanaunos 157 ;6 Adcennus DAG 83; Adcenus DAG 151; Adcobrouatis
DAG 244; Adcomar[.]i N-L. 102; Adcultus CIL 12. 1304; i4*feri[ ZX4G
8 3 ; ?^rff* (^4</[/*[αί) ZX4G151, Remark Β; Adgandestrii (gen.) Tac. 0/w.
2.88 ; 7 Adgatus DAG 176 ; 8 Adgelei (gen.) C7L 3. 4844 = 11509; Adgenni
(gen.) C/L 12. 3188 ( = AdgennusDAG 83); Adgennia DAG 83; Adgennii
(gen.) C/L 12. 3175 ( = Adgennius DAG 83) ; 9 Adgennonius PID xiic;
J48y€wopty. Ζλ4(?49; ?Ad]gentius DAG 237; i48y€i/oui, -dSycvoov JD^4G
70; Adgenus DAG 140, 151, Remark Β, 176; Adgini[ DAG 237; Adginna
DAG 244; Adginnius DAG 182, 237; Adgonetus MG, no. 23; Adgonna
DAG 83; Adgubillus DAG 83; Adgubiounus DAG 83 ;10 Adiania (-ianta?)
CIL 3. 15211; names in adiant- and βώ'αί- p. s. IANT-, IAT-, etc.;
Adietuanus DAG 157;" Adietumarus DAG 244; Adledus DAG 237 ;12 Λΐά-
13
/MCOZ PZD viiic; Adluc[us (or -[^WJ·) ZL4G 156, Adlucus DAG 156, Re
mark Β ; Admaeo (dat.) C7L 6. 6908; Admarus AcS 1. 43 ; 14 Admata DAG
1
Not W. fli- as stated by Dottin, p. 224. For OW. ad (i.e. /a8/) prep, 'to* see
BBCS3, 1927, 256 (U. 5, 17).
2
I think that here he may have exaggerated the proportion of meaningful
compounded forms. See also Palomar Lapesa, OPL 116.
3
Schmidt properly suggested that this intensive function may be explained by
the influence of similar compounds in at(e)-, v. KGP 51, 61, 136, n. 4. See also
Guyonuarc'h, Ogam 14, 1962, 460, 596 if. Palomar Lapesa's suggestion (OPL loc.
cit.) that ad· means 'more' in P N Admata, for example, is not convincing.
4
?For *ad-cingo-. See KGP 109 f. Cf. EC 9. 1960-1, 488-90.
5
?For *ad-clutius. See KGP n o .
6
Compare PNN Acaunensis DAG 18, Acaunissa 138, 208D (also 214), Acaunus 136,
(?) 156, L N Acaunum (-£-) 15, and the gloss acaunum (or -us) 'stone' 178.
7
See Schmidt, KGP 112, Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 594.
8
See Holder, AcS 1. 40; cf. id. ib. 3. 505, Schmidt, KGP 112.
9
Also PN Adgennius CIL 12. 3368.
10
= Adgubioun(us) CIL 12. 3042.
11
See section (A) (i) s.n. Adiatunnus.
12
lapis Adled[ CIL 13. 5278.
13
or Adluc[cus], v. KGP 114, 233.
14
v. KGP 114.
311930 Κ
130 THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
244, CIL 2. 567; Admatius DAG 83, 182; ?Admetus DAG 224, CIL 2.
3006; Admin. CIL 6. 12594; Adminio (dat.) Suet. Cal. 44; Adnama
DAG 151, 244, PID xiic; Adnamata AcS 3. 509. 23-24; Adnamati[DAG
239 ;x Adnamatia DAG 224, 244; Adnamatinia DAG 156; Adnamatius
DAG 224, 237, 244, Afo[fl772flfr'ztf] DAG 237 ; 2 Adnamatus 237, 244 ;3
Adn[amatus or -[arm^y ZMIG 237; Adnametus DAG 151, 156, 237; -4rf-
namita DAG 156; Adnamius AcS 1. 44; Adnama (f, cf. A $ 3 . 510. 32)
Ζλ4β 19, Adnamo (-κ) ZL4G 244; Adnamus DAG 237, 244, AE 1958, 21 ; 4
5
?^4^ΛΓ[ Z)^4G 237; Adnatus DAG 182, 214; Adnema DAG 9 ; Adnomatus
DAG 244; Adraxius DAG 224; Adreito PID xvic; Αδρβσσι/αΌ? ZL4G 7 1 ;
Adreticia, -ins DAG 8 3 ; Adretilis DAG 9; ^ISperfp i?£A 65, 1963, 365;
Adretonius DAG 83; Adrettio DAG 8 3 ; Adrotus CIL 3. 4886; Afc(*)-
deon(is) (gen.) CZL 3. 5022; Adsedi (gen.) C7Z, 3. 4847; Adsedili (gen.)
C/L 3. 5373; Adtusta DAG 156; Aduetisso DAG 8 3 ; Aduital[ DAG 214;
Advocisus DAG 136, 137 ; 6 Aduorix (f.) Ζλ4£ 156; ^4/Zwa Ζλ4£ 204
Remark 3 (? for *ad-luc-; but see s.v. ALLO-); Anadgouoni DAG 157;
Anamati (gen.) C7Z 6. 32624^ ; 7 ^4^mo CZL 3. 12014. 113; Annama DAG
244; Annamatus DAG 244; Annamoris AcS 1. 44; Annamus DAG 244;
?Annasus DAG 23J ;?Annatus DAG 182; (?)Asedem (ace.) Egger, Ogtfttz
14. 1962, 446 (also 459 ff.); Aran' (gen.) C7L 2. 6249. 3 ; Asedia CIL 3.
5107; Asseda... CIL 3. 5087; Assedomari (gen.) C/L 3. 5291;
Addedomari (gen.) AE 1952, no. 3758 Addedomaros AcS 1. 39, 3. 504 ; 9
Α0€διοσ (-η-?) or A0£o&&:[ay] -CAG 206; Atec. CIL 7. 1336. 97; Atectius
DAG 224; A^rfo C7L 3. 11481; (aid) Atectorigiana DAG 156 ; 10 Atectorix
157 ; 10 kites' 228, Remark; Atesiatis 244; Atesios 206; ^4temy 206; Atessas,
-atis 83, 237; Atessatia 182, -zztf 182, 237; Atesso 244; ^teyte, Atestatia
PID viiB; Atestatis PID xiic; Atestia PID VUB, xic; ?Atettia, -ins DAG
83; Atextorix 156; 10 Atextus 182, -o.y 205; Areifl 156; Atrebia CIL 6.
12689; Attectius DAG 224, 244; Attedonius 2O8D (also 214); Attes[anius]
244; ^few&y 244; Auectius 214; 11 EpaUatextorigi 141; Epade\xUyrix\ CIL
13. 3064. 10
L E N N : Adgentii DAG 80; Admagetobriga 234; Adnamantia ND, Az(/z)tf-
1
For this coin legend from Noricum see the references given by Holder, AcS
i· 43> 3· 5°9J Colbert de Beaulieu, Og. 8, 1956, 244-7, and Schmidt, KGP 115.
See also Carinthia I 149, 1959, 122.
2
See also AcS 1. 43, 3. 508.
3
See also AcS 1. 43, 3. 508-9.
4
See also AcS 1. 44, 3. 509-10.
5
See Schmidt, KGP 115, 248, Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 594.
6
See also AcS 1. 49, 3. 513 f., Oswald 5, CGP 204.
7
For names in an(n)am- see AcS 1. 43 f., 3. 508 ff., Thes. 1. 776 f.
8
See section (A) (i) s.n.
^ See n. 8.
10
See section (A) (i) s.n. Epadatextorigi.
11
See p. 128 n. 7 above.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 131
matia IA, TP, Rav., v. AcS 1. 156, 3. 628; Adsultus DAG 212; Atrebates,
-icus, -ensis Arras DAG 212.1
D N N : Adcenec[us] DAG 213; Adceneicus PID x ; Adganai PID x ;
Adsalluta DAG 243 ; 2 Adsmerius DAG 155; Agganaicus PID x.
GLOSSES : adarca Plin., ά8άρκη (f.) -77? (m.) -os (m.) -toy (n.) Diosc,
G a l , 'salt efflorescence on the herbage of marshes, Scnilfschaum,
AcS 1. 38, 3. 502, PID 340c, Gal. Spr. 159, LSJ 20 ;3 &smfo 'sella
quadriiugis' DAG 207 ; 4 attegia 'hut' ^ S * 2. 1788, 3. 733.5
ALLO-
fl/fo- Other, second' is a well-attested Gaulish name element. The
meaning 'other' is testified in Schol. Juv. 8. 234: Allobrogae Galli
1
See Kelt. Wortgut 177, F T 417, n. 2.
2
Aedon BT 68. 11, 69. 5 and archaedon BT 68. 10, 22 were explained by Lloyd-
Jones (G. 11, 35) as common nouns meaning 'lord*. Sir Ifor Williams also (Trans,
of the Anglesey Antiquarian Society and Field Club 1941, 30) took aedon as a common
noun meaning 'lord' and archaedon as either 'high lord, chief lord* or, corrected to
archadon, an epithet of a lord famed for generous gifts. Later, however, Sir Ifor
(op. cit. 1942, 19-24) took Aedon as a personal name. Cf. Lewis Morris, Celtic
Remains (ed. D. Silvan Evans, London, 1878), 8 : 'Aeddon ο Fon, his elegy wrote by
Taliesin.'
3
See Gluck, KN 15, n. 1, Forster, Kelt. Wortgut, loc. cit., Vendryes, LEI A A-19,
Bromwich, TTP 263 ff.
4
= CIL 13. 5929c. Chabouillet read Agedinus. See Holder, AcS 1. 56. 20, 3.
519· 47-
5
See Schmidt, KGP 66, and Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 594.
6
Whence Agidius DAG 83.
7
See de Jubainville, RC 1, 1870-2, 272 f., Holder, AcS 1. 56, 3. 519. Vendryes in
Recueil de travaux offerts a M. Clouts Brunei . . ., vol. 2 (Paris, 1955), 643 listed this
name with others which he thought do not contain any element which may readily
be explained as Celtic.
8
See Holder, AcS 1. 20. 3. 483 and compare section (B) s.n. <<4χιτο$.
THE M A T E R I A L : AN ETYMOLOGICAL S U R V E Y 133
sunt, ideo autem dicti Allobrogae, quoniam brogae Galli agrum dicunt, alia
autem aliud. dicti autem Allobroges, quia ex alio loco fuerant translati. W.
allfro subst. and adj. 'foreigner, foreign land' (v. GPC 77) is cognate
with Gaul. Allobroges (-ae). For the meaning 'second' note alios (DAG
92) at La Graufesenque 1 beside alos (DAG 93) and Lepontic alios
(PID 284).2 Insular Celtic forms representing earlier all-3 are W. all-
(prefix, 'other', as in allfro, allmon 'foreigner', etc., v. GPC 76), M1W.
y neill, ModW. y naill, Corn, yll, an nyl (neyl), W.y Hall (pi. y lleill),
arall (pi. M1W. ereill, ModW. eraill), Corn, arall (pi. erell), ModBret.
all, arall, Olr. all- (e.g. all-aidchi 'on another night', all-muir 'one from
beyond the sea, foreigner') and aill (nom. ace. sg. neut. of axle 'other'),
alaill (neut. of alaile).* The meaning 'second' may be expressed in
Insular Celtic by a derivative in -to- of the same root *al-: *alios >
M1W. eil, ModW. ail,5 O l r . axle (normally meaning Other', but note
axle mdth(a)ir 'altera mater' Sg. i58 a 2; conversely all-slige 'a second
clearing' Ml. 2a6) beside alaile 'the other' and ind-ala 'the one' (as
opposed to 'the other'). For the etymology see Urk. Spr. 22, VKG and
LP, locc. citt., GOI 307 ff., W.-H. 1. 30, IEW 24 f., LEIA Λ-31 f.,
61.
Only a few of the forms listed here may be labelled 'Celtic' with
confidence. Some (e.g. PNN Allius and Allia)6 may well be Latin.
P N N : Alia CIL 2. 894, 900, 2749 ( = 5774), 5779, CL, p. 35; Allato
CHC 250 ;7 Allatus CIL 12. 720; Allecinius CIL 6. 9740, EE 8, p. 12, no.
59, -ia CIL 6. 9740, 11459, Allecinus CIL 8. 9323;* Allectius DAG
224; Alleicea CIL 2. 5241; Alles OPL 29; AXXeTevos DAG 76 ;9 Alleticia
DAG 8 3 ; ?Alletorigi (dat.) (-ey- lapis) CIL 12. 3396 ; 10 Allia DAG 151 ;u
Allicia OPL 29; Allinus DAG 237; Allio CIL 2. 208 add.; AlliolaDAG
8 3 ; Allipnus PID xiic; Allisikos RE A 54,1952, 58 (cf. VP 142); ?Allisil-
cini (gen.) CIL 2. 5719; Alliu. CIL 7. 1336. 51, Allius DAG 8, 136, 139,
224, 244 ;12 Alio DAG 244, AcS 1. 96; Alloboesius DAG 151; Allobroxus
1
See Thurneysen, £CP 16, 1927, 299, G O / 3 0 9 ; Weisgerber, SprFK 192; Loth,
/ 2 C 4 i , 1924, 35 f.
2
See Rh^s, Cfo. 4 2 ; Loth, loc. cit.; PID, vol. 3, p. 4.
3
Perhaps from earlier *aln-. See AcS 3. 570, VKG 2. 196 f., LP 225.
♦ See 7A*G 2. 196 f., LP 225, RIAContr. A, fasc. 1, 116 ff., DGKB 58.
s
Bret, eil is difficult. Loth (RC 38, 1920-1, 52, 41, 1924, 35) suggested that it
derives from *allios. Pokorny (IEW 25) derives Bret, eil from *elius> from a com
parative form *alii5s. See also LP 111, F2TG 1. 381, DGVB 155, FB 186, 190.
6
Cf. Palomar Lapesa, OPL 30.
7
Cf. Pokorny, MSS, Heft 7, 1955, 57, Vendryes, LEIA A-59, 62.
8
Cf. PN Allecnus PID xiic, and see VP 91 (n. 152), 142.
9
See section (B) s.n.
10
See Insc. Lang. no. 612, BSAF 1899, 275, AcS 1. 95, 3. 569. Whatmough (DAG
83) gives Alletroris (-ey- lapis). This must be an error.
11
See further PID XIB (also VUA, xxiiiB), OPL 30.
12
See also PID viiic, xiic, OPL 30.
T H E
i34 M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
CIL 6. 28488; Alloni DAG 228 (iv); Allontius, -ia DAG 237; Allovico
(v.l. Olio-) DAG 156 ;l Allouira DAG 151; Allounus DAG 244; Allua
DAG 224, PID xic; Alluci DAG 204, Remark 3 ; Alluq(u)ius, Alluciiis
AcS 1. 105, 3. 572, OPL 30; Allurius DAG 83; Alius DAG 132 (G-),
C/L 2. 1020; Allus(a) DAG 151.
L E N N : Alliacus AcS 3. 569; Allobriges {-it-) DAG 212, 221; Allobrox,
-ges (-on-a, -ae), -gicus, -gicinus, Άλλόβριγζς, -βρογςς DAG 80; Allonem
(ace.) Mela 2. 6. 9 3 ; Alloniacum DAG 149, Remark; ^λλότ/Η^α? (ace.)
Str. 3. 3. 7, p. 155.2
D N N : ,4/fo?zfl[ &E^4 58, 1956, 297; Allobrox DAG 82.
For Gaul, alios (DAG 92) and alos (DAG 93), and Lepontic alios
(PID, it. 284), see above.
AMBI-
This is a well-attested Gaulish name element cognate with Olr. imm-
(intensive prefix), imb\imm (preposition), W. am-/ym- (prefix), am
(preposition): O H G . umbi, AS. ymb, ymbe, Skt. abhi < IE. *mbki, cf.
Gk. άμφί, Lat. amb-, v. VKG 1. 45, 118, 535; 2. 297, RIAContr. I, fasc.
1. 101-12, GOI 516-18, GPC 79-80, J^.-//. 1. 36, IEW 34-35. In
fltfzii- the vowel -i- is preserved whereas in ande-, ate-,3 and 07?- it
appears as -e-, v. VKG 1. 41, 256, Loth, -RC36, 1915-16, 148. Some
times, however, it is lost through syncope or elision, e.g. PN Ambatus,
glosses amblatium, ambactus. Schmidt, KGP 108-9, a l s o assumes the loss
of -m- in some names in αέ-, e.g. PN Abigeneo (dat.) CIL 3. 3334; D N
Abirenibus (dat. pi.) CIL 13. 8492 = DAG 222; D N Abgatiac[o] Finke
80a, with both loss of -m- and syncope of -z-, beside PN Ambigatus
DAG 151; EN Abritanor(um) CIL 5. 942, also with loss of -m- and
syncope of -i-. 4
Occasionally amiz- 'around, about' may have an intensive meaning
as W. am- (amdlawd 'very poor', amdrweh 'broken, shattered') and Ir.
imm- (imlethan 'very broad', imacubur 'intense desire'), e.g. PN Am-
bisagrus- P'very impetuous', 5 PN Ambirodacus ?'the very red one'. 6
Gaul, ambio- should perhaps be distinguished from Gaul. ambi-.
Ambio-7 may be a substantive related to Olr. imbe n. later f. (-ώ- stem),
1
See section (A) (i) s.n. Ollovico.
2 See Coelho, RC 6, 1883-5, 484, Schmidt, KGP 92, 122.
3
Also ati-> v. s. ate-.
4
Other possible examples of this loss of -m- are names such as Abianus DAG 139
beside Ambianus DAG 204; Abicelia DAG 83; Abisonius Celtiberica 35; Abissetus DAG
244; Abitus DAG 132, 156, Rem; LN Abiolica DAG 234.
s See KGP 125.
6
See Urg. 173, A"GP, loc. cit.
7
D'Arbois de Jubainville {NG 35 ff.) sees ambio-, ambia- in PNN Ambiorix,
Arabia, Ambiavus, EN Ambiani, DNN Ambiomarcis, Abiamarc(is). Cf. GC1 75, GC264,
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 135
v.n. oiim-fen- 'encloses' (v. GOI449, VKG2. 517) meaning (a) 'the act
of fencing or hedging', (b) 'fence, hedge', (c) 'weir, dam', (d) in the
laws as a gloss to fal, 'a legal bar or barrier' (v. RIAContr. I, fasc. 1. 6 6 -
67). Ernault (pace Holder, AcS 3.589 s.v. ambi-o- 'umwurf') compares
Gk. αμφίον1 and άμφιάζω. Thus PN Ambiorix could be interpreted as
a tatpurusa compound, 'king of the enclosure' or 'mighty in (his)
enclosure'. 2 Ambiomarcis is translated by de Jubainville (NG 36), along
with Abiamarc(is), as 'juments protectrices'. But Schmidt (KGP 124,
after Gutenbrunner 166 f.) explains it as a Celto-Germanic hybrid
with Celtic ambio- (for ambo- or amba-, equivalent to Gaul. ambi-3 not to
Gaul, ambio·) and Germanic -marc(is).3
P N N : Amb[ DAG 214, 237; Ambaci 182, ?Ambacius (-tus) 176; Am-
bactu(s) 206; Ambacti (gen.) CIL 3. 12690; Ambada CIL 2. 2908,
2909, BRAH 77, 1926, 123 f., -us CIL 2. 5709; Ambaici (gen.) CIL 2.
2935; Ambaris DAG 156, Remark; Άμβατος FGH UB, 257, p. 1187,
Ambatus DAG 192, 2O8D,* 214, 228 (ix), 2445s Ambaxius DAG, Note lvi
(p. 1165) ; 6 Amb[ (or [M ?) DAG 237; Ambenus DAG 250; Ambianus 204;
Ambiauus PID xiic; ??(Am)b(i)catos (Og.) Ammecati (Lat.) CZ/C 500 ; 7
Ambidaui (gen.) C7L 12. 1577, (Am)b(i)davi (gen.) CiL 12. 1603; ^4/?z-
bidrabo (dat.) 3. 4753; Ambigatus DAG 156; Ambilli, Ambilo[s] 78;
Ambillus 8 3 ; Ambilotalus Lambrino, Euphrosyne (Lisboa, 1956), 142;
Ambimogidus CIL 2. 2419; Ambini (gen.) OPZ, 32; Ambiorix BG, inscc,
see section (A) (i) s.n.; Ambirenus DAG 237; Ambirodacus CIL 2. 4306;
(A)mbisasius CIL 5. 4889 ; 8 Ambisauus DAG 244; ?Ambiti 237; ^4m-
bitoutos 19, Ambitotus, -toutus 204, 214 (see also 2O8A), GA/. 5£r. 154;
Ambiurus DAG 244; ?Ambudo. CIL 3. 4941 ( = 11519); Ambudsuilus
CIL 3. 4724; ?(A)mbugav(us?) CIL 13. 7156; Ampatus C£, p. 39; 9
Cisiambos DAG 177.
AW 18, n. 2. De Jubainville's view is repeated by Holder, A S 3. 589, Dottin,
p. 226, Schmidt, A"GP 124. However, Pokorny (£CP 13, 1921, 294) derives ambio-
from *tpbhiviion-l
1
= άμφίζσμα, from άμφί. See LSJs.v. Frisk (G-EM^gg) mentioned that it may be
an abbreviation of άμφί€σμα.
2
*roi des remparts', de Jubainville, NG 35; * "Konig der Umgebung", d.h.
eines bestimmten, nach auBenhin abgeschlossenen Gebietes', Schmidt, KGP 124.
This is all uncertain.
3
Cf. Schonfeld 17.
4
See CIL 13. 3686 and cf. Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 330, 335, Whatmough,
DAG 214, Schmidt, KGP no, n. 2.
5
For other examples of PNN Ambata, -us see Holder, AcS 1. 116, 3. 584 f.,
Palomar Lapesa, OPL 31, id., ELH 352 f., Untermann, SSVH 33, EAAHA 51 f.,
AE 1961, 96. For the interpretation of names in ambad- and ambat- see s.v. -ACTO-.
6
See also DAG 244.
7 See Jackson, £CJV.E 209, id., LHEB 173, n. 1.
8
Whence PID viiic.
9
See Palomar Lapesa, 2?L// 352.
136 THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
D N N : Ambiomarc{i)ae (or -marci?) (dat. pi. -zV lapis C/L 13. 7789)
D^4G 223 ;3 Ambisagnis CIL 5. 790.4
GLOSSES: ambacthius DAG 220 = DAG, Note xlvi (xv), p. 860; s
ambactus 'senilis' PZD 340A, DAG 178 ; 6 ambannus 'auvent' DAG 79 ; 7
ambascia 'mission' DAG 220; tfmfo: rivo, [interjambes: [inter]riuos
DAG 178 ; 8 ambicus name of a fish, amulus (? for *ambulus) 'belonging
to, creature of the river', ambiosas 'circulos' DAG, loc. cit. (s.v. ambe),
all possible derivatives of ambi-; amblatium 'strap for a plough' Z)AG
240. Note also βττζέ DAG 227 (Cal. of Coligny).9
ANDE-
The element ande-10 is probably cognate with Ir. and- as in andfocul
1
Holder (AcS 1. 119, see also Schmidt, KGP 123) equated this name with W.
am-far *ira plenus'. This Welsh form is, I think, one of Pughe's coinages. See
Pughe s.v.
2 See KGP 123.
3 Cf. Abiamarc{is) dat. pi. CIL 13. 7898 (whence DAG 223). This D N is probably
the same as the name Ambiomarcis, with abi- for ambi- and with (PGermanic)
substitution of -a- for -0- in the composition joint. Cf. de Jubainville, NG 36,
Gutenbrunner 166 f., Ihm, P.-W. s.n., Schmidt, KGP 123 f.
4
See PID, vol. 1, p. 247, Schmidt, KGP 125.
5
Ambacthius may be a personal name. See DAG 224.
6
See Pokorny, IEW 4, Schmidt, KGP 122, Palomar Lapesa, 0ΡΖ, 31 f.,
Vendryes, LEIA A - 6 8 , Fleuriot VB 339.
7
Jud derived this form from ande- and banno-. See Romania 49, 1923, 389.
8
Perhaps cognate with Lat. imber. See ZEW316, LEIA A - 5 .
9 See Rhys, Cal. 6 ff. (cf. Loth, .RC32, 1911, 206); McNeill, Eriu 10, 1926-8, 33 f.
(cf. SprFK 192); Whatmough, DAG 178 s.v. flmfo; Pinault, Og. 13, 1961, 465 ff.;
Duval, EC 10, 1962-3, 34 ff., 406 ff.
10
Note also the forms and-, with syncope of e (e.g. in Andrecconi, Androun), with
elision of e before a vowel (e.g. Andarta); am/o- (v. ΛΛ£ Ι . 148) with 0 by analogy
with o-stems (e.g. Andoblatio, Andocaulo, Andolatius), v. Pokorny, Urg. 174, Schmidt,
KGP 91, cf. GO I 5 2 1 - 2 ; ? anda- (e.g. Andagelli); ? Α/Ζ</Η- (e.g. Andunobios, Anduarto,
Anducor); an(*)-, an(o)- (e.g. Esanekoti, Anokopokios, Anareviseos); for forms in ^ndo-,
endu-, end- v. s. Endouellicus. Some forms in an-J- may contain ande- clipped by
haplology, e.g. ΆνΒοννόβαλλος, Andergi, Andunocnetis, also perhaps Adunicates (if for
*Andedunicates, v. KGP 93), Antedrigus, Antedrigus. For α/iJ- compare Antobroges,
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 137
'habitual saying' and andglondas 'habitual cruelty' (also Olr. ind(e)-}
with i- through confusion with the preposition in 'in, into' according
to Thurneysen, GOI 521), W. an(n)- as in annerch 'greeting', anrheg
'gift', M1W. anryued (also enryued) 'wonderful, wonder', an(n)weir
(also M1W. e?i(n)weir) 'faithful, loyal', anrhydedd (also M1W. enrhyded)
'honour', and en-,1 as in enfawr 'huge', enbyd 'dangerous', MlBr.
an{n)- as in an(n)hez, annez 'dwelling-place, habitation'.
Zeuss (GC 877, see also Gluck, KN24. f.) compared Gaul, ande- with
Ir. ind-, Gmc. and- and Gk. άντι-, Stokes (Urk. Spr. 15) compared Ir.
ind-, Bret, ent-, Goth, und, OHG. unt-az. In AcS ι. 1392 Holder stated
that ande- expresses motion to and from, intensity and increase, and
compared neo-Celtic forms and Lat. ind-, Goth, anda, OHG. ant-, Skt.
ddhi, etc. (: IE. *(idhi,and-). Pedersen (VKG 1. 45, 2. 10) also related
Gaul, ande- to Ir. ind- (confused with in-, en- 'in, into'), 3 W. an-, en-, to
Goth, und 'bis zu', Skt. ddhi: IE. *pdhi; Mod. Ir. an-, as in an-bhog 'very
soft', he thought, is borrowed from Brittonic. E. Zupitza (K£ 36,
1900, 70) connected Ir. ind- and Gaul, ande-, Thurneysen (Hdb. 473,
GOI 521-2) stated that Gaul, ande-, 'perhaps an intensive prefix', Ir.
ind(e)-, and W. an(ne)- could all represent Celtic *(ide, but, on account
of Ir. and 'in him, in it' and Italic forms such as Umbr. an-ouihimu
'ind-uito', he thought it more likely that the original form was *ande-
and that Ir. ind- and Latin endo, indu 'in' were assimilated to the
preposition en, in. Dillon (TPhS 1944, 103 fF.) also assumed a Common
Celtic form *ande-, perhaps intensive-durative and possibly connected
with Goth. anda-A He identified this prefix in Irish in the form and-
Anteremius, Antubellicus (also Antubelli gen., Antubel). Note also names in ade- (per
haps for ande- with loss of -n-) as in Adebugi[ CIL 13. 5491 Germ. Sup. ( = Adebugius
DAG 237) (v. KGP log, n. 1, 127, 158) and Adecari CIL 13. 10010. 117 (v. Holder,
AcS 3. 504. 54, 612. 14, Schmidt, KGP 127, 163), and compare ado- in Άδοβογιώνα
Gal. Spr. 154, perhaps for ando- (v. KGP 65, i n , 153, n. 1, cf. Weisgerber, Gal.
Spr. 170-1).
1
v. GPC. 104 s.v. an2, intensive prefix in nouns and adjectives, en- may be the
result of umlaut and the generalization of an umlaut form. It hardly represents
a distinct prefix, as Professor Dillon suggested (TPhS 1944, 104); his suggestion
(ibid. 107, n. 16) that there was 'a blend of prefixes *ande- and *eni- is not ac
ceptable, for this would not result in W. en-. The alternation an-\en- was common in
Middle Welsh and occurs in adjectives as well as nouns and verbs, e.g. anryuedj-
enryued, an(n)weir/en(n)weir (cf. id. ib. 104). See also Dillon, Lg. 21, 1945, 12.
2
Gray (AJPh 50, 1929, 372, n. 12) thought that Holder's etymology 'seems
open to grave doubt'.
3
Pedersen (VKG 2. 11) also suggests that the Ir. prefix in- in adjectives denoting
possibility or capability is intensive and that it presumably represents IE. *ndhi,
although in Modlr. it is difficult to separate it from in- < *eni-; this confusion
between *ndhi and *eni- appears to be early, e.g. in Olr. inricc * worthy' (Mllr.
indraic): recc *selling, barter' (v. Thurneysen, £CP 14. 346, Hdb. 211; RIAContr. I,
fasc. 2, cols. 242-3). For examples of Ir. in- in adjectival formation v. RIAContr.
1, fasc. 2, cols. 190-9. Cf. now JSriu 20, 1966, 82 ff.
4
v. Feist3 46, Pokorny, IEW 49.
138 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
{ind- in Irish before verbs through confusion with the prefix *eni-).1 In
GPC 104 s.v. an-, affirmative prefix, W. an- is also derived, with Corn.
an-, MlBr. an-, Gaul, ande-, from Celtic *ande-.2 Beyond this we can
not go. It is reasonable only to assume with Thurneysen and Dillon
that there was a Common Celtic intensive prefix *ande-.i
PNN: Adebugi CIL 13. 5491 ( = Adebngius DAG 237) ; 4 Adecari CIL 13.
10010. 117; 5 Μοβογιώνα Gal. Spr. 154; 6 Anareviseos PID, it. 337; 7
And[ DAG 87, 176; [A]ndagelli (Og.) ECMW 313, Andagelli (Lat.)
ECMW 313, 345; Andai[tius] EE 8. 10, Andaitia CIL 2 454; 8 Andami
(gen.) OPL 35, AndamioniusCIL^. 8486 ;9AndangiDAG2^y; Andangianius
182; Andarillu 182; ^ί?ζώ[ 87, 156, Remark, Ande 156; Andebrocirix
(f.) 83; ? Andebrogius, see s.n. Andocumborius; Andeca DAG 244; -4/ζώ-
camulos 163; 10 ?Andecanus 214; Andecarius 151, 208A (also 214); A[nd]e-
carru2i4;Andecarus 132,182, 203, 204, 2O8A (also 214); Andeco 203, 228
(vii), Andecob 203, Andecombo(gins) 177, lAndecombogius, see s.n. Andocum
borius; Andedunis (gen.) 237 (see also 244); Andeen 176; Andegasi, Ande-
gasus Tr. Z- 22, 1958, 56 ff.; Andegenus DAG 136, 176; Andelipae (dat.
m.) C7Z 13. 750 (see also DAG 156); Anderca Ο arqueologo portugues
1904. 75; Andere DAG 8 7 ; " Anderedus Ven. Fort. Vit. Radegundis 1.
1
Dillon has argued convincingly ('The Negative and Intensive prefixes in
Irish and the origin of Modern Irish an "very, great" ', TPhS 1944, 94-107) that
the modern Irish affirmative intensive particle an (Minister ana) has developed
from the Ir. negative-pejorative prefix an- (IE. *-n) which ceased to be a living
morph in spoken Irish, thus rejecting Pedersen's identification of Modlr. an with
Olr. and- (which Pedersen thought was borrowed from Brittonic). Thus Schmidt's
suggestion (KGP 126, n. 1) that Modlr. forms with the 'intensivierende ir. Prafix
an-9 point to original *ande (rather than *nde), as Thurneysen suggested, is not
acceptable. Cf. Vendryes, LEIA A - 7 0 .
2
Cf. WG 269 (W. an(n)- < *ando- < *-ndo: Lat. en-do, in-du. For Lat. -do, -du
in endo, indu v. IEW 182), BBCS 16, 1956, 280, DGVB 63.
3
Pokorny (IEW 312) still lists Gaul, ande-, W. an(ne)-, Olr. ind- with Skt. ddhi,
OPers. adiy < IE. *ndhi s.v. en 'in'. Cf. Tovar, ALSP 115.
4
With loss of η υ. KGP 109, n. 1, 127, 158.
5
With loss of η v. AcS 3. 504. 54, 612. 14; KGP 127, 163.
6
? With loss of η υ. KGP 65, 111, 153, n. 1; cf. Gal. Spr. 170-1.
7
? = <Andarevis(s)ius' v. PID, vol. 3, p. 4 and below, pp. 411,416.
8
See OPL 34 f., Emirita 28, i960, 291.
9
See OPL 35, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 43.
10
See section (A) (i) s.n.
11
Some names in ander- and andr- may belong rather to *andera, *anderos (1)
'young woman', (2) 'andiron', for which see Whatmough, DAG, p. 241 and it.
158. To Whatmough's references add Stokes, Urk. Spr. 15; Pedersen, VKG 1. 21,
JCS 1, 1950, 4 - 6 ; Vendryes, RC 32, 1911, 509; G. Lacombe and R. Lafon in
Fest.f. Herman Hirt, ed. H. Arntz, vol. 2 (Heidelberg, 1936), 117; W.-P. 1. 6 7 ;
Pokorny, £ΑΡΛ 68, 1952, 418-21, JCS 1, 1950, 131-3, IEW 40 ϊ.; Tovar, Estudios
75 f., Revista de la Fac. de Fil. y Letras, Tucuman, afio II, num. 5, 1954, 16;
Michelena, Pirineos, afio 10, julio-diciembre 1954, num. 33-34. 417 f.; Schmidt.
KGP 130; Palomar Lapesa, OPL 34 f.; Vendryes, LEIA A-76 (cf. Meid, IF 66,
1961, 92 f., Marstrander, Lochlann 2, 1962, 219); Albertos, Emirita 28, i960, 291.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 139
1
34 (79); Andereni (dat. f.). Andereseni, Anderes, Anderexo, Anderexsq
(see RPH 68 f.), Andejresse DAG 87; Andergi (gen.) CIL 2. 2465;*
Anderica CIL 8. 2445; Anderitia DAG 87 ; 2 Anderoudo (dat.) C7L 5. 2911;
?[A]nderou[rus] CIL 12. 4577 ;3 Anderus DAG 83; *Andetrogirix;* Andi[
DAG 182; ?Andic[cus] 237; Andilia OPL 35; Andillus DAG 132;
*Andiouri (gen.) C/L 13. 7579 ; s Andius DAG 83; ^4/ζώ 83; Άι>8οβάλης
Polyb., //ζώέζ*& (/ηώ-) Liv., Ίνδϋβ4λης Diod., Ίνδίβολις Dio JcS 1.
148, 3. 618 ; 6 Andoblatio (f.) P/D xiic; Andobru(s) DAG 206 ; 7 Andoca
89, 156, Remark; Andocaulo 202; Andoco(mius?) DAG 206, Remark;
Andocumborius BG 2. 3. 1 ; 8 Andolatius DAG 83; ϋνδοι^όβαλλο^ Schon-
feld 20 ; 9 ^/ζώ/Ό^Γο] C7Z, 12. 2876, Andorouri (gen.) C7L 12. 2891 ;10
?? Andosy Andossic[, Andossus (also [^Jwzawfttj]), Andosinus, Andost[,
Andosten, Andostenni, Andostenno, Andoston (v.l. -MOA), Andostonis (gen.),
Andoxponni (dat.), Andoxus DAG 87, Andossias ILTG 36 (Aquit.);
Andouarto PID xiic; Andrecconi (dat. f.) ZL4G 87 ; n Andreine CIL 2. 902 ; 12
Andrici (? gen.) CZL 12.4716 ; 13 Androuri (gen.) C7Z, 13. 7579 ; 14 Anduarto
DAG 78; Anducor DAG 204, 214; Andueia, Anduenna DAG 244 ; IS ?^4tf-
dunobios (or Dunobios) Celtiberica n o ; 1 6 Andunocnetis (gen.) C/L 3.
C vi ; 17 Anteremius DAG 83 ; 18 Antedrigus, Antedrigus AcS 1. 159, 3. 633 ;19
1
Cf. PN Annereni DAG 87 and see Albertos, Emirita 28, i960, 291.
2
See Albertos, loc. cit.
3
Whence PN ?Anderourus DAG 83.
4
Quoted by Schmidt, KGP 131 after Thurneysen, GOI521, where it is clearly
a misprint for Andebrogirix.
5
Cited by Holder, AcS 1. 147, 2. 1520. See also 77?^. Pokorny (Urg. 162,
5/r. £. JV. 2, 1950-1, 36) also attempts to construct an Indo-European explanation
for a P N And(e)iouros. Cf. Hubschmid, Praeromanica 106 f. But Holder deleted the
entry in AcS 3. 618. The true reading is Androuri. See KGP 129, Ogam 10, 1958, 437.
6
See Pokorny, Urg. 174; J. Leite de Vasconcellos, RC 21, 1900, 309 f.; Schmidt,
KGP 146 f., 205 f., 226; Tovar, Estudios 163 ff., 215, Lixico 15 (s.w. ada, adabels);
Whatmough, Lg. 27, 1951, 575, Albertos, loc. cit. See also RPH 156 f.
7
Cf. Schmidt, KGP 127, after Mur.-Chab. 8671 ff., Blanchet 99. See also AcS
1. 149, 3. 618.
8
See section (A) (i) s.n.
9
See Marstrander, NTS 1, 1928, 124; Schmidt, KGP 126; Scherer 204;
Corominas, £CP 25, 1956, 46.
10
Whence PN Andorourus DAG 83.
11
With syncope of -*-? See Schmidt, KGP 92, also 51, n. 1, 129 f., 257.
12
See KGP 129, 130, Albertos, loc. cit.
13
With syncope of -<?-? See KGP 92.
14
Whence PN Androurus DAG 237, -rouri DAG 244.
" Illyrian? See Krahe, PN. Lex. 6 ; Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 45, 2. 6 f.
16
See also Celtiberica 37. Cf. Schmoll, SVIHK 28, 31, 97.
17
?With haplology for *ande~duno-. See KGP 93, 117, 129. Illyrian pace Krahe,
PN. Lex. 6, Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 176, Spr. Illyr. 51, Mayer, op. cit. 1. 45. See also
Pokorny, Urg. 13, /JEW 375.
18
ante- for ande-?
19
See also Bagendon 91 ff., 107 ff., IASB 251 f. These coin legends may be for
earlier *ande-teddi~rig-. See Schmidt, KGP 93, 131.
140 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
Antubellicus CIL 2. 5202, Antubeli (gen.), ES, pp. 31 f., Antubel. CIL
2. 756; l Endruri (gen.) CIL 5. 5013 ; 2 Endubro CIL 5. 4594, 4599,
4958 ;3 Esanekoti PID, it. 337. 4
LENN: Adunicates DAG 2;5 Andautonia (Illyr. ?) DAG 241; Ande-
briunaco, Andebrenacu, -Andebrinnaco, Antebrin(n)ac(o), etc., AcS 1. 139,
3. 611; Andecamulenses DAG 148; Andecavi (-g-), -ensis, -anus, -inus,
Andi- Anjou, Angers DAG 179; Andelaum Andelot DAG 212; Άνδηλος
Ptol., Andelonenses Plin., Andelonensis CIL 2. 2963 ;6 Andematunnum
Langres DAG 179, 234, AE 1961, 237; ?Anderetiani, A^ndresiacus An-
dresy(F) DAG 179 (see also DAG 234); Anderitos (v.l. -ridos) JVD,
Anderelionuba Rav., And(e)ri(d)a insc. Pevensey (Sussex) ;7 Anderitum
AvSepqSov, Andereton {-urn) Anterieux DAG 148; Andes, also Andi(?)
DAG 179; Andesagina AcS 1. 146, 3. 616; ?Andesina (or Lindesina)
DAG 234 ; 8 Andethanna DAG 209 (also 212); Andomo pag[o] consisten-
tes ZL4G 234; ^δοσύ/ου? (ace.) Polyb. 3. 35. 2 (Fiber.); ϋνδουαίτιον
ZL4G 241; Andurensis CIL 2. 1693; Andusia DAG 80; Antobroges (v.l.
il/ifc-) Plin. JVi/4. 109.9
D N N : Andab[ REA 59, 1957, 359 ;10 Andarta DAG 82; Andei (or Ander[)
deae DAG 86; Anderon. CIL 2. 2598, i?P// 97; Άνδράστη, Άνδάτη(? leg.
Άνδάρτη) Dio 62. 6. 7; 11 Λιιώί* (dat. sg. m.; Aquit.) DAG 82 ;12
Ανδοουνναβο DAG 63; Endovellicus, e.g. CZL 2. 127, Endovelicus CIL 2.
132, 138, Endovollico CIL 2. 135, 5208, 6208, 6269, Endovolico CIL 2.
139, 6267, Enobolico CIL 2. 142, Indoveliic CIL 2. 6269^ etc., z>. Holder,
AcS 1. 1436-7. 13
1
See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 35 f., ELH 373, Albertos, Emirita 28, i960, 292.
2
= PN Endrurius PID viiic. Cf. P N N Andorp[uro], Andorouri, and Andronri above.
3
Cf. P N Andobru(s) above.
4
See P / D , vol. 3, p. 20.
5
For *ande-dun-? See Schmidt, KGP 93, 117.
6
See AcS 1. 144, 3. 614.
7
See Jackson, JRS 38, 1948, 54 f., L / f £ 5 36, 257, n. 1, 549, η. ι ; BSRC 23.
8
See Favret, BSAF 1937, 140 ff.
9
For *ande-brogesl*ando-. See KGP 132.
10
After D. Rendic-Miocevic in Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku {Bull,
d'arch. et d'hist. dalmate) 55, 1953, 245-54 (French resume p. 255). See also AE
1958* 205.
11
See AcS 1. 151, FHRC 84 f., KR 114, 137.
12
See also DAG 79, 86.
13
J. Leite de Vasconcellos (RC 21, 1900, 3 0 8 - 1 1 ; Religioes da Lusitania, vol. 2
(Lisboa, 1905), pp. 122 ff.) explains this name as Celtic, *Ande-vell-ico-s *le tres bon,
optimus', with *ande- first becoming *ando-, then *endo-. For the alternation an/en
he compares, e.g., AvanticumjAventicum (see ZL4G 241, VR 10, 1948-9, 225 f.; see
also Chapter III (A) (i) (ό)). The form in indo- seems to conform with Latin
pronunciation. Pokorny (Urg. 174) assumes that this name contains the Primitive
Ir. prefix *endi-> *endo- (IE. *pdhi) > Olr. ind (: Primitive Brittonic ande-) with
analogical -0- in the composition joint. Tovar (Estudios 164-6, 187-8) also sup
poses that endo- represents the IE. 'prefijo de superlativo' *p<fe, as also antu- in
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 141
1 5
GLOSSES: andabata 'a helmeted gladiator (with visor closed) PID
340c; *ande-banno- > Fr. auvent Rom. 49, 1923, 389 ff.; anderitum *ur-
bem sublimem' Sid. Apoll. (cf. LN Anderitum), DAG 158; ?andosa:
'inuictus' DAG 79 ('presumably Iberian, not Keltic' cf. DN Andose).
ARIO-, AREO-
The following are examples known to me of names in areo- and ario-,
mostly from Ancient Gaul:
P N N : Areobindus (-M-) DAG 237, 244; Areo. AcS 3. 676; Areo[ CIL 3.
925; Areos see section (B) s.n.; Areus DAG 182, 203; An (gen.) CIL 2.
2601, 6290. 6349, Ari.i(?) CIL 13. 10010, 2878a;2 Ario DAG 182, CIL
3. 11502 ;3 Άριόγαισος DAG 244 ; 4 Ariola CIL 13. 4690; Ariomanus DAG
244 ; 5 Ariouistus see section (A) (i) s.n.
L N N : Ariolica TP DAG 10 ; 6 Ariolica Avrilly (Loire) Ζλ4(? 148, 179;
? Ariolica (Ab- TP, -rica I A) itinn., Pontarlier DAG 234.
There may have been a Gaulish name element ario-lareo-7 'a noble
man, a master, a chief (?), cognate with Ir. aire ea noble, a chief,
a freeman, a free peasant' (masc, gen. sg. airech, nom. pi. airig, dat.
pi. airib)* and with Skt.flrya-Λ'master, chief' 9 : IE. *ario- (?). This name
element is probably present in PNN such as Arius, Areos, Ariomanus,
and Ariouistus. Scherer (pp. 203 f.) has discussed the problem of ario-
PNN and ada- (or ata-) in Iberian coin legends. Schmidt {KGP 205-6) explains the
first element in the name, together with that in the PNN Endruri, Endubro, as
Gaulish with e- for a- (: and-) by analogy with forms in era-. Palomar Lapesa (OPL
35~3^> ^ΰ-^)» after Tovar, would derive endo- from original *nde, as also antu-
in PNN. See also S. Lambrino, 'Le dieu lusitanien Endovellicus', Bull, des dtudes
portugaises 1952, 93-147 (v. A. Grenier, EC 6, i953"4> χ95~7 5 Duval, RE A 58, 1956,
299) and now Blazquez Martinez, RPH 147 ff.
1
Probably with anda- 'blind', not Gaul ande-, v. Pokorny, IEW 41, 112; A.
Mayer, Glotta 32, 1953, 302 fF. Cf. now Guyonuarc'h, Og. 15, 1963, 107 ff., Le
Roux, Celticum ix, 333 f. See also Haas, MS 163, 174, 187, 209.
2
Whence Anus DAG 176. ?Cf. Aria CIL 13. 10010, 3044d and Ariaua DAG 244.
3
See also PID viiic.
4
See Scherer 204.
5
Compare Arimanus (i.e. -io-) DAG 244. See further Holder, AcS 1. 216, 3. 685;
Schnetz, Glotta 16, 1928, 127 (RC 46, 1929, 413 f., Weisgerber, SprFK 192);
Thurneysen, ZCP 20, 1936, 353; Pokorny, IEW 6j; Vetters, Fest.f. Rudolf Egger
(Klagenfurt, 1954), 40, 44; Schmidt, KGP 134; Vendryes, LEI A A-42.
6
Cf. AcS 1. 202, PID VB, and see Ogam 14, 1962, 516.
7
For the alternation of -io- and -eo- see Chapter III (B) (i) (a).
8
See Hessen 1. 29-30. There is considerable disagreement concerning the
interpretation of this form and its equation with Skt. drya-h, notably because it
shows some of the features of the guttural stem inflexion. Pokorny maintained that
it was originally a|o-stem, v. W.-P. 1. 80, IEW δη (cf. p. 24), Celtica 3, 1956, 308.
Cf. Thurneysen, ZCP 20, 1936, 353-5; Vendryes, LEIA A-42; RIAContr. A,
fasc. 1, 191, 193; Guyonuarc'h, Arrabona 5, 1963, 99.
9
See IEW 67 and H. W. Bailey, TPhS 1959, 71 ff., i960, 87 f.
142 THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
ATE-
Gaulish ate-s (as in PNN Atedunus, Ateioucus), ati-6 (as in PNN
Atismerius, Atioxtus), at- (through syncope or elision, as in PNN
Atpomarus, Atpor, Atuindi, Atuirus) is well attested, although its precise
force in most of the names listed here is far from clear. Insular Celtic
cognates are Olr. aith- {aid-, ath-, ad-), used to denote repetition and
also with intensive and pejorative force (see GO 1499 f., LEI A A-53,
RIAContr. A, fasc. 1, 252), M1W. at-, ModW. ad-, ed- (see WG 263,
GPC 11): Skt. ati 'over, beyond, exceedingly, very', Lat. at 'but', etc.
SeeDottin, p. 229, Pedersen, VKG2. 292, Pokorny, IEW ηο, Schmidt,
KGP 136, Vendryes, LEIA, loc. cit., Guyonuarc'h, Og. 14, 1962,
460, 596 ff., Fleuriot, VB 372, DGVB 76.7
Schmidt {KGP 57), influenced by examples of Skt. forms in ati-
1
He rejected the possibility that ario- in Ariouistus, for example, represented
Gmc. *Hario-l*Chario-: Goth, harjis 'army', Gaul, corio-, Ir. cuire (v. IEW 615,
KGP 183, Loth, RC 44. 277).
2
See Lejeune, REA 58, 1956, 79 f., Schmidt, KGP 132 ff.
3
See Thurneysen, GO I 498, Williams, Celtica 2, 1954, 305 if., Vendryes, LEIA
A-37 f.
4
See Morris-Jones, WG 264, GPC 174, Williams, loc. cit.
s With -e- for earlier -i- (IE. *ati-).
6
Some names in ati- may have secondary -i-, v. KGP 91, 100, 136. Note also
perhaps ata- in ΑίααχΗ, ato- in Atobiles, atu- in Atunessus, Ahisirus, and, with spiran-
tization (?), possibly athe- in adediac(os) or αθ€διοσ (-η-), atha- in Athamallus,
?A6aricus and athu- in DN Athubodua DAG 82. Forms in att-, as Atturita, Attisaga,
may also belong here.
7
Compare Stokes, Urk. Spr. 8-9, distinguishing *ati- 'daruber' and *ati- 're-'.
Holder, AcS 1. 253, 3. 713, and Pedersen, VKG 1. 177, relate the Celtic forms to Gk.
CTI and Lat. et. But the Gaulish cognates of these forms are eti at La Graufesenque
and eti-c in the inscription of Alise-Sainte-Reine {DAG 169): IE. *eti, v. Thurney
sen, ZCP !6, 1927» 287, n. 1; Loth, RCtf, 1917-19» 27; 41, 1924, 42-43; Οχέ, BJ
130, 1925, 67; W-H. 1. 75, 421 (s.w. at, et); Pokorny, IEW 344. *Ati- may
represent a weak grade oi*eti, v. W.-P. 1. 42, IEW 70.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 143
given by Wackernagel (J. Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik ii. 1
(Gottingen, 1905), 311), suggests the translation 'iiber etwas hinaus-
gehend' for ate- in names compounded of prefix+substantive such as
Ateboduus 'iiber die Schlachtkrahe hinausgehend', Atioago 'iiber das
Joch hinausgehendV i.e. 'freeman)', Ateratos 6 der iiber das Gluck
hinausgeht', i.e. 'the very lucky one'. But we cannot be certain that
these names are meaningful at all, or that the precise meaning sug
gested by Schmidt is admissible in Celtic forms. The prefix seems to
have little or no force in many of the names I have listed. Sometimes,
however, the meaning appears to be 're-', as in PN Atespatus: Ir.
aithesc 'answer', W. ateb ; 2 PN Ategenta and perhaps forms in ategnat- :3
T
vV. adian 'progeny, lineage', adeni 'regenerate', O l r . aihgainiur Ί am
reborn, renewed', aithgein 're-birth, renewal; restitution; equivalent,
equal'; 4 Atevritus, -a 'der/die (Wieder)gefundene'. 5 In other names it
may have a purely intensive force as in Atlondus 'very wild': Ir. lond
'wild, fierce'.6 If PN Atuirus is to be related to W. adwr 'coward,
churl', Ir. athfer 'a worthless person, a coward', 7 we have an example
of Gaulish pejorative at-,
P N N : ?AtaaxtiDAG 151 ; 8 Atacine (dat.) CIL2.4627? Atbil[DAG214;
Atbiti KGP i n ; Atdanus DAG 151, Remark B ; Ate[ DAG 156, Re
m a r k ; Ateano see section (B) s.n.;10 Ateblinus (rede -ZZ-?) DAG 83;
Atebodua CIL 3.5386; Ateboduus CIL 3.4732,5247; llAtecilus Oswald 24;
Atecina DAG 244 ; 9 Atecingus FID xiic; Ateclos DAG 136; Ateknati
(gen.) PID, it. 339; Atecnudis DAG 176, 203, 214, 228 (ix); Atecurus
DAG 244; Atedunae (gen.) CIL 3. 4906, (dat.) 11647; Atedunus DAG
244; Ategenta CIL 3. 4735, n 763; Ategnate (dat.) CIL 3. 4732, -gnatae
3. 5698, -gnati (gen.) 3. 4764; Ategnia DAG 214; AtegniomarusDAG 237;
Ategnissa DAG 237 ; 12 Ategnutis (gen.) DAG 151; Ateioucus 83; Atemerus
244; Atepa 214; Atepatus 8 3 ; Atepiccus CIL 7. 1325 ; 13 Atepilla 83; Atepilos
1
Cf. Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 594, pointing out that iugo- may also mean
'mountain pass, shoulder, col'.
* See VKGi.77, LP 20.
3 Cf. Ir. athgnath LLe. 1. 18284.
* See GPC, RIAContr., s.w.
5
See Thurneysen apud Weisgerber, SprFK 214.
6
See Pokorny, Urg. 174 f., Schmidt KGP 139, 233. Cf. Albertos, Emdrita 28,
i960, 293. For Ir. lond, lonn see RIAContr. L. 202 f.
7
See GPC 29, Meyer 148 (cf. RIAContr. s.v. aithfer). Compare also W. adwryaeth
CAn. 1. 293. The Gaulish PN may, however, contain -uirus 'true'.
8
Cf. Ata\aXtus DAG 156, Remark (B).
9
Cf. D N Ataecina, Adaegina. See Tovar, Estudios 139 f., Schmidt, KGP 136,
Blazquez Martinez RPH 141 ff.
10
Cf. Ateanus DAG 176.
11
Cf. D N ?C]athubodua (Ath-?) DAG 82 and see Schmidt, KGP 136.
12
See Schmidt, KGP 139.
13
Cf. Adepicca section (A) (i).
T H
144 E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
Ι 77; Atepo 208c, 237; Atepoduae (dat.) CIL 3. 5386; names in atepomar-,
see section (A) (i) s.n. Apetemari; Ateponius (or -rus) DAG 208c (also
214); Ateponus DAG 151; Άτβπόριγι (dat.) Str. 12. 3. 37, p. 560,
Ατεπορειγος CIG 3. 4039. 23-26, 32-33, ?[Ate]porix DAG 237; Ateporico
182; Atepu PID, it. 259; At[ep]umarae (? dat.) C/L 13. 11477;1 Atepus
DAG 140, 203; Ateratos 151 ;2 Atesmeius PID xiic; Atesmerius (or DN)
ZL4G 182; Atesmertus 182; 'iAtesmerus 182; Atespatiis 151; Ateua[ CIL
3. 5092^ Atevali (gen.) 5523; ^4^Μ/Λ ZX4G 156, 177, 206; ??Ateuloib
157, 177; Ateuorti CIL 3. 5272, see also ifGP 141; y4teMra (for -/a?)
ZL4G 245; Alteurita DAG 182; Ateuritus 156, P/D xiic, \Ate\uritus 214;
Atgite, Athamallus 83; ?A0aricus 182; α0εδιοσ (-77-?) or a.Qediac\os~\ 206;
^4/iaif[ 176; Aiianti (gen.) C7L 3. 4985^ Aiidenus DAG 224; Atigenta
CIL 3. 5643; Atimalis (? gen.) Oswald 26; Atimeria (gen.) C7L 3. 6496
(cf. p. 1813); Atioucius DAG 244; Atiougo (-onis) 244; ΑΗοχία, Atioxtus
156; Atismaria 83 (source ??); Atismerius CIL 3. 4743; Atlondus CIL
2. 76, 4980; 4 Atnamatus DAG 244 (for adnam-'ϊ); Atobiles 182; Atolisus
83; ?α*βα/ Note liii (p. 1077); i4#i[ 176; ilipzV/x 206, Atpilos 177;
Atpomarus CIL 3. 4580, MG, nos. 133, 335; ^#>or (for Ateporix?) DAG
237 ;5 Atratinus 182 ;6 Atreccesianus 244; Atrec[, Atrect[ 244, Atrectus 151,
208Α (also 214), 224, 237, 244 JV.-Z. 155, Wagner 106, -zW jV.-L. 2,
Atregtius DAG 244, Atrectinus DAG 2O8A (also 214); Atreius 228 (iv) ;7
Atressa C/L 3. 3380 = 10362; Atressus C/L 3. 3373 = 10354, 3687,
5275, 5498, iTGP 140; Atrestus DAG 228 (iv), Atrestus (-gtus, -tus)
DAG238 (i); Atretus, -ius'22& (iv); Atre^stus 237; Atrextus 214, 228 (iv),
238 (i); Atrixtos 237, Atrixto(s) 244; Atrucianus 136; Attisaga CIL 2.
1374;8 Atturita DAG 156; -ktoflZz (gen.) C/L 3. 5488; Atuindi DAG 214;
Atuirus 151; Atunessus 156; Atuortes 238 (v); Atusirus 237; Atusonius
244.
AUD-, -AUD-
I here list examples of forms in aud-, -aud-, mainly from Ancient
Gaul, because it is probable that some of these are Celtic and that
they contain a Celtic element cognate with the name element aud-
found in a number of Illyrian and Germanic forms. We can compare
the PNN Audarus, Αύδάτα, Audenta, Αύδωλέων, and the LN Αύδάριστος
(EN Audaristenses), which have been explained as Illyrian, 1 and
Germanic PNN such as Audoberht and Audowin. This element is sup
posed to be cognate with forms attested in Germanic such as Goth.
audahafts 'blessed', audags 'id.', O H G . dtac 'fortunate, rich', OE.
eadig9 M1E. eadi 'rich, happy, blessed', ON. audr 'riches, wealth', OE.
ead 'possessions, wealth, good fortune' (surviving in Eng. personal
names such as Edgar and Edmund), and has been connected with
a root *au-j*audh- 'weave, bind' assumed to explain forms such as
Skt. Stum, Stave 'weave', and Arm. z-aud 'band' (v. W.-P. 1. 16;
W.-H. 1. 88; IEW 75-76; W. Porzig, Die Gliederung des indoger-
manischen Sprachgebiets (Heidelberg, 1954), 130). There may have been
a Celtic cognate aud- meaning 'rich, fortunate, blessed, happy' or the
like, attested perhaps in names such as Audagus, Audatus, Audilus,
AudoluSy and as a second element perhaps in a compounded name such
as Βαλανδονι.
Holder compared aud- (AcS 1. 283 s.v.) in some of these forms with
-oud- in the divine name Olloudius (v. DAG 82) 2 and in the personal
name Velloudius {v. DAG 83). 3 Now Loth explained Olloudius {CRAI
1923, 345 ff.) as 'le dieu qui possede et distribue souverainement
biens et bonheur', 'maitre de la destinee' {olio- 'all, every', v. s. OLLO-,
and an element identical with Gmc. *auda- 'richesse, bonheur donnee
par le destin', a form which is reconstructed on the basis of some of the
1
See H. Krahe, Festschr.f. H. Hirt ii (Heidelberg, 1936) 569, IF 58, 1941, 132,
PBB 71, 1949, 227, Das Venetische (Heidelberg, 1950), 25, n. 58, Sprache u. Vorzeit
(Heidelberg, 1954), 105, Spr. Illyr. 52, 67-69, Sprachliche Aufgliederung u. Sprach-
bewegungen in Alteuropa (Wiesbaden, 1959), 7-8; A. Mayer, Die Sprache der alien
Illyrier, Band I (Wien, 1957), 1. 67-68, 2. 15.
2
i.e. (Marti) Olloudio (dat.) CIL 12. 166 (Antibes) and [Marti Ol]loudio (?) CIL
12. 167 (Vallauris) with which is usually compared Marti Olludio (dat.) CIL 7. 73
(The Custom Scrubs, parish of Bisley, near Cirencester, Gloucs.), with -w- (v.
LHEB 306).
3
i.e. Velloudii (gen.) CIL 12. 3288 (Nimes) with which we may compare PN
Veludius DAG 5 (i.e. CIL 12. 20 Vence).
811030 L
146 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
BAL-, BALL-
A few forms in bal(l)-, mainly from Ancient Gaul, are here listed
together, not because they can all be shown to be Celtic 5 or because
it is possible to distinguish a single Celtic element bal(l)-3 but in
order to bring together some of the evidence concerning these forms
which are clearly of multiple origin.
As stressed by Whatmough (Lg. 25, 1949, 289, DAG 1 s.v. bala)>
Celtic certainly had a form bal(i)o- 'white', and the meaning 'peak,
crag' appears in (?) Celtic balma, beside which should be noted the
name of the mountain peak Balista (? 'white-peaked') in Liguria. 6 The
element ballo- in PNN Άνδοννόβαλλος and Βαλλομάριος was equated by
Marstrander {NTS 1, 1928, 123 f.)7 with Ir. ball 'a limb, member' 8
and may therefore be Celtic.
P N N : Άνδοβάλης, etc., see s.v. ANDE-; Άνδοννόβαλλος see s.v. AJVDE-;
1
See Scherer loc. cit.
2
See section (A) (i) s.n.
3
Compare PN Sapauidus DAG 83 and see s. LN Sapaudia.
4
For this name see Weisgerber, SprFK 208, Pokorny, £CP 20, 1936, 158,
Whatmough, DAG 15 and (s.v. sappinus) 79, Duparc, CRAI1958, 371 fF.
5
For forms in bal(l)- counted as Illyrian see Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 53, Romanica,
Fest.f. Gerhard Rohlfs, 259 fF., IF 67, 1962, 151 fF., UAF 54, Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr.
1. 74 f., 2. 17 f., 23 f. For forms claimed as Thracian see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 41 f.
For Messapic forms see Parlangeli, SM 273 fF.
6
See now Pokorny, IF 65, 1960, 167.
7
See also Weisgerber, SprFK 193, Schmidt, KGP 143, Corominas, ZCP 25,
I956> 45 f-> Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958, 433.
8
See Urk. Spr. 163, IEW 120. Certain W. forms may be cognate according to
Pokorny {IEW, loc. cit.). These are ball 'plague, pestilence', balleg 'basket, hamper,
purse', boll as in arfoll 'promise, pledge; welcome' as also W. balch, Br. balc'h
'fine, proud, strong, brave' (see GPC 251), Ir. bale 'strong' (see Dottin, p. 230;
cf. Urk. Spr. 163). However, W. ball (v. GPC 252), as also OCorn, bal gl. pestis,
Olr. (at-)bail 'dies' (see now Meid, Die Spraclie 6, i960, 148 fF., also Pokorny,
ibid. 8, 1962, 72 f.) and some other Insular Celtic forms may be cognate with Lat.
vallessit 'perierit' (: IE. *g*el- 'pain, death'), see VKG 2. 459, Vendryes, RC 40,
!923, 433 fF., LP 340, W.-H. 2. 729 f., IEW 471. Note also M1W. ballauc 'freckled,
speckled' CAn. 1. 1251 (see note ad loc.) beside Mllr. ballach 'spotted, bossed' (see
Meyer 171, Hessen 1. 77) and see Loth, RC φ, 1929, 145 f.
148 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
τ
BalaesusAcS 1. 334, 3. 792 ; Balanos Liv. 44. 14. 1, Balanus BRAH 47,
2
I 9 ° 5 J 69; Balanis Sil. Ital. 3. 378, BRAH 62, 1913, 537; Bala-
tonaua DAG 205; Balatonus 214; Balatulla 237; Balatascun GIL 2.
2795; ΰαλαυδουι DAG 50; 3 Balesini (gen.) C/L 2. 2471; Baliario DAG
182; IBaliens 224; Balinis 237; ?5αΖίο 244; Balius CIL 3. 1629. 3 ;
Βαλλαιου ZMG 239 (Illyr. ?); Βαλλομάριος Schonfeld 43 ; 4 Balhica
DAG8y; ?Balonia 83; IBalorix (Bai-) 156; Bahamo 250; Baluci DAG,
Note i; Baluui (gen.) Z)^4G 151; ?Baluus 224; Dribalo (dat.) CZL 3.
3888.5
LENN: Balatedo Balesme (Indre-et-Loire) ? Z^4G 179; Balatetone Bal-
lan (Indre-et-Loire) ^ G S 3. 793; Balatiacus, Balato, Balatoforum,
Balatonium, Balatonna AcS 1. 335, 3. 793; Balissae (Aquae) DAG 241 ; 6
Balista (mons) AcS 1.337; ?Balr[ DAG 241; Balsa, Balsenses AcS 1.338;
Bakione (abl.) AcS, loc. cit.; Βαλυσζϊνος DAG 2 4 1 ; Vindobala Rav.,
-vala, ND BSRC 49.
GLOSSES : έ<ώ (-anis) 'having a white blaze' (of a horse) ZX4G 1 ; 7
*balakon 'Mauer-Vorsprung' Meyer-Lubke ΑΕΜ^δο,ο;8 βαλαροί 'run
aways' PZD, it. 336D; balisca (uitis) apud Bituriges DAG 158; ?balma
(1) 'pointed rock, peak', (2) 'grotto' ZL4G 1 ;9 ?balsa 'paludibus . . .
cinctum' (Pliny) DAG 158 ; 10 balux, baluca 'gold-bearing sand' DAG
158·11
1
See now Untermann, ΕAAHA 67 f.
2
See AcS 1. 335 beside 3. 792. 52, also OPL 47.
3
See section (A) (i) s.n.
4
See Marstrander, NTS 1, 1928, 123 f., Whatmough, DAG 244, Corominas,
ZCP 25, 1956, 46, Schmidt, KGP 143 with η. ι, Scherer 204, id., Anglia 76, 1958,
433. Cf. PN Baldomarus DAG 237.
s See Schmidt, KGP 143, 197, Detschew, Thr. Spr. 157.
6
See now Krahe, IF 67, 1962, 151-8.
7
Cognate with bala is W. δα/ *having a white blaze or white spot on the fore
head, esp. of a horse' (see GPC 250, cf. IEW 119), MlBr. baill 'qui a une tache
blanche sur le front* (see Hemon s.v.). See also Stokes, Urk. Spr. 164, Loth, ACL
1, 1900J 396 f-j Dottin, p. 230, Whatmough, Lg. 25, 1949, 289. Compare Gk.
Βαλίος, the name of Achilles' immortal horse, for which see P.-W. s.n., Loth,
loc. cit., Whatmough, loc. cit., Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 115, id., Romanica. Fest. . . .
Rohlfs 261.
8
See Pokorny IEW 122, id., IF 65, i960, 167.
9
See Loth, RC 39, 1922, 47-58; Weisgerber, SprFK 193; Hubschmied VR 3,
1938, 121 f.; Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 226 f., IF 65, i960, 165 f.; Hubschmid,
Alpenworter 16, Rendiconti del Convegno di Studi Apuani (Carrara, 1956), 44 ff.; Flutre,
REPL 31-33; Serra, Rendiconti del Convegno . . . 47 ff.; Heiermeier, IF 63, 1958,
301 f. Compare W. bdl 'peak summit' (see GPC 250), Br. bal 'a steep beach,
a steep slope' (in the MlBr. local name Bal-r(u)it, see Loth, RC 39, 1922, 52 ff.),
and Corn, bal 'a mine, a copper mine, a tin mine' (see Pokorny, IF 65, i960,
I0
164-7). See Hubschmid Pyrendenworter 64, ELH 50.
11
See Whatmough, Orbis 1,1952,434; Flutre, ActesetMim. VIIe Congr. Int. Ling.
Rom. (Barcelona, 1953 [1955])» 437"44> id-> REPL 36.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 149
BANU-
This element is attested in the potters' names Banuus DAG 136
(Lezoux), 137 (Lubie-La Palisse),1 and Barmillus DAG 136 (Lezoux),
in the personal names Banui (gen.) GIL 13. 3418 (Reims, see DAG 187,
Remark (ii)) and Banuo DAG 237 (Horburg), and perhaps in a form
banuabi (?) in inscription A of Negau. 2 It is probably cognate with the
following Insular Celtic forms: O l r . banb 'a sucking pig' (v. Meyer
174) ;3 Bret, bano, banv 'truie qui a des petits' (v. GMB and Hemon
s.v.); OCorn. baneu gl. sus {v. GC 1075); W. banw 'pig, young pig,
pigling, piglet, barrow pig' (v. GPC 255). 4 The etymology of these
Celtic forms (v. Urk. Spr. 161, Dottin, p. 231, GQI122) is uncertain.
Pedersen suggested {VKG 1. 4 7 ; cf. LP 6) that banb, etc., meant
originally 'a female animal' and was therefore related to Ir. ben (gen.
mna) 'woman', OW. ben cwife', W. benyw cognate with Gk. γυνή, Goth.
qino, etc. (: IE. *giena IEW 473 f.),5 or else, with the basic meaning
'young pig5, was cognate with Arm. kanu-x 'early', amis kanxoc 'mese
delle nuove biade'.
BIL-, BILL-
Some of the names listed here, e.g. PNN Bilicatus, Bilicedo, Bilicius,
Mandubili, Robili, probably contain a Gaulish name element bilo-,
bill- 'agreeable, good', cognate with Ir. bil 'lucky, blessed, good' (v.
Meyer 215, also Hessen 1. 92) which has been related to O H G .
billlch 'proper, fitting', ASax. bilewit 'simple, innocent', etc., and bill-
in Germanic PNN such as O H G . Bil(i)-frid and ASax. Bil-suid.6 It is
1
Note also the variant Bannui m(anu) CIL 7. 1336. 132 (Aldborough), CIL 13.
10010. 270 (Moulins). For the potter's name Banmissee also Stanfield and Simpson,
CGP 241-3 (plates 139-40) where the potter's period of production is estimated
to be c. A.D. 160-95. F ° r other forms in ban- see section (B) s.n. Alibanos.
2
For a bibliography of the Negau inscriptions see Whatmough, PID, vol. 2,
pp. 611 f., DAG, it. *247 (ix) (p. 1348), Must, HSCP 62, 1957, 51 ff.
3
For Ir. banb in LNN see P. W. Joyce, Irish Names of Places, vol. 2 (Dublin,
1922), 308. For Ir. Banba, Banbha, a poetic name for Ireland, see M^eyer 174» id.,
Kelt, Wtk., no. 42, Hogan, Onom. Goed. 95, W. J. Watson, The History of the Celtic
Place Names of Scotland (Edinburgh and London, 1926), 231 ff., M. A. O'Brien,
£riu 11, 1932, 167 f. See also Watson, loc. cit., on the names Banff and Bamff in
Scotland.
4
Cf. T. Parry, Gwaith Dafydd ap Gwilym (Caerdydd, 1952), no. 60, 1. 22, n.
The form is also attested in Welsh river names, e.g. Aman(w), Banw, Beinw, Ogfanw
(Ogwen). See Lloyd-Jones, G. 51, Williams, ELI. 35, GPC, loc. cit.
5
It is noteworthy that beside banw 'pig' and ben *wife' there is attested in Welsh
an adjective banw (pi. beinw, banwiaid) 'female, feminine', as a noun 'woman,
daughter, wife', with a variant banwy (also attested in the Welsh PN Myfanwy f.).
See GPC 255.
6
See NG 129-31; Urk. Spr. 175; AcS 1. 422, 3. 865; Dottin, p. 234; Fowkes, Lg.
16, 1940, 297; IEW 153; KGP 148; Scherer 209. Compare the OBret. P N N Bill,
150 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
less certain that bil(l)io- in names such as Bil{l)ius and *Billioviagus is
cognate with Ir. bile m. 'a sacred or historic tree . . . fig. a scion,
a progenitor, a man of distinction' (v. Meyer 215 f., Dinneen 96). l
For Ir. bile may represent earlier *belio- rather than *bilio- (v. Urk.
Spr. 174, SprFK 194, W.-H. 1. 523 f. s.v. folium, IEW 122). 2 Some
forms such as PN Bilisa and L N Bil(l)nbio (qq.w.) have been ex
plained as Illyrian. For forms in bil- explained as Iberian see, inter
alios, Tovar, Estudios 163 ff., Lexico 25, Palomar Lapesa, ELH 377 f.,
Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 294, 296, Untermann, EAAHA 71. For
Messapic forms see Parlangeli, SM 280 f.
P N N : Abillicedo CIL 13. 10010. 11 ; 3 ?Acatibilus (see also s.n. Biliap[)
DAG 151, 182; Aesubilini (gen.) CIL 7. 87; 4 Atbil[ 214; Atobiles DAG
182; Bilanu 224; Bilcaisio 83, 237; Bileseton f. C/L 2. 3537; Bilicani
(gen.) CZL 7. 1336. 148; Bilicatus DAG 89, 132 ;5 Bilicedo CIL 3. 12014.
161, 13. 10010. 298, Bilicedoni 13. 10016. 14,6 Bilici CIL 7. 1336. 150;
Bilicius DAG 244; ?Bililio 182; ΰιλοΌσ 177; i?z7U0 244 ; 7 Biliureto
Gallia 18, i960, 241 ff.; ift/zztf Z^4G 208; ?i?z7z,t 244; A7Z[ 182 ; 8 ^ζ7/ώ
f. 182; Billicatiis 182; Billicca 182; Billiccatidossus 182; Billiccedni (dat.)
237, Billice[ CIL 7. 1336. i5i a , b ·, Billicedo DAG 136, 214, \E\illicedu
182 ; 9 Billiccissioni AE 1954, no. 195; Billicotas CRAI 1956, 181 f. ; 6
Anau-uili, Con-uili, etc. (cf. KB 194, 213, DGVB 64) beside W. ife/i (see G. 54 f. (to
refs. there given add O'Rahilly, EIHM 67, 473 f., Bromwich, Studies in Early
British History (Cambridge, 1954), 131 f., TTP 281 f.)) and Ir. Bile (v. de Jubain-
ville, Le Cycle mythologique irlandais et la mythologie celtique (Paris, 1884), 225). Beside
Ir. bil 'lucky, etc.' note Ir. bil f. 'a rim, edge, border* (v. Meyer 215, Hessen 1. 92)
and bile 'rim, border, lip' (of a jug, etc.) also 'weathercock' (v. Meyer 216, Hessen
1. 92, Dinneen 96), for which see Urk. Spr. 175, Lehmann, £CP 6, 1908, 438,
Pedersen, VKG 1. 147 (for W. by I 'edge, rim, brim', which appears to be a late word,
see now GPC 363).
1
See Dottin 234; von Wartburg, FEW 1. 364; Dauzat, REA 33, 1931, 377 (RC
50, 1933, 9 6 ; on *Billiomagus see also NG 130, AcS 1. 421, Vendryes RC 51, 1934,
336); Platz, Third International Congress of Toponymy and Anthroponymy, Brussels,
15-19 July 1949, vol. 3, Proceedings and Transactions (Louvain, 1951), 57i~79 (with
additions' 580-2). Compare Sc. Gael, bile 'leaflet, blossom', Mllr. billeoc 12L leaf
let' (v. Meyer 216, also Dinneen s . w . bileog, billeog).
2
Holder's belion (AcS 3. 833), compared with Sc. Gael, bile in RC 33, 1912, 139
(see also RC 45, 1928, 117; 51, 1934, 336), is a figment (see Weisgerber 194,
Whatmough, DAG 178 s.v. belinuntia). Note, however, the following forms:
BcXdviov, the name of a plant, DAG 178; belinuntia, bilinuntia (-U-) 'herba Apol-
linaris' DAG 178 (beside milimindrum 'henbane' DAG 158; see also IEW 120,
Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 116); Β€λωκάνδος (?), mulicandos 'herba millefolium' DAG 178.
3
Not Abilicedo as in DAG 224. For Bill-?
^ See Schmidt, KGP 146, 148. For -belini?
5 6
See also AcS 1. 420, 3. 863 f. See section (A) (i) s.n.
7
See Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 86, 2. 26 f.
8
= CIL 12. 2908.
9
See also CGP pp. 10 f., Gallia 21, 1963, 237, and note variants in bilked- listed
above.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 151
l
Billicuro DAG i3g; Billicas 139, 182; Billiiis CIL 3. 14214. 1, g, (?)
B[illius] MG, no. 112; Billo DAG 83, 151, Remark A ; Biluci (gen.)
REA 58, ig56, 279; Cincibili Liv. 43. 5. 1; Mandubili CIL 13. 5532 ; 2
Robili CIL 3. 6017. 12, 13; 3 Subilus DAG ig4, 224.
LENN: ( ? ?) Bilitio Greg. Tur., Bellitiona Rav. AcS 1. 421; *Billiomagus
Billom (Puy-de-Dome) AcS 1. 421, 3. 865;+ Bilubio I A (v.l. -ludio),
Billubio TP, \B]ilubiae insc, Βιλουΰιων num., Iulianum Rav. AcS 1. 422,
3. 865.5
BODUO-
Ir. bodb (badb) ca royston-crow, war-goddess, witch, scoid: (see
Hessen 1. g8, Dinneen 68) is cognate with a Celtic name element
boduo-jbodua- seen in the following names: PNN Atebodua CIL 3. 5386;
Ateboduus CIL 3. 4732, 5247; Bodua DAG 182; Boduacius 83; B\o\dua-
(cus) CIL 13. 10027. IC,8>6 Boduacus PID viiic; Boduia PID xic;
Boduisso PID viiic; Boduoc DAG 206, Remark; 7 ΒoduociECMW229;
Boduocus DAG 136; Boduogenus CIL 7. 12g2 ; 8 BodnognatusBG, see section
(A) (i) s.n.; Boduos DAG 176, 182; Maroboduus DAG 224, 237, 244 ; 9
Soliboduus PID viiic ; 10 TeutoboduusDAG 224 ;XI DN ?Athubodua (C]ath-)
DAG 82. 12 Some other names in bod- which have been listed s.v.
BOUD- (q.v.) may rather belong here. 13 See Urk. Spr. 176 f.; AcS 1.
461, 3. 8g6; VKG 1. 6 3 ; GOI123; IEW 114 (cf. W.-P. 2. 126, W/-//.
1. gg); KGP 152. Compare ON. bod, OE. έ^ζώ 'battle 5 . For a cognate
element in Germanic PNN see Scherer 202 f. For the Irish war-
goddess Bodb see J. Rhys, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as
illustrated by Celtic Heathendom (London, 1888), 43 f., Sjoestedt-Jonval,
EC 1, ig36, 65, Vendryes, Rel. Celt. 283. A cognate element is attested
in Welsh and Breton PNN. See Lloyd-Jones, G. 467 s.n. Eluod, Loth,
Chr. bret. n o s.w. boduu, bodu, Fleuriot DGVB 88, VB g3, 400.
1
See also AcS 1. 421, 3. 865.
2
See Whatmough, DAG 237 s.n.
3
See also DAG 244 s.n. Robilius and KGP 63, 148, 261.
4
See p. 150 above (with n. 1).
5
See Mayer, op. cit. 1. 86 f., 2. 26, 72 f.
6
See DAG 224, 237.
7
See also AcS 1. 460 f., 3. 896, Bagendon 92 ff., n o f.
8
Compare PNN Bodocenus DAG 143 (see section (A) (i) s.n.), Bodocnous DAG 182,
9
and Bodogenes CIL 6. 9102c, 19. See s.v. MARO-.
10
See Schmidt, KGP 66, 80, 179, 271. Cf. Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958, 433.
11
See Schonfeld 223 f.; Much, WuS 6, 1914-1.5, 228, id., Sitzungsberichte der kais.
Akad. der Wissenschaften, philosoph.-histonsche Klasse, Bd. 195, 2. Abhandlung (Wien,
1920), 27; Feist, RC 48, 1931, 430; Sjoestedt, RC 51, 1934, 306; Whatmough,
DAG, p. 852; Schmidt, KGP 52, 152, n. 5, 277; Scherer 202, id., Anglia 76, 1958,
433; de Vries, Ogam 9, 1957, 275 f.
12
See s.v. CATU-. Note also D N Cassibodua DAG 213.
13
See? for example, n. 8 above.
152 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
BOGIO-
For opinion concerning this Celtic name element see Stokes, BB
11, 1886, 117; Loth, Chr. breL n o ; Ernault ap. Holder, AcS 1. 462;
Thurneysen ap. Holder, loc. cit. and AcS 3. 896; Rhys, Cis. 49;
Dottin, p. 235; Pokorny, Zcp i3> l9*l> 294; Vendryes, EC5, 1950-1,
239-42; Gray, EC 6, 1952-4, 66 f.; Schmidt, KGP 152. Ernault con
nected it with Ir. -boing, bongid 'breaks, reaps, wins', 1 and Thurneysen
withlr. bag 'battle'. Pokorny, however, rejected Thurneysen's equation
on account of the vocalism of bogio- with -0- beside ~d- in Ir. bag. But
Vendryes saw no difficulty here, and suggested that there was a varia
tion in the root with *bhog- beside *bhdg-. To this root, meaning
'rompre, briser', he related Skt. bhdjati 'he partakes' and bhdga-h,
bhagd-h. Skt. bhandkti 'breaks' also belongs here along with the
Ir. verb -boing, bongid. He pointed out that this Irish verb is used of
a fighter repelling the attack of an adversary, that Ir. bag ( < *bhdgo-)
occurs with the meaning 'fight, battle', and that there is a derivative
verb bdgim Ί fight'.2 Hence he suggested that Gaul, -bogios may mean
'briseur, vainqueur'. With Gaul, com-bogio- (as in PNN Conbogi,
Vercombogius) he compared Ir. verbal forms such as conboing 'breaks,
crushes, defeats'. Com-bogio- may, accordingly, mean 'briseur, pour-
fendeur' and PNN Andecombo(gius) and Vercombogius are the same with
an intensive prefix. PN Namantobogius may mean 'briseur d'ennemis'.
Vendryes's interpretation, following Ernault, is convincing. How
ever, he casts too much doubt 3 on Loth's suggestion {Chr. bret. n o )
that -boe in OBret. proper names (Dosarboe, Erispoe?, Riskiboe) is the
same as Gaul, bogio-. R. J . Thomas (BBCS 7, 1935, I 3 2 ) quoted the
Old Welsh PNN Conboe LL 199 and Conuoe LL 212 beside Gaul.
Conbogiiis* and the Welsh LN Abercwmboi (Abkonvoye 1551, Abercwmfoi
1
For this verb see VKG 2. 339, 477, LP 281, 347, GOI461, W.-H. 1. 503, 541,
IEW 114 f. For the relationship to Ir. beg-, bo-n-g-, as in doboing, -tobuing 'levies
(tribute, etc.)', see VKG 2. 460 f., LP 340.
2
Pokorny (IEW 115, also W.-P. 2. 130, Stokes, Urk. Spr. 160) still derives Ir.
bag from *bhdgh-, a different root from that of Ir. bongid (*bheg-, *bheng- IEW 114-
15). Beside bongid he quotes Mllr. boimm 'Bissen* (<*bhog-smn) and M1W. di-vwng
'unbeugsam'. For di-vwng v. Loth, RC 38, 1920-1, 155; 43, 1926, 417-18, Lloyd-
Jones, G. 341; compare dimyngyei CAn. 1. 794 and see note ad l o c , cf. Lloyd-Jones,
G. 358; also gordiuwng G. 559. See especially Lloyd-Jones, BBCS 15, 1954, 196-7
s.w. difo (< *di-bog-)ldifwng(< *di-bong-),ymo (? < *mbhi-bog-)lymwng(? < *ηώ1ύ-
bong-). Beside bag Pokorny quotes Gaul, bagaudae (v. DAG 178; cf. PN Bacauda
3
AcS 1. 331, 3. 790). See also Ernault, GMB 177, also now Fleuriot, VB 70.
4
Compare W. cymwy 'toil, stress, grief, affliction, trouble'; v. Sir Ifor Williams,
CLIH 199, Lloyd-Jones, G. 241, GPC 773. Loth (ACL 1, 1900, 492) suggests that
the meaning 'grief is secondary and that it first meant 'brisement, action de
briser* (com-\-bug: Ir. bualaim Ί strike'), quoting in support of this view *y gylchwy
dan y gymwy bu adeuawc' ( = CAn. 1. 395, v. note ad loc.) and kymwyat RP 1044. 36
( = CLIH xi. 14a, v. note ad loc.; GPC 773 s.v. gives the meaning 'one who
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 153
1788). Compare also PN Guernabui LL 75, 80, 164, GuernapuiLL 166,2
1
BOR.
A number of the names in bor(r)-, bors- listed here are probably
Celtic. We can compare Mllr. borr adj. 'puffed, bloated, big, proud 5 ,
subst. 'swelling, lump, bunch, grandeur, pride' (v. Meyer 240 f.,
Hessen 1. 101, and, for Modlr., Dinneen i n ) , OCorn. bor gl. pinguis
(Voc. Corn., v. OCF404), W. bwr(r) cfat, strong, big' (v. Ifor Williams,
BBCS, vol. 7, 1935, 35 f., GPC 354). With W. bwr(r) compare W.
bwr? 'fort, stronghold' (one example only: 'ny seuis na thwr na bwr bu
krein' LIE 51. 25; v. Pughe s.v., G. 84, GPC 354). P. Quentel
(Ogam 6, 1954, 23 f.; see also Vendryes, EC 4, 1948, 310 if.) suggested
that this is the same word as W. bwr{r) 'fat, strong, big'. But the
meaning of bwr is uncertain and the vowel is probably long. Quentel
also noted (after J. E. Gover, Antiquity 2, 1928, 325) l that Cornish
LNN such as Borlase may contain the same element as well as Bret,
forms such as bourbell 'qui a de gros yeux' (v. Ernault, GMB 76,
Hemon 134) and Bret. L N N such as Borlagadec, Borenis, and Bormene.
For W. bwr(r) in PNN note Dunawt wr uab Pabo RM 301 beside
Deinyoel m. Dunawt vwrr m. Pabo LBS 4. 369 (z/. Ifor Williams, loc. cit.)
and Bledgur burr LL 265. Note also M1W. byrryat 'humerus, arm' (see
Williams, loc. cit., GPC 366); W. byrllofiog, byrllawiog 'squandering,
extravagant' (see GPC, loc. cit.); byrllysg 'rod, wand, sceptre, mace,
etc' (see Williams, loc. cit., comparing Ir. borr-slatt, GPC, loc. cit.);
M1W. keinvwr RP 1240. 5, but keinwr MA 285a 10 ; 2 cymyrredd 'esteem,
respect, reputation, arrogance, haughtiness' (see G. 242, GPC 775 f.).
Loth (RC 34, 1913, 147) derived W. cymyrredd from Brit. *kom-borriid,
comparing OCorn. berri gl. pinguedo (see OCV 405), Modlr. buirre
'pride, pomp'. Perhaps the Gaulish PN Andocumborius discussed in sec
tion (A) (i) above contains a cognate form. Holder (AcS 1. 493, see
also 3. 913) suggested that PN Borsus may belong to Ir. borr, OCorn.
bor (: IE *bhorso-), unless it corresponds to Basque bortz 'five'. Peder-
sen (VKG 1. 83) seems to prefer the latter suggestion.3 For the
etymology of Ir. borr, etc., see Strachan, BB 14, 1889, 315; Stokes,
Urk. Spr. 173; W-P. 2. 131 ff.; W.-H. 1. 461 f.; Vendryes, loc. cit.;
Pokorny, IEW 109.
Names in Borm-, Boru-, and Borb- have been often discussed. There
has been some disagreement concerning the dialect or dialects (Celtic
1
Cf. A. H. Smith, English Place-Name Elements, pt. 1 (English Place-Name
Society, vol. 25), Cambridge, 1956, 42.
2
'noblement fier, au bel orgueiP or *a la belle prestance au beau port de tete*
according to Vendryes, loc. cit. Cf. Lloyd-Jones, G. 124 s.v., suggesting the mean
ing 'hardd ei dudded'.
3
See also, inter alios, Michelena, Pirineos, Αϋο ίο, num. 33-34, julio-diciembre
1954, 436; Lafon in Gascogne gersoise, Actes des XIIe et XVe Congres tfitudes rationales
tonus a Lectoure les /, 2 et $ mat 1959.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 155
or Ligurian or Illyrian) to which they belong, and concerning their
etymology. They have been connected, on the one hand (e.g. by
Stokes, de Jubainville, and Pokorny), with the IE. roots *bheru- 'to
boil' (W. berwaf, Ir. berbaim: Lat. ferveo, fervo) and *bher- 'to be agi
tated' (W. (di)fem, (go)fer: Lat. fermentum), and, on the other hand
(e.g. by Kretschmer and Whatmough), with the IE. root *g™her-
*hot, warm' (W. gori 'to brood': Lat. formas). See Rhys, Lectures on
the Origin and Growth of Religion, 2 5 ; Holder, AcS 1. 492; 3. 912,
914; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 172; de Jubainville, Les Premiers habitants de
VEurope, vol. 2 (Paris, 1894), 117 ff., RC 20, 1899, 381; 22. 1901,
240; Kretschmer, K% 38, 1905, 113 f.; Dottin, p. 235; Whatmough,
PID, vol. 2, pp. 156, 164, 590, vol. 3, p. 10, FRI144 f., DAG 82 (s.n.
Borbanus), 179 (s.n. Aquae Bormonis), Orbis 1, 1952, 436, Og. 5, 1953,
65f.,Z,£. 25, 1949, 289; 28, 1952, 2 6 6 ; O e h l , < O j V F i i , 1935, 103-11;
12, 1936, 53-64; Pokorny, Urg. 78, 94 ff., IEW 133, 144; W.-H. 1.
483, 487, 533; Gray, Lg. 20, 1944, 228; Menendez Pidal, Toponimia
prerromanica hispana (Madrid, 1952), 93 ff; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 11,
1959, 164 ff; Fr. Le Roux, ibid. 220 f.; M. and P. Vauthey, ibid.
455 ff.; Tovar, ALSP117; de Vries, KR 72 ff, 141; Blazquez Martinez,
RPH 171 ff. It seems to me that the arguments in favour of connexion
with W. berwqf, etc., are the more convincing. The alternation
-i-/-m-/-w- in these names has also been variously explained as being
due to lenition (e.g. by Pedersen, Loth, and Whatmough) or to a dif
ference in suffixes (e.g. by Much and Pokorny) or to dissimilation
(e.g. by Kretschmer and Meyer-Lubke). See Pedersen, VKG 1. 168,
436 (LP 55); Duvau, RC 22, 1901, 81 f.; Kretschmer, loc. cit.; Much,
Sitzungsberichte der kais. Akad. der Wissenschqften, philosoph.-historische
Klasse, Bd. 195, 2. Abhandlung (Wien, 1920), 43 ff; Jud, Archivum
Romanicum 6, 1922, 204; Meyer-Lubke, £RPh 42, 1922, 332 f.; Loth,
# C 3 9 , 1922, 50; Pokorny, Urg. 95, VR 10, 1948-9, 258 f., IEW 144;
Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 119; Gray, loc. cit.
The selection of names listed below are, of course, of multiple
origin. They are brought together for convenience of reference.
Linguistic labels such as 'Celtic', 'Aquitanian', 'Ligurian' or the like
cannot confidently be attached to each and every one of them.
P N N : Andocumborius BG, see section (A) (i) s.n.; Bor[ GIL η. 1336. i66,
13. 10025. x345 B°ra DAG 237; Boraides 244; Boram[ 214; Borei[ DAG
87; Bori 224; Borias 214; Boriedo CIL 7. 1334. 15; Borili DAG 244;
Boril(l)us 136, 151, Remark B, 182, 228 (viii) ;T Borinius 2O8B, 214;
Bono 136; Borissa 214; Borissus 224; Boritus 237; Bonus 151, Remark
B> J955 2 0 °5 2 ° 2 ( o r -lus)9 228 (viii) and (ix); 2 Bonus 202 (or -ius),
1
See also AcS 1. 490 f., 3. 911 f., Oswald 46 f., 361, 424, CGP 271.
2
See also AcS 3. 912.
156 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
228 (iv); Borroconis (gen. m.) DAG 87; Borsei (gen. m.), Borso> Borsus
87 ;x Bortossi 87; Boru[ 214; Boruias 182; Boruonicus 237; Bonis {-his)
244; Borusi CIL 7. 1336. 173; Borustus DAG 83.
LENN: Boratiolae saltus praediaque PID xvii (iii); Borbetolego (loc.
sg.?) DAG 221 ; 2 Borbetomagus Worms DAG 234 ; 3 Borbona Bourberain
(Cote-dOr), Bourbonne-les-Bains DAG 234; Boresti Tac. -4gr. 38 ; 4
Borma Vormes? DAG 148; Borman(n)i oppidum DAG 80; Βόρμανον
Borszod Ptol. 3. 7. 2, 8. 11. 3 ; 5 Borveriacum (or Bormer-) AcS 1. 493;
Aquae Bormonis Bourbon-Lancy Z)^4G 179; Bormiae (Aquae) Cassiod.
var. 10. 29, 1; Borodates (consacrani) DAG 80, 84: Boronus fl. Bouzon
ZL4G 149, Remark.
DNN: Borbanus, Bormanus, Bormana, Bormo, Boruo DAG 82, 155, 181,
236; Bormanico (dat.) CIL 2. 2402, 2403 ( = 5558) ; 6 Borienno deo DAG
86; Boruoboendoa and -boedoa DAG 223 (also Note xlviii, p. 864).
BOUD-
Olr. buaid n. Victory, profit, excellence' (Hessen ι. 117),7 W. έζ/Λί
m. 'profit, gain, blessing, favour, advantage' (GPC 345), OBret. bud
gl. bradium ( F F B 61), ModBr. buz 'victory, profit, gain', point to
Celtic boud-, which is well attested as a name element in a number of
the forms listed below, forms in boud- (e.g. Bouda, Boudus, Boudicca,
Boudillus), in bod- (e.g. Bodicca, Bodied)^ and perhaps in bud- (e.g.
Budacius, -us).s See JTjV*53, n. 2 ; Urk. Spr. 175 f.; Atf 1. 456, 458, 497;
3. 893, 894, 916; VKG 1. i n ; Dottin 235; W.-P. 2. 186; IEW 163;
KGP 154. For a cognate element in Welsh and Breton PNN see Lloyd,
Τ Cymmrodor 9, 1888, 43* and Loth, Chr. bret 112, Fleuriot, DGVB
91 m
The element baudi- in the Germanic DN Baudihillia found in an
1
See DAG p. 1374. For names in bors- see p. 154 above.
2
See also Whatmough, DAG, Note xlviii (p. 863), Orbis 1, 1952, 440.
3
See Pokorny, Urg. 119, VR 10, 1948-9, 258; Whatmough, DAG, p. 192, Lg.
25, 1949, 289; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 11, 1959, 164; Krahe, Spr. Aufgl. 17.
♦ See Diack, RC 38, 1920-1, 115; O'Rahilly, EIHM 529.
5
See Holder, AcS 1. 491.
6
See J. M. Blazquez, Og. 9, 1957, 212, RPH 171 ff.; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 11,
1959» 165.
7
See also Meyer 282, Dinneen 133.
8
It appears that Palomar Lapesa (OPL 49, 50 f., 142) would also include here
examples of forms in bout- (e.g. Boutea, Boutia, Boutins) and bot- (e.g. Botilla). See
also Untermann, SSVH 15 (with n. 15), 31 and Map 11, id., Fachtagung Innsbruck
67 (with Map 3), id., EAAHA 72 f. Compare the Welsh PN But in the inscription
of Towyn (Merionethshire) ECMW 287 (see Ifor Williams, Arch. Camb. 100,
1948-9, 167). See also R . J . Thomas, BBCS 7, 1935, 121 s.n. Bidno.
9
For the interesting M1W. personal name Budvan (vab Bleidvan) CAn. 1. 291 see
Ifor Williams's note ad loc. For M1W. Budic, ModW. Buddug beside forms in
boudic- and bodic- listed below see Lloyd-Jones, G. 83.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 157
inscription of Housesteads on Hadrian's Wall (JRS 11, 1921, 237. 6) 1
probably belongs here. See Gutenbrunner 4 3 ; Polome, Og. 6, 1954,
158; Scherer 206. For Germanic PNN in -baudes, -boudis, see Scherer
206 f. (also id., Btr. ζ. Ν. 4, 1953, 10, Happ, Btr. z- JV. 14, 1963,
20 f ) .
Not all the forms listed below contain a form of Celtic bond- with
the meaning 'victory', 'excellence', or the like. Gaulish forms in bod-
in particular are probably of multiple origin. Apart from forms in
BODUO- (q.v.), to which bodo- in some of the forms listed below may
correspond (e.g. Bodocenus, Bodocnous, Bodogenes, Bodorigi), some of
them may contain an element cognate with Lat. fodio (: IE. *b!iedh~j
*bhodh-, v. IEW 113-14). 2 There may also be here Celtic cognates of
Skt. bodhati, bddhate, Gk. πβνθομαι, etc., related to a root *bkeudh-
which is well represented in Insular Celtic (see W.-P. 2. 147-8,
IEW 150 ff.). See also the note s.n. Bodiocasses below.
P N N : Bodaro DAG, Note (xlviii), p. 864 (also it. 224); Boddib[
(Og.), Bodibeve (Lat.) ECMW 169 (cf. CIIC 378); Boddi (gen.) CIL 2.
6297, 6298; 3 Bodecius CIL 2. 2633, 2707 (gen.); Bodeni CIL 7. 3 ;
Bodero CIL 2. 5711, Bod(ero?) 2. 5732, Bode(ri?) (gen.?) 2. 2707 =
5729; Bodi[ DAG 6 (p. 1374); Bodica DAG 244; Bodic(ca?) CIL 13.
7519,4 \Bodi\cca CIL 7. 13, Bodicca CIL 8. 2877 ;5 Bodiccius CIL 3.
3256; Bodico DAG 237 (also 244); Bodicus Greg. Tur. AcS 1. 457;
Bodi[l]icus DAG 237; ?Bodilo Greg. Tur. AcS, loc. cit.; Bodionius PID
xvic; Bodiues(i) (gen.) CIL 2. 5711 ;6 Bodlius AcS 3. 895; Bodo AcS 1.
460; Bodocenus DAG 143 ;7 Bodocnous DAG 182 ;8 Bodogenes CIL 6.
9602°. 19; Bodorigi (dat.) PID xxivc; Bodus DAG 195 (also 214);
Bouda DAG 83, 214, -us 83, 195, 237, AE 1955, no. 107 ; 9 Boudia DAG
83, 182, CIL 6. 13340, -ius DAG 8 3 ; Boudica (or -as) f. CIL 2. 455 ; 10
Boudicca T a c , Βονν8ουΐκα Dio AcS 1. 497 f.;11 Boudilla DAG 83;
[Bo]udillus CIL 12. 1231. i b , Boudil{l)us DAG 195, Boudillus DAG 196,
214, 237, Boudillu(s) DAG 244: 12 Boudinna (-enna?) CIL 2. 5274
(== 625); Boudion{is) (gen.) CZL 3. 10795 5 Budacius DAG 176 = Budacus
1
Whence iX4G, Note XIVB and it. 223.
2
See Krahe, B/r. 2. N. 14, 1963, 180 if., also Tovar, Celticum vi, 389.
3
Boddus DAG 237 is probably Germanic.
4
Whence Bodicca DAG 237.
5
See JAS'2, 1912, 21 ff.
6
See Schmidt, KGP 152, 294, Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 294, 302.
7
See section (A) (i) s.n.
8
See Loth, Chr. bret. 84, RC 18, 1897, 93.
9
See also AcS 1. 498 f., 3. 917 f., Oswald 47, 361.
10
See OPL 50, Euphrosyne 1 (Lisboa, 1956), 142, also HAE 1090, 1209.
11
See now Jackson ap. D . R. Dudley and G. Webster, The Rebellion of Boudicca
(London, 1962), 143.
12
See also AcS 1. 498, 3. 916 f., Oswald, locc. citt.
158 THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
DAG 182; Budaracus DAG 151; Budares Liv. 33. 44. 4 ; Βονδορις
(Γαλατή) DAG *247 (χ) ι1 Eniboudius CIL 5. 7865, 7866 ; 2 ?Mellobo[di]
DAG 182.
L E N N : Bodatius nicus DAG 212; Bodetia IA AcS 1. 456; Βόδβγκος Pol.,
Bodincus Plin. now the river Po AcS 1. 456, PID VA (p. 236) ; 3 Bodinco-
magus, -ensis PID XUIA; 3 Bodiocasses Plin., Ούαδικάσιοι Ptol., Bagocassis
Auson., Baiocasses ND', Baiocassensis Greg. Tur., Baiocassini Sid. Apoll.,
2taz'0£^ij· ASSBayeuxZ^G 179 ;*Bodiontici DAG 21; Bodobrio(?) Hohen-
Budberg D^4G 221; Bodonias DAG 179; Bodotria T a c , Booepla Ptol.,
j&fora ifay. the Firth of Forth A S 1. 460 ; 5 Bodungo DAG 241; Baudo-
briga (Boud-, Bod-) itinn., JVD, Bodorecas Rav., now Boppard (St. Goar)
DAG 234; 6 Budenicenses Besouce or Bezuc? CZL 12. 2972;? Βονδορίς
Buderich DAG 221 (also 241); Βουδόριγον Brieg DAG 241; Segobodium
Seveux DAG 234; Toutobodiaci Plin. jVH 5. 146.8
D N N : £<?ώ (dat.) CIL 2. 5670; Boud[e\na DAG 236; Twtefo Boudiga
DAG 155 (with refs.; see also Note xlv (B)); Boudina DAG 211;
Boudunn[eae or -^λα*] ZMG 223; Budenicus (Mars) DAG 82; Budenus(?)
DAG 82 (with refs.; see also Note vii, Remark (ii), p. 89).
BROG-
The meaning of Gaulish broga and allobrogae (-es) is given by the
Scholiast on Juvenal 8. 234: Allobrogae Galli sunt. Ideo autem dicti
Allobrogae, quoniam brogae Galli agrum dicunt, alia autem aliud. Dicti
autem Allobroges, quia ex alio loco fiterant translati. See DAG 79.9 Like
1
See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 156.
2
Compare PN Enaboudia [sic] PID XVB.
3
See PID, it. 336A and vol. iii, p. 10 s.v. bodinco- 'fundo carens'; Schmidt,
Kratylos 7, 1962, 67.
4
Bodio- in this name has been related to Ir. buide 'yellow* and (?)Lat. badius
'bay, chestnut' (of horses). See Urk. Spr. 176; de Jubainville, RC 15, 1894, 233;
26, 1905, 279 (cf. id., BSAF 1890, 266); AcS 1. 458 s.v. Bodiocasses; Vendryes, RC
40, 1923, 172; Dottin, p. 235 s.v. bodio- (cf. id., Mnl. 109); W.-P. 2. 105; W.-H.
1. 9 2 ; DAG 158 s.v. badius-, IEW 92 (cf. Pokorny, Kratylos 3, 1958, 174); A.
Heiermeier, Indogermanische Etymologien des Keltischen, Bd. II, Wurzburg, 1956,
166 fF.; KGP 143, 151-2.
5
See Diack, RC 41, 1924, 128-30, Watson, The History of the Celtic Place-names
of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1926), 52. Compare J. Fraser, ScGSt 3. 138 (whence
Forster, FT^253 f., Williams, BSRC 24). See p. 127, η. ι above.
6
Compare Baudobriga (-c-) itin., Bodoureca Merov. num., Bupprich (near
Trier) DAG 212 and see Schmidt, KGP 43, Weisgerber, Rh.V. 23, 1958, 40.
7
Not Budencicenses as in DAG 80.
8
See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 158, 169. Cf. Schmidt, KGP 152, n. 2.
9
Cf. brogilus (broialos A.D. 572, whence Fr. breuil) 'grove, clearing, lucus' or
'park, estate, fundus' DAG 79 s.v. broga (see also AcS 1. 619 f., 3. 984); LN Broilus
Breuil-sur-Vesle (Marne) DAG 2 1 2 ; breialo gl. caio DAG 178. Whatmough also
suggested {DAG 79 s.v. broga) that Messapic broge {PID, it. 546c, cf. PID, vol. 3,
p. 11) may be the same as Gaul, broga.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 159
5
the Latin fines Gaulish broga properly meant 'border , then 'territory'.
See J u d , Archivum Romanicum 6, 1922, 193, Weisgerber, SprFK 183,
Whatmough, DAG, loc. cit. For Romance forms related to it see Jud,
loc. cit., also id., Romania 47, 1921, 482; 52, 1926, 347. l Brog- (brogi-,
brogo-) occurs in a number of Gaulish proper names. It represents
earlier *mrog-. Insular Celtic cognates are Olr. mruig (Mllr. bruig,
brug, Modlr. brugh, bruigh) masc. (z-stem) ca piece of inhabited or
cultivated land, a country-side, a march* (RIAContr. Μ 177), W.,
Corn., Bret, bro 'district' : 2 Lat. mar go, Goth, marka, AS. mearc. See
Gluck, iDV 26 f.; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 221; Holder, AcS 1. 619, 3. 983;
Pedersen, VKG 1. 43, 97 (LP 29); Dottin 238: Thurneysen ; GO 147 f.:
Jackson, LHEB 445; Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 141, n. 3 (cf. Pokorny,
VR 10, 1948-9, 264 £ ) ; W.-H. 2. 39; E.-M. 689; W.-P. 2. 283 £ ;
Pokorny IEW 738; Tovar in Romanica. Festschrift fur Gerhard Rohlfs
(Halle, 1958), 449 ff. For the cognate Germanic name element *mark-
'frontier, territory' see Scherer 208. 3
P N N : Andebrogius (v.l. Andocumborius) BG 2. 3. 1 ; 4 Andebrocirix (f.)
DAG 83 ;s Brogimara CIL 3. 3594, 4596, 5101, -marus 4580, 15151;
Brogitarus, Βρογίταρος AcS I. 620 f., 3. 985 f. ;6 Βρογορις CIG 4118
(see AcS ι. 621). 7
D N N : Allobrox DAG 82; Urobrocis (dat. pi.) DAG 82. 8
L E N N : Allobrox, ~ges (-on-a, -ae),9 -gicus, -gicinus, Άλλόβριγζς (-jSpoyec)
DAG 80 ; 10 AUobriges (-Λ-) DAG 212, 221 ;10 Antobroges Plin. JVi/4. 109 ;
Latobrigi BG, -bogii Oros. DAG 2 4 1 ; " Nitiobroges (-ig-), Nisiobrox ?
1
See also REA 33, 1931, 381 f.
2
For W. bro see GPC 329 f. Occasionally it may mean border, limit, boundaiy,
march' as, for example, in heilyn achubyatpob bro CAn. 1. 574 (see note ad l o c ) .
3
Scherer points out that Persian marz 'Landstrich, Mark* occurs in the com
mon personal name Marz-pdn Orenzschutzer'. See F. Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch
(Marburg, 1895), x 97 f· So-called Illyrian names such as EN Μοργητ€ς and LN
Μοργαντιον have also been connected with the same root as Gaul, brog-, Lat.
margo, etc. See Krahe, Glotta 20. 189 f., Pokorny, Urg. 12. LN Morginnum (Mauro-
gena) DAG 80, however, does not belong here. See Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 149,
151, n. 15 and compare Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 266.
4
See section (A) (i) s.n. Andocumborius.
5
For the alternation ofV and g see Chapter III (A) (ii) (c). Not to be connected
with P N N in broc(c)~ such as Broc[ DAG 151, Remark B, 176, 237; Brocchia PID
x i c ; Brocchilo PID xiic; Brocchus DAG 83, 237, 244, PID XUA; Broccius (or
Brocchus) DAG 214; Broccus DAG 244, PID viiic, XUA.
6
See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 154.
7
See Weisgerber, op. cit. 154, 174.
8
For ~broc- see n. 5 above. O'Rahilly (EIHM 534) would derive -broc- in
Urobrocis from *uroik- 'heather', comparing D N Vroicis [DAG 82).
9
See Housman, CR 37, 1923, 60, Thurneysen, GOI201.
10
For -briges in ENN see Schmidt, KGP 156.
11
Whatmough compared Λατόβριξ (v.l. Άλω-) gl. Ptol. 3. 10 'where apparently
we have Βριτολάγαι for BpiyoXaraiV See also AcS 1. 550, 2. 155, KGP 156.
i6o T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
Nisiobroges DAG 153; Tembrogium fl. (ace.) Piin., Tymbri (abl.) Liv.,
Τέμβρι,ος Orpheus Argon. AcS 2. 1793.1
CAMUL-
Gamul- occurs in PNN in Gaul and Britain, in D N N (notably
in Camulus, assimilated to the Roman Mars, in Gaul, Britain, and
Rome), 2 and in LENN in Gaul, Spain, Galatia, and Britain. Much
has been written concerning these forms. Gluck (KN 101, n. 1), for
example, suggested that Camulus meant 'potens, fortis', comparing Ir.
camh 'potestas, potentia', cam and cama cpotens, validus, fortis', and
the Irish PN Cumhal and Carnal (noting that there are Celtic forms in
carnal^ as well as in camul-). D'Arbois de Jubainville (teste Holder,
AcS 1. 727, see also Dottin, p. 240) related Ir. camus 'territoire soumis
a Pautorite d'un roi' to the same root as that reflected by Camulus.
Stokes (BB 11, 1886, 133) suggested that Camulus was represented
perhaps by Ir. Cumal (gen. Cumail) and cumal (gen. cumaile) 'a she-
slave5.3 In Urk. Spr. 69 f. he also listed Ir. cuma 'grief, Corn, cavow,
Bret, cqffou, under a root *kam- csich muhen, sorgen5.4 In AcS 3. 1069
Holder quoted Vendryes's interpretation of the name as 'celui qui
se donne la peine (pour combattre)', deriving it again, with Stokes,
from the same root as Skt. samnite and Gk. κάμνω and comparing Ir.
cam 'Kampf \ 5 Camulus, according to Holder, was originally a 'nomen
agentis' with the suffix -lo-.6 The name has sometimes been thought to
correspond to ON. Humli, attested in Scandinavian royal genealogies
1
See Weisgerber, op. cit. 159.
2
On the expansion of the Camulus cult see J. Lindsay, Latomus 20, 1961, 731 fF.
Cf. Duval, REA 64, 1962, 369 f. See also D e Vries, KR 58.
3
See also Holder, AcS 1. 727. De Jubainville (NG 16) rendered Camulorix as 'roi
de Camulos' or 'roi des servantes' comparing Ir. cumal *a slave-girl'. The same
scholar {Les Celtes depuis les temps Us plus anciens jusqu'en Van 100 avant notre ere (Paris,
1904), 52 f.) and Hubert {Les Celtes depuis Vipoque de la Tene et la civilisation celtique
(Paris, 1932), 286 f.) repeat a suggestion made by Rhys {Lectures on the Origin and
Growth of Religion as illustrated by Celtic Heathendom (London, 1888), 39, LWPh2 400)
that as a personal name Camulus has an etymological equivalent in Cumail, father of
Finn and king of Ireland. But Meyer {RC 32, 1911, 391) claimed that the true
form is Umall, and that Cumail arose in the name Finn mac Umaill owing to a mis
understanding. See also E. Windisch, Das keltische Britannien (Leipzig, 1912), 119;
Dottin, p. 240; Polome, Ogam 6, 1954, 157; de Vries, KR 58. Rhys (locc. citt.)
related Camulus to Germ. Himmel, Gk. καμάρα, etc. His speculations and com
parisons are not convincing.
4
He compared Lat. camillus, -a. For these forms see W-H, 1. 147. For Ir.
cuma, Corn, cavow, etc., see Pedersen, VKG 1. 47, 361, where no mention is made of
Camulus.
5
Concerning Ir. cam he added the comment 'wenn nicht aus lat. campus
entlehnt'. See further J. Vendryes, De hibernicis vocabulis quae a latina lingua originem
duxerunt (Paris, 1902), 120 and cf. W. camp GPC 404. See also VKG 1. 237.
6
There is nothing new in W.-P. 1. 387 f., IEW 557, KGP 160, OPL 58, KR 58.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 161
as the father of the eponymous hero Dan. See Polome, Og. 6, 1954,
157 f., Treimer, Og. 9, 1957, 291, Lindsay, Latomus 20, 1961, 736.
Etymological speculation here is both dangerous and uncertain. The
most likely Insular Celtic cognate is perhaps Ir. cam 'fight, quarrel,
duel', if or when this is a native Irish form. See Meyer 310, Hessen 1.
133, Dinneen 156. The comparison with the Irish PN Cumal is also
uncertain. It is doubtful whether forms in carnal-, attested most
frequently in Spain, 1 retain an older vocalism than those in camul·.
See Holder, AcS 1. 725. 20, Tovar, Kratylos 3, 1958, 9. With forms in
carnal· compare perhaps the (PGermanic) divine name Gamaleda DAG
213, 2 for which see Gutenbrunner 109 f., Scherer, Btr. z. jV. 4, 1953, 24.
PNN: Andecamulos DAG 163 ;3 Camalus, -α, Κάμαλος, Carnal. AcS 1.
707 f., 3. 1054, OPL 57 f., SSVH 29, EAAHA 85 f.; Camolatia (-u-)
DAG 182; [Ca]molius (?for \Cd\mulius) MG, no. 272; Camul[DAG 156;
Camula[ DAG 83; Camula DAG 182, 224, 237, καμουλα Note liii;
Camulaeus 250; Camulata 83, -us 83, 237, 238 (in); Camulatia 83,
-ius 182; Camulatucus 156; Camuledu 151; Camulia 156, 182, CIL 3.
4887; Camulianus DAG 244; Camulilia ILTG418; Camulinius 2O8B (also
214); Camulinus 136, 156; ?[Ca]mulinus Wagner, no. 102; ?Camulioli
(gen.) ILTG 188; Camulirilis (-gis) DAG 140; Camulissius DAG 2O8B
(also 214); Camulixus 136 (p. 1359); Camul{l)ia, -ins 83; Camulo[ 151;
Camulo, Camuloge Gallia 19, 1961, 68, Camulo[genus] DAG 157, Camulo-
genus DAG 182, Note (xlv) C; 3 Camulognata DAG 182; ?Camulori
ECMW 349, Camulorigi ECMW 403, Camuloris (bis) ECMW 27;
Camulus DAG 87, 156, 214, 231, 237, Note xlv (C); Leucamulo CIL
3· 5329·4
LENN: Andecamulenses DAG 148; Camala AcS 1. 707; Camalatrum
Front, strat. 2. 4. 7; ?Camaloc[ CIL 2. 170; Camulates CIL 2. 4967. 34;
Καμουλιανά AcS 3. 1067;* Camulodono Rav. PSlack (Yorks.) BSRG 27;
Camulodunum (v.l. Camalo-) Colchester (Essex) ^GS1 1. 725 f., 3. 1068;
Camulosessa Rav. Castle Greg (Midlothian) BSRC, loc. cit.
D N N : Camu{l)orici (dat.) CIL 13. 4709 ;6 C(a)mulorig(i) or -rig(ae)
CIL 13. 11216, Camlorige CIL 13. 3460; 7 Ca[mulus?] DAG 243,
Camulus DAG 211, 213, 223, 236, CiL 7. 1103, CiL 6. 46. 8
1
See Palomar Lapesa, 0ΡΖ, 57 f., Untermann, SSVH 14 f., 29 (with Map 8),
id., Fachtagung Innsbruck 67 (with Map 6).
2
Or personal name. See DAG 214.
3
See section (A) (i) s.n.
4
For *Leuco-camulo by haplology? See RC 17, 1896, 300, AcS 2. 192, KGP
93» 231.
5
See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 159.
6
Whence DN Camulorix DAG 213.
7
Cf. D-dG 181 and 213 s.n. Camidoriga, also DAG, Note xl (i) (pp. 678 f.).
8
See AcS 1. 727 f., 3. 1069.
811030 Μ
l62 THE M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
CARO-
A great number of the names listed below (e.g. PNN Andecarus,
Caromams, Iovantucarus, Sucarus) contain a Gaulish name element caro-
cognate with Olr. caraim Ί love', W. caraf, Corn, care, Br. karet, re
lated to Lat. cams 'dear', Goth. Iwrs 'adulterer', etc. (: IE. *ka- c be
fond of, be covetous' IEW 515). 1 In compounded names it is rarely
attested as a first element. Concerning the verbal character of caro-
see Schmidt, KGP 163, n. 2. See also section (A) (i) s.n. Καρομαρο[.
Some forms have cara-, perhaps by assimilation of vowels in forms
such as Caramallus and Caramantius. With forms in carat- compare W.
carad 'loved'; with forms in caratac- compare Ir. carthach 'loving', M1W.
karadawc, Bret, karadek; with PN Cariatus compare W. cariad 'love;
lover, sweetheart', Bret, kariad 'ami'. For the alternation of d\dd\d\dd\
th/s/ss in names such as Caradouni, Caraddounius, Carado[, Caradiionu[,
Carad(d)ouna, Carathounius, Carasounos, and Carassonius see Chapter I I I ,
Remark.
Some forms in carant- also point to the same root and are cognate
with Ir. cara (gen. carad) m. and f. 'a friend, a beloved one, a relative'
(Dinneen 164), W. car (pi. carant, cerynt, ceraint) 'kinsman, relative,
friend, companion, e t c ' (GPC 422), Corn, car (pi. kerens), Bret, kar
(pi. kerent). See CRAI 1890, 262; Urk. Spr. 7 1 ; AcS 1. 766; Dottin
242; GOI 119, 207-8; Vendryes, EC 5, 1950-1, 238; IEW, loc. cit.;
KGP 163. See further section (B) s.n. Carantanae.
Gaulish car (0)- is, however, of multiple origin. It was, therefore,
extremely difficult to decide, especially with uncompounded names,
which forms to include in the list given below. Moreover, some
instances of one or two names such as Cara and Cams may be Latin
rather than Celtic I have in the main included only forms which
I thought could belong here, especially those from Ancient Gaul. 2
Account should be taken, however, of the probability that many of the
names are cognate with forms of a different origin from that of Ir.
caraim^ cara, etc. For this reason only I draw attention here to other
forms some of which point to a Gaulish (if not necessarily a
Celtic) origin: caracalla 'cape, cloak (with a hood)' DAG 178 (see
also DAG 246); caragus, caragius 'fortune-teller' DAG 178; carenum
'sweet-wine, nectar' DAG 220; caris(s)a 'uafer' PID, it. 340D (see also
vol. iii, p. 12).3 Note also cararia (can-) careria {can-) 'lapicidinae'
PID 336D; karite PID 300 (see also vol. ii, p. 554, iii, p. 12) ; 4 cariedit in
the Calendar of Coligny DAG 227 I 49, the meaning of which is
obscure (see, however Rhys, Celtae and Galli 13, Cal. 5 ; Dottin, pp. 45,
1
See also Urk. Spr. 70 f., AcS 1. 801, 3. 1113, Dottin 242, KGP 163-4.
2
For names from Spain see now EAAHA 92 f.
3 See also W.-H. 1. 169, DAG 246.
4
Compare Rhys, Cis. 86, Gleanings 30.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 163
122, 175; cf. Loth, RC 32, 1911, 206). For a (?) pre-IE. * karri or *karra
'stone, crag, rock?' see (with references) J. Hubschmid, Sardische
Studien 108 ff.; Pokorny, IEW 531 f. s.v. *kar- 'hart'; Krahe, Spr.
Illyr. 118, Strukt. alteur. Hydr. 327 ff., UAF 58 f.; Flutre, REPL 84 ff.
s.v. *karri- 'rocher'. See also now J . Hubschmid, RPh., vol. 13, no. 1,
August 1959, 31-42, discussing pre-IE. *kar(r)~ 'Stein' ( > 'Schale').
Some forms in car- may also be cognate with Olr. caire f. 'blame,
fault5, W. caredd f. 'transgression, sin, lust, love', cerydd m. 'rebuke,
chastisement, blame, sin, etc.', Bret, karez f. 'blame', related to Gk.
κάρνη-ζημία Hesych. (: IE. *kar- 'to rebuke' IEW530).l Others with
-r- for -rr- may point to Gaul, carro- 'waggon', for which see section
(A) (i) s.n. Καρθιλιτανιος. See also section (B) s.nn. Carilo(s)} Carleti-
soniy Καρνομου, ??Κ]αρταρ[ος, and Carvilius.
P N N : Adecari (gen.) GIL 13. 10010. 17; Andecarius DAG 151, 208A,
214; A[nd]ecarru. DAG 214; Andecarus DAG 132, 182, 203, 204, 208A
(also 214); Batacarii (gen.) CIL 4. 2254; Bicarus DAG 244; Bitucar[
DAG 214 (cf. Bitucarus 224, also Bitucaro 228 (ix)); Cara DAG 151,
Remark B, PID xiic, Kara RPH 210; Cara[ DAG 132, 176, 244;
Carabella DAG 182; Caracco DAG 224; Caracilli (gen.) ILTG 363;
Caracus DAG 237; Καρακνλαιαν (ace.) CIG 4030 ;2 Καρακουττις IG 14.
1683 (also -tot» gen.); Caragonius DAG 244; Carah[ DAG 176; Carat
(gen.) CIL 2. 625 = 5274; Caraisioun[ DAG 237; Caramallus DAG 244;
Caramantius PID viiic; Caran[ DAG 151, 237; ICaranaci CIIC 499;
Caranenus DAG 176; ?Carania DAG 182, Caranius Caraniusa (?) Ιλ4£
214; Caranitanus DAG 237; Caranta DAG 237; Carantacus ECMW 143;
Carantanae AE 1952, no. 77 ;3 Carantedo DAG 136; Carantei (gen.)
ECMW285; Caranti (? gen.) C/7G 514; Gzra/ζώζ Ζλ4£? 83, 182, 2O8B,
214, 237, 244, PZD xve; Carantiana DAG 83, - ^ 2X4G 83, 151, Remark
B, 182, 237; Caranticconus DAG 83; Carantila DAG 214, -ilia DAG 156,
182, 214, 237, -illus DAG 214, 237; Cara;tfm[i]ztf CZL 13. 4239 (whence
DAG 214), Carantinius CIL 13. 7279 (whence Z)^4G 244); Carantinus
DAG 19, 136, 182, 208B (also 214), 244, Carantina DAG 182 (see
also AcS 1. 768-9, 3. 1092-3); Carantius DAG 83, 151, 182, 214 {-us?),
224, 237, 244, AE 1963, 102; Caranto DAG 83, 237, CIL 2. 2286;
Carantodius, -ia DAG 214, 237, ILTG 371, 441; Carantolo (?) ZX4G 228
(ix); Carantorius ECMW 198; Carantus CIL 7. 1033, DAG 214, 228 (iii),
237, 244, Note xlv (C), JV.-Z., no. 153, ZLTG 441 (see also AcS 1. 770-
J IO
5 3· 9 5 ) ; Carantusa DAG 214; Carantusarus (?) Z^4G 214; Caranus
DAG 228 (iv); ?Carasaou DAG 244; Carasari (gen.) C/L 3. 12014. 220:
Carasius DAG 237; Carasoua DAG 156; Carasounos DAG 151, Remark
B ; Carassonius DAG 151; Carassonus DAG 237; Ctf7Utf0ww[ £^4G 214; 4
1
See also t/rA:. £/>r. 71, Dottin 242.
2
See F. P. Garofalo, RC 23, 1902, 71, 73.
4
3 See section (B) s.n. Recte Carasoun[.
164 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
DAG 167 ;l Caromarus DAG 228 (iv), 250 (see AcS 3. 1114); Carominius
DAG 250; Karonius DAG 237; Carosa, -us AcS 1. 802, 3. 1114-15;
Carosenus DAG 8 3 ; Carotalns? DAG 132 ; 2 Carotinn ECMW 125; Carnca
CIL 7. 247; ??Ca(n)rucatus (-g-) DAG 132 (see also Oswald 57, 365);
Carucenus DAG 182; Carugenus DAG 224; Candirus DAG 214; Carulli
CIL 7. 1336. 246; Camillas DAG 244; Carunai DAG 216; Karus DAG
83, CarusDAG 132,136,204,228 (iv), Gallia 18, 1960,241 ff.,RPH210;
Carusa, -usDAG 182; Carusia\nus'\ PID viiic; Carussa DAG 136, 182, 214;
Caruti[ DAG 182; Diocarus DAG 139; Diocharus CIL 13. 11154;
Ducarius Liv. 22. 6, 3, Sil. Ital. 5. 645-8 ;3 Iovantuc[a\ro (dat.) C7Z, 13.
10024. 6; 4 ?Losetucari (or Etucari?) DAG 156; 5 Netacari CIIC 4 7 ;
Oxicaro (dat.) C/L 8. 4725 ;6 Senocarus DAG 156; Senucaris AcS 2.
1503; Sucaria DAG 83, -z'&f Z)^4G 83, CZL 2. 5787; Sucarus DAG 214;
Venicarus (-ne-) DAG 228 (ii) (iv), Venicarus DAG 237, 244; 7 Venocari
(gen.) C7Z, 7. 693; Vinicarus DAG 237; Vocar CIL 7. 1336. 1135, Ζλ4<9,
Note liv (#), p. 1078,8 Vocara DAG 215, 224, 237, FOflzrafl[fttf or [Λ
Ζλ4£? 2O8A (see also 206), 9 ΡΟΛΖΠ ZX4G 203 (see also 214).10
CART-
Dottin (p. 243) suggested that carti and cartaofit in the inscription
of Rom (DAG, Note xxvi, pp. 391 ff.)2 might be related to W. carthu
'clean, purge, cleanse' and Bret, karza, with which may be compared
Ir. cartaim Ί cleanse, scour, oust' (see VKG 2. 616, Hessen 1. 137). T h e
interpretation of forms in cart- in the inscription of Rom is quite un
certain,3 but some of the forms in cart- listed below may well be
Gaulish cognates of W. carthu, Bret, karza, and Ir. cartaim. These
Insular Celtic forms may be related to Skt. kasati 'rubs, scratches,
scrapes', Lat. carro CI card (wool)', etc., from a root *kars- 'scratch,
comb, card', for which see IEW 532 f.4 The name element cart- may,
therefore, point to earlier carst-. In this connexion PN Carstimari (gen.)
CIL 3. 14632 is particularly interesting. See further section (A) (i) s.n.
Καρθιλίτανως.
PNN: Anarkartos PID, it. 325;* Cart[ DAG 224; ??[Κ]αρταρ[ος] DAG
67 ;6 Carti(s)mandua (regina Brigantum) Tac. ann. 12. 36, 12. 42, hist.
3. 4517 Cartivel num. IASB 259, 261; Cart[ius?] DAG 176; Cartoval[
1
CIL 13. 4256. Cf. P N Iouantuc[a]ro above. For the etymology of this name see
BSAF 1896, 95, SprFK 202, KGP 227, Ogam 10, 1958, 216.
2 Where previous editors read cartaont Whatmough read cartaoont. See further
n. 3 below. Nicholson's conjectures concerning these forms in £CP 3, 1901, 314 are
worthless. Rhys (Celtae and Galli 37 f.) conjectured that carti was an adjective mean
ing 'powerful', without presenting any argument in support of this. Haas (ZCP 23,
1943» 291 f*.; 27, 1959, 217) would relate carti and cartaont to Lat. curtus and
curtare. See also Haas, Bulletin de la societd des antiquaires de VOuest 1961, 54 f.
3 See now the fresh reading and interpretation proposed by Egger in Ogam 14,
1962, 431 ff.
4 See GPC433, DGVB 98, Schmidt, KGP 164. These Celtic forms may, however,
be related to IE. *(s)ker- 'schneiden' (see IEW 938 if.) with which compare the
root *(s)kert~s~ (underlying Gk. 4γ-κάρσως 'athwart, oblique', etc.) listed in IEW
049 f. (see also Detschew, Thr. Spr. 229 s.n. Καρζοαζος, 232 s.v. Καρσί-). Beside I E .
*kars- 'scratch' note also *her(s)- 'Borste, steifes Haar; starren, rauh und kratzig
sein' IEW 583. L. H. Gray {Lg. 20, 1944, 225, EC 6, 1953-4, 6 3) would relate
carti- in names such as Carti(s)mandua, Cartinicum, Cartius, and ΚαρθιΧιτανιος (with
καρθι- perhaps from earlier καρη- through lenition) to Skt. kirti- 'gloire' (: IE.
*kare- 'praise' W.-P. 1. 353, see now IEW 530). But, as Schmidt pointed out
(KGP 164, n. 4), there are no Insular Celtic cognates to support this particular
etymology. In Lg.9 loc. cit., Gray suggested that carti- might alternatively be
related to Ionic and Epic κάρτος, Attic κράτος 'strength, vigour', Gk. κρατνς
'strong, mighty', Goth, tiardus 'hard, strong', etc. (: IE. *qare- 'hard' W.-P. 1. 354,
see now IEW 531 f. and references quoted in this work s.v. CARO-).
5 See AcS 1. 818. 31 f., PID, vol. 3, p. 4.
6 See section (B) s.n.
7
See I. A. Richmond, 'Queen Cartimandua', JRS 44, 1954, 43-52 (esp. p. 43).
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 167
CIL 7. 425; Cartulla DAG 87, 214, -us 151; Cartus DAG 138,
244.
L E N N : Cartimitanus, -a (inscc), Certima (Liv.) Cartama AcS 3. 1126;1
Καρτσλίας (Str.) Cartala (Liv.) in Hisp. Tarrac. AcS 1. 816; Cartare
insula Avien. ora marit. 255 ; 2 ? Carter [ C7Z, 2. 4402; Cartusa DAG
234, 241.
D N : Cartouallenses DAG 223.
For the gloss cartamera, cartalamon ή όλη κατασκευή (or παρασκευή)
του πβριζώματος see Whatmough, DAG 79, who suggested that Varro
learnt the word perhaps from Narbonensis or Galatia. He compared
Midlr. csirile f. 'a ball cf yarn' (see also VKG 2. 54, W.-H. 1. 174,
286). Compare cartallus (-ell-) and -um 'basket' (in LXX) DAG 240.
The word is usually considered to be Greek, but Whatmough re
marked that the ending suggested to him the same source as caballus
(DAG 178). See now Frisk, GEW 794.
CASSI-, CASSES
The etymology of cassi-jcasses is not at all clear. I first of all sum
marize various opinions concerning this problem.
Gluck (KN 163) quoted beside EN Veliocasses3 a number of names
in cassi- such as Cassibratius, Cassignatus, and Cassiuellaunus, and drew
attention to Ir. cais, caise 'love, hatred' and cas 'passionate, swift,
nimble', and W. cas 'hatred; hateful, hated' and casau 'to hate'.
However, he added the comment 'Was nun aber das fragliche Wort
in den alten Namen [in Veliocasses, etc.] bedeutet, ist schwer zu
ermitteln.' D'Arbois de Jubainville discussed the origin and meaning
of cassi- in NG 184 if.4 He connected it with Ir. cais 'propre, pimpant,
bien mis, agreable' and regarded it as a derivative in -ti- of a root
*kad- 'se distinguer, etre superieur aux autres' which he claimed was
also represented by Sanskrit and Greek forms.5 Moreover, he recog
nized this root in the divine name Belatucadrusfi He concluded as
follows: 'Cassi- est done le theme d'un adjectif qui exprime l'idee
Concerning the v.l. cartis- see Pedersen, VKG 2. 2, and for L. H. Gray's conjectures
concerning carti- in this name see above.
1
See Whatmough, DAG, p. 162 s . w . cartamera, cartalamon.
2
See Lambrino, BEP 19, 1956, 17 f., 20 f. (also Duval, ECS, 1958-9, 232).
3
References to the sources for forms mentioned here will be found in the list of
names given below.
4
See also d'Arbois de Jubainville, jfitudes grammaticales sur les langues celtiques,
premiere partie (Paris, 1881), 33*~34*.
5
A similar etymology is mentioned by Stokes, Urk. Spr. 67-68, and Holder,
AcS 1. 824. See also Jackson, LHEB 532.
6
For the divine name Belatucadrus, -cairus, -caurus, etc., see AcS 1. 367-8, 3. 823,
DAG, Note (X1V)B, JRS 47, 1957, 228. Concerning the etymology of -cadrus, etc., see
most recently Pokorny, IEW 51η, 534; Jackson, LHEB 4 3 0 - 1 ; Schmidt, KGP 145,
159; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 14, 1962, 462.
i68 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
1
See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 60.
2
See also AcS 1. 832-3, 3. 1138-9, REA 58, 1956, 279, CGP 251.
3
See also AcS 3. 1135, and Gallia 19, 1961, 267 f.
4
= [C]assi[b]oduae (gen.) CIL 13. 4525.
5
= Cassibr[a]tio (? dat.) CIL 12. 3003. Cf. Insc. Lang., no. 1452.
6
See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 171 f., SprFK 187.
7
= ?Cassi. neti CIL 12. 5686. 191.
8
See also CIL 13. 10010. 473, Oswald 64, Weisgerber, Gal. Spr., loc. cit.
9
See section (A) (i) s.n. See further Btr. ζ. Ν. 11, i960, 302.
10
See Marstrander, NTS 1, 1928, 107.
11
See Mur.-Chab. 10384, Blanchet, Traite 109, Manuel 80, Schmidt, KGP 165,
251, 273. Cf. Whatmough, DAG, p. 661.
12
See also AcS 1. 832 f., 3. H38f., PID, vol. 3, pp. 91, i n . For some other
examples of P N N Cassius, -ia, see Wagner 102, JV.-L. 14, 66, AE 1959, 203, Ger-
mania 39, 1961, 488 if. Note Weisgerber's remark concerning names like Cassius in
Rh. V. 18, 1953, 262. Cf. id., BJ 160, i960, 113 f., 121 f.
13
Whatmough is uncertain whether this name is local or divine. See also SprFK
197, DAG, p. 633.
14
See also AcS 2. 1944 ff., Schmidt, KGP 102, 281,
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 171
Paul-Trois-Chateaux ?) DAG 80; Veliocasses cl., insc, -cadis num., 2
!
Velcassinus, Vil-, Vilg-, Vulcasinus (AcS 3. 147. 21), le Vexin DAG 179
(q.v.) ; 3 Viducasses Vieux (Calvados) DAG 179 (pp. 612, 1375).
D N N : Casses, Cassi DAG 211; Casses, bonis Cassubus DAG 236; Casses
DAG 243; Cassibodua DAG 213; Cassiciate DAG 181. 4
CATU-
Gaulish catu-, cognate with Ir. cath 'battle' (Meyer 324), W. cad
(GPC 374), Corn, cos (: ON. hod ca fight', O H G . hadu- 'battle', ? Skt.
sdtayati 'cuts in pieces, makes to fall off', satru- 'victor, enemy') 5 is well
attested as a name eiement. In compounded names it occurs most
frequendy as the first element, but there are examples of catu- as
a second element (e.g. PNN Maddacatus, Igocatus, Vellocatus) .6 I have
listed below a number of forms in cat(t)- which may be Celtic, but it
is impossible to tell exactly in the case of most of them whether they
do in fact point to catu- or to some other element which may in some
forms be non-Celtic. However, catu- is probably attested in some
instances of the simple form Catus and in a number of derivatives such
as Catucius, Catucus, Catuinus, Catul(l)ianus, Catul(l)inus, Catullinius,
Catul(l)us, Catunius, Catunia, Catuos, Catus(s)a, Catus(s)o. Some forms in
catt- probably show hypocoristic doubling of -t-.
For cad- (ced- through z-affection) in Welsh PNN see Lloyd, Cy. 9,
1888, 44, Thomas, EANC 131, 183, Lloyd-Jones, G. 89-93. For cat- in
Old Breton PNN see Loth, Chr. bret. 115, Fleuriot, VB 40, 391, 396.7
I should add and stress that, in considering many of the forms in
cat{t)- listed below, account must be taken not only of Gaulish catu-
but also of other forms such as cateia, caterva, cattus, catta, catulus, and
catus, for all of which see the list of glosses.
1
See also Holder, AcS 2. 1948 f., Pokorny, Urg. 165, Schmidt, KGP 102, 281.
2
Recte VeliocaOi Mur.-Chab. 7354-6, 7360-1, Blanchet, Traite 143, 341, fig. 288,
Manuel p. 89, no. 369.
3
Note also now Veliocassinia (civis) AE 1961, 68, ILTG 251.
4
See p. 170, n. 13.
5
SeeKNtfff.;NG22-34; Urk. Spr. 66-67; AcS 1. 847-8, 3. 1155; VKG 1. 132;
Dottin, pp. 112-13, 244; J E W 5 3 4 ; KGP 167; DGVB 98.
6
Catu- was an «-stem like the neo-Celtic forms quoted above. In some com
pounded forms the stem vowel appears as -0- (e.g. in PN Catomocus), in others as
-a- (e.g. in PN Catasextos), and in others as -i- (e.g. in PN Cathing\ius\). In some
forms such as PN Catmelus the vowel appears to have disappeared completely
through syncope.
7
A cognate element is attested in a number of non-Celtic PNN, e.g. Ven.
Katusiahios PID, it. 152 (see PID, vol. 3, p. 12, Untermann, VP 152), ? Lep. kat
PID 330 bis (see PID, vol. 3, p. 12), Thrac. Κατομαρος, Μαρυκατος (see Detschew,
Tkr. Spr. 235), Gmc. Catualda, Catumerus (see list of PNN below), Iran. Katui, and
Scyth. Καδουίδας (see Mayrhofer, KZ 71, I954> 240).
172 THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
1
PNN: Abucatus DAG 83, 157; Avicat[us?] ECMW 175 = CIIC 377;
Bil(l)icatus, Billiccatidossus v. s. BIL-; Billicotas (? for *Billicatos) CRAI
1956, 181-2; 2 Biracatus DAG 237 ; 3 Ca(n)rucatus (-g-) DAG 132 (see
also Oswald 57, 365); Cata JRS 46, 1956, 150, n. 28; Catabar CIIC
303; Catacius DAG 204, 214; Catacus ECMW 54; Catalia DAG 8 3 ; CVzfo-
l(os) DAG 177; Catamantaloedis (gen.) £G 1. 3,4 ; 4 CatamanusECMW 13;
Catamocus CIL 3. 6480 ( = 10954); Catandioni (dat.) CiL 3. 24255s
Catasextus DAG 136 ; 6 Catavignus PID xvic; 7 Catello DAG 136, 195,
Catellus AE 1959, no. 4 6 ; Catenas DAG 139; Catena DAG 182; Caterto
DAG 244; Cathirig\ius] (or Cathirix ?) Z^4G 214; Catho[ DAG 224; Ctoa
Z)^G 83, 182, P / D xiiB; Catianus DAG 83, 136, 182, Note (xlv) C, 237,
PZD xiiB (see A S 3. 1147 f.); ?Catica DAG 224; Catiiccus DAG 214;
Caticnos Og. 14, 1962, 446 ; 8 ??Caticorix Gallia 20, 1962, 375; Caticuus
ECMW 346; Catidia DAG 151, Remark B, 182; Catielus DAG 244;
Catilia, -ius DAG 156, 237 (see also AcS 3. 1149); Catilla DAG 182, -WJ
DAG 136, 139, 214; Catilo DAG 8 3 ; Catilus DAG 214, 237; ?Catinai(us)
CIL 2. 6109; Catinia DAG 83, PZD xvc, C / i 2. 111, -ZMJ C/L 2. 1301,
AE 1955, no. 2 1 ; Catio RE A 63, 1961, 408 (no. 67), 64, 1962, 352 (no.
18), Cationi (dat.) CIL 3. 4928, Cation[ CIL 7. 189; Catiola DAG 182,
237; Catiri ECMW 66; ICatirius DAG 208; Ctoiriitf ZL4G 8 3 ; Catius
DAG 83, 151, 156, 182, 237 ; 9 Catius DAG 139; CatmeluslAv. 41. 1. 8;
Catnea, -eus DAG 250; C0/0 ZL4G 136; PGzfottwf C/Z, 2. 4357; CVzfo-
TWdgf/i] ECMW 297; Catomocus DAG 244; Catonianus DAG 182;
Catonius DAG 214, 224 ; 10 Catonos DAG 202, Remark, 214; Catotigirni
ECMW 229; ίΓατουαλο? ZX4G 72 ;XI Catranus DAG 224; Catroni (dat.)
C/L 3. 11568; Ctoro[ C/L 3. 4785, Catronia f. C/L 3. 4867; Cato
D^G 182, PZD xiic; 1 2 Cattabbott CIIC 46; Cattabus (-uus) DAG 250;
Cattaesi (gen.) CZZ, 3. 11734; Cattaini DAG 228 (ix); Cattaius DAG
83; Cattanus DAG 244; Cattara DAG 224; Cattaus DAG 244; Ctfitaz
(Cato?) ZL4G 182; Cattedius CIL 6. 5066; Catfz ZUG 206, Remark;
1 2
See A £ 1. 11, 3. 475, A*GP 109 (Abuc-atos?). See section (A) (i) s.n.
3 4
See section (B) s.n. Birac[i]. See section (A) (i) s.n.
5
See Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 181, 2. 59 f.
6
See Schmidt, KGP 163, n. 1, 167, 268, Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958, 434, Fleuriot,
DGVB 208.
7
See Schmidt, KGP 167, Untermann, Btr. ζ. Ν. 11, i960, 302.
8
Compare Rhys, Celtae and Galli 37 f. (caticato), Insc. 95; Dottin, no. 52 (caticnto);
Haas, £CP 23, 1943, 290 ff. (caticnato), 27, 1959, 206 ff. (ca/z c/zafo 'Cati films');
Whatmough, DAG, Note (XXVI)A, 1. 2 (caticat.); Guyonuarc'h, 0^. 14, 1962,
461 f.; Pinault, Og. 15, 1963, 388 ff.
9
See also Mayer, op. cit. 1. 182, 2. 59 f.
10
Weisgerber (Rh. V. 18, 1953, 266) listed PN Catonio (dat.) CIL 13. 4517 with
other names of the Mediomatrici (including Catiola, Catulini (gen.), Catulla, Catul-
liano (dat.), Catullinus) which are likely to be Celtic.
11
See section (A) (i) s.n.
12
See also AcS 1. 846, 3. 1154, Mayer, locc. citt.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 173
Cattia DAG 83, 182, 244, -ius 83, 156 (see also AcS 1. 844 f., 3. 1152);
Catti[ CIL 3. 14211. 8; Cattianus DAG 228 (iv); Cattilius CIL 7. 1330. 9;
Cattina CIL 8. 20608; Cattini CIIC 153, 157; Cattio DAG 136 (see AcS
3. 1152); Catto DAG 136, 83, PID xiic, CIL 2. 2401; ?Κατ(τ)οιον
Gal Spr. 155; Cattonius DAG 2O8B, 237 ;x Cattos DAG 177; Cattosa
AcS 1. 847; Ctota[ Z>^4G 8 3 ; Cattubuttas CIIC 58; CtfttwZtf, -us AcS 3.
1154; Cattuni (? dat.) CZL 3. 5042; 2 CatturaDAG 83, 250; Ctote 214,
244 (see also Atf 1. 846, 3. 1154, AE 1956, 239, ILTG 445); Cattuvir
CIIC 268, Cattuvvir CIIC 250; Cafa[ ZL4G 182; Catvalda Tac. on». 2.
62, 63 ;3 Catucia, -ius AcS 1. 848; Catucus DAG 195; ?Catuellaunus
DAG 237; Catuenus CIL 2. 431. Ca[i]MflMtf 2. 855. Catuen. 2. 780 ; 4
Catvesio (dat.) C/L 5. 7655;* Catuganis DAG 151, Remark B, 182;
Κατούγνατος DAG 8 3 ; Catuinus DAG 204 (see also ZMG 214); Catu-
latio (? dat.) CZL 5. 2594^ Catulianus DAG 182, (-U-) 237 (see also
A S 1. 850, 3. 1156); Catulina Gallia 18, i960, 352, -us DAG 237;
Catulius AE 1959, no. 130; CatullaDAG 182, 224, -iaDAG9>% 182, 214
-2KJ 182, 208B, 214, 237, -tonus 214, -I/M'MJ 224, (-nus?) 237, -m^y 6,136,
182, 214, 224, 237, 238 (iv), 244, ILTG 393 (see also AcS s.nn.);
Catullus DAG 83, 136, 156, 182, 224, 228(iv), 237, 244, 250, ILTG
308, PID xiiB (see also AcS 1. 853 if., 3. 1159 if.); Catulo DAG 237;
Catulus DAG 136, Remark 2, 176, 182, 224, 237, 244, PID XUB;
Catumandus DAG 83; Catumarus DAG 244; Catumerus (v.l. Auctu-) Tac.
awn. 11. 16 f.;7 Catunius DAG 2375 s Catuoconi (gen.) ECMW 301;
?Catuoppus DAG 151; Cafaflj Z)^4G 214; ?Catuper (-pris gen.) DAG 83;
?CaturDAG 244; C<zfar[ CZL 2. 5173, 5256; Caturei (gen.) C7L 3. 5289;
Cafanf ZL4G 244; Caturicius DAG 182; Caturica, -us CIL 2. 14 ; 9 Caturigia
DAG 244; Caturis CIL 2. 2685, ?[Cafar]w· 2. 5334; Caturisa CIL 2. 4; 1 0
Caturnotevi (or Caturniu) CIL 7. 1334. 20; Caturo, Caturonus AcS 1. 861,
3. 1163 f. j 1 1 Gztara£ £GMJ>K 170 ; 12 Cafan CIL 3. 2 7 7 9 ; " Cato DAG 25,
83, 132, 151, 202, 204, 208B, 214, 228 (iv), 237, 244, PID xiic; 1 4
1
See Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 319.
2
See M. Falkner in Friihgeschichte und Sprachwissenschqft. . . hrsg. v. W. Branden-
stein (Wien, 1948), 42.
3
Cat- may here be a Gelticized form of Gmc. hadu-. See Schonfeld 62, Scherer
207-9, Schmidt, KGP 168.
4
See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 61, Untermann, EAAHA 96 f.
s See P/D xvc.
6
See PID viic, A"GP 167, 229.
7
See Schonfeld 61 f.
8
See also AcS 1. 858 and compare A £ 3. 1162. 9.
9
See also AcS 1. 859, OPL 61.
10
See OPL, loc. cit.
11
See OPL 61, 62, AE 1959. 82, i960. 156, EAAHA loc. cit.
12 I3
Cf. CIIC 379. See Mayer, op. cit. 1. 183.
14
Note also Catu(s) DAG, Note (xlv)c, Catu[s] AE 1956, no. 246 ( = N.-L. 214)
and see Holder AcS 1. 861 f., 3. 1164, de Jubainville, NG 32.
T H E
i74 M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
Catusa DAG 151, Remark B ; Catuseg[ DAG 244; Catusius DAG 214,
244; Catusminianns EE 7. 278, no. 827; Catuso DAG 8 3 ; Catussa DAG
136,1 182; Catusso DAG 224; Catusus DAG 199; Catuviq[qa] CIIC 184;
Catvvirr 221; Catavolcus DAG 224 ; 2 Coddacatus DAG 237; Divicatus
DAG 136 ;3 Dunocati CIIC 327 ( = ECMW43), 457; Ebicatos CIIC 496,
500; Ebthocatus DAG 2 O 8 D ; Igocatus DAG 151; Ivacattos CIIC 19;
Lovocatus AcS 2. 294 ; 4 Maddacatus DAG 237; ?Ricati CIIC 461 ;5
Riochatus Sid. Apoll. */>trt. 9. 9. 6; 6 Trenaccatlo (Og.), Trenacatus (Lat.)
2?CMW 127; Vellocatus DAG 214; Fi?r^toi)^G83;7 Vindicates DAG 83.
L E N N : Catabolon DAG 179 (also 234); ?Catalienses DAG 248; Κατουρά-
KTOVLOV (v.l. -p/5-) Ptol., Caiaractoni {-one) IA, CactabactonionRav., Caiaracta
(also Cataractone) Bede Catterick, Yorks., A S 1. 858-9, 3. 1162; 8
Catenates, Cattenates DAG 2 4 1 ; «Κα0[ου]λΛ:οι Ζλ4β 2 2 1 ; ?Catora AcS 1.
842-3; Catorissium, Cantourisa (?) Z^4G 80; ?Κατραλ€υκός Ptol. in
Lusitania A S 1. 843; Cattharenses (numeri), Caddar-, Catthar- or
Catther-(enses), etc., ZX4G 241 (also 234); Catual[iensis or -ZHHJ?] pagns,
Catualium DAG 221 ; 9 Catuiacia DAG 21 (also 80); Catuonne(n)ses ILTG
308; Caturiges, -ensis, Caturigomago, -ensis Ghorges (Hautes-Alpes)
Z^4G 7 ; 10 Caturiges (-rr-) (between the Remi and the Leuci) ZX4G 212;
Caturniacus vicus AcS 1. 8 6 1 ; Catusaniani fundi AcS 1. 862; Catusiacum
(ap. Remos?) DAG 212; Catuslugi (v.l. Cato-) Plin. jV// 4. 106;»
Catu(u)ellauni, Catalauni (Cate-) Chalons-sur-Marne (Marne), ethn.
-z'otf and -*/m> DAG 212 (see also ibid. s.v. Durocatelauni) ; 12 ίΓατουβλ-
λαυνοί Ptol., Catuvellauni, Catvallauna inscc. in Britain A S 1. 864-5.
D N N : ?Cathubodua (Ath-?) DAG 82 ;« CaturixDAG 236, 243, JV.-i. 40.
1 See CGP 257.
2
See section (A) (i) s.n.
3
Perhaps this name should be analysed as Divic-atus. See section (A) (i) s.nn.
Diviciacus, and Divico.
4
See Pokorny, Urg. 133, Jackson, LHEB 442. Note also from the same source
the name Catihernus, for which see LHEB 454.
5
See Jackson, LHEB 456, 459.
6
See Smith, Top. bret. 112, Schmidt, KGP 100, 169, 259.
7
See Holder, AcS 3. 184 and compare Schmidt, KGP 291.
8
The name is probably a derivative of Lat. cataracta (Gk. καταράκτης). See Ifor
Williams, Τ Beirniad 1, 1911, 76-77, C4/z. xxxii-xxxvi, BSRC 2 6 ; Forster, F T 118,
n. 4, 249-50; Jackson, op. cit. 409, η. ι, 564.
9
T o the references given by Whatmough add P. L. M. Tummers, Og. 9, 1957,
381-3, L. Weisgerber, Β J 154, 1954, 98, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 19, 40.
10
See also PID IXA (and vol. i, pp. 364-5, 379, n. 2) and DAG 234 s.v. Caturiges.
11
Not Catuslogi as in AcS 1. 862, DAG 212.
12
See now P. Lebel, 'Sur le nom de Chalons-sur-Marne et celui des "champs
catalauniques , , ', RAE 8, 1957, 349-54 (REA 60, 1958, 355). G. Bonfante (EC 4,
1948, 365-8) claimed that the modern name Catalogue also pointed to an ethnic
name Catalauni. See further ALSP 120, 126.
» = [C]athuboduae (dat.) CIL 12. 2571 (q.v.). See now Schmidt, KGP 136, n. 2,
167, Guyonuarc'h, Ogam 14, 1962, 461.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 175
l
GLOSSES: catanns 'juniper (?)' DAG 79\ cateia 'telum Gallicum' PID
340B, DAG 220 ; 2 ?caterua 'legio' PID 340B ;3 catta a bird ZL4G 246 (see
also ibid. s.v. gattula 'blackcock'); catthi 'Scotti' DAG 207; c[h]attica
spuma 'soap' DAG 220; Late Lat. cattus m., catta f. 'cat' A S 1. 845 f.,
3. 1152 ff., W.-H. 1. 182 f., 855, E.-M. i88f.;4 Lat. ^to/wj m. 'the
young of animals' W.-H. 1. 183, E.-M. 189, IEW 534.; Lat. ttzto, -a,
-am 'sharp (to the hearing), clear-sounding; clear-sighted, intelligent,
wise' Urk. Spr. 67, W.-H. 1. 183 f., E.-M. 189.5
CEN-
The element cen- in many of the names listed below represents the
IE. root *ken- 'to spring from, to issue from' seen in Ir. cinim Ί am
born, spring, descend from', O l r . cenel 'race, lineage, kindred', W.
cenedl 'nation, tribe, clan, kindred', etc. [v. s. -CNO-). In some cases,
of course, c~ in cen- may represent hypercorrect orthography for [g] or
[g] as heard by speakers of Latin. For the alternation of c and g see
Chapter III (A) (ii) (c). For Gaulish GEN- see section (A) (ii) s.v.
Forms with geminate -n- may represent hypocoristic doubling. 6 For
1
Compare calocatanus 'papauer siluestre' DAG 158 and see Flutre, REPL
94-97·
2
T o the references given by Whatmough add Pokorny, £CP 20, 1936, 428,
Egger, Ogam 8, 1956, 1716°. For W. catai bludgeon' v. GPC 439.
3 See W.-H. 1. 181-2, E.-M. 187-8, IEW 534.
4
Compare Olr. catt m. 'cat', W. cath, OCorn. kat gl. cattus vel murilegus, Bret.
caz which may be native Celtic forms, not loans from Late Lat. cattus, catta (cf.
VKG 1. 234, LP 62). Some PNN in catt- (notably Catta, Cattos, Cattus) may belong
here. See Thurneysen, Keltorom. 62; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 67; de Jubainville, NG 116;
Holder, AcS 1. 846, 3. 1154; Weisgerber, SprFK 197, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 329;
Vetters, Fest. f. Rudolf Egger. Btr. z. alteren europaischen Kulturgeschichte (Klagenfurt,
1954), 4 2 ; Grilho, RAE 9, 1958, 128-36 (REA 60, 1958, 359 f.). Compare also
catta *a bird' DAG 246 (see above).
s
Compare Ir. cath Vise, holy'(?) (see Windisch 414; Meyer 324; Stokes, ACL
1, 1900, 243, 285, id., RC 20, 1899, 264; Vendryes, De hibernicis vocabulis quae a
Latina lingua originem duxerunt (Lutetiae Parisiorum, 1902), 123. Compare, however,
Windisch, Meyer, and Hessen s.w. caith, cdid, cad). The cognomen Cato may belong
here (see Schulze 310, n. 11, 418) and also some other PNN in cat- (e.g. some
instances of the name Catus).
6
Forms in cenn- which can be related to IE. *ken- *to spring from, etc.' are
certainly not as rare as Hamp seems to think they are (BBCS 18, pt. 3, Nov. 1959,
274 s.v. W. bachgen). However, it is possible that cenn- in some forms is cognate with
Ir. cend, cenn 'head', Modlr. ceann, W. pen, Br. penn, for the etymology of which see
Zupitza, KZ 37- 403, Pedersen VKG 1. 157-8, W.-P. 1. 398, W.-H. 1. 308. Com
pare pen(n)- in the following forms: PNN Ilewoovivhos DAG 206; ?Pennus AcS 2. 966
(DAG 250); L E N N Poeninus (also D N ) , -a, -ae (Pen(n)-) AcS 2. 1021 ff. (also FRI
158, DAG 15, 17, 243); Pennocrucium Penkridge (Staffs.) AcS 2. 965; Pennolucos
(-elocos, -us) DAG 15 (s.n. Ebrudunum; see SprFK 207); GLOSSES, arpennis, arepennis,
arapennis DAG 158; pennum DAG 1.
For -cenna in local names see de Jubainville, MSL 9. 190, RC 10, 1889, 172;
Holder, AcS 1. 981, 3. 1200; Schnetz, Z^P x3> ^ i , 94 ff. (whence Weisgerber,
176 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
PNN: Adcennas DAG 8 3 ; Adcenus DAG 151; Atecina DAG 244; Bodo-
cenus DAG 143 ; 2 Carucenus DAG 182; Cen[ DAG 224; Cenalus DAG 156,
Remark B ; Cenetus DAG 83; ICenia DAG 214; 3 ?Ceniamus (-71-) DAG
238 (v), Cenianis DAG 193, Cenian\us DAG 156, Remark B; 4 Cenicus
DAG 140(F), 176, 224; Cenillo DAG 136; ?Ceniobes DAG 193, 203;
?Ceniratus DAG 237; Ceniter DAG 8 3 ; Ceniuria DAG 87; Cenna DAG 228
(ix); Cennatus DAG 132, 139 ; 5 Cennia, -ius AcS 1. 982; Cenno DAG 228
(iv); 6 Cennu[ DAG 224; Cennus DAG 228 (ix); Ceno DAG 140 ; 7
Cenocantus DAG 244; Cenomania PID viic; Cenopi[llus] DAG 214; CWzflj
(f.) ZX4G 151; Cenoveli (gen.) CZZ 12. 25 ;s?CenratinsDAG228,Remark;
Cen.rino (dat.) CZL 13. 4378; 9 Censoin[ DAG 87; Censonia DAG 208D
(also 214), -ίΗί ZX4G 2Ι4, 9 244; ?Concennus (Congennius) DAG 83 ; 10
Cunacena CIIC 199; Cunacenni (Og.), Cunocenni (Lat.) ECMW 70 ( =
C/7C 342), JI Demecenus DAG 244; names in deocen- and diocen-, v.
s. DEVO-; Enicenius PID vine; Inucenus DAG 156; names in madicen-,
ma(i)ducen-, and matucen-, v. s. AL4777-; Meducena OPL 85; ?[Af]^^«iwj
£/>rFA* 197); Dottin 245; Whatmough, D^G 1 s.v.pennum, 207 s.v. cennum, Ogam 5,
1953» 66, OrHi 1, 1952, 440, !,£. 33, 1957, 594; Vendryes, Recueil de travawc offerts a
M. Clovis Brunei par ses amis, collegues et Sieves ii (Paris, 1955), 646; Guyonuarc'h,
Ogam 12, i960, 194-5.
It is unlikely that cenn- in any of the names listed in this section is cognate with
Olr. ceinn ^kin, scale', W. cen{n) 'skin, hide, scale', OBr. cennenn gl. membrana,
etc., for which see W.-P. 2. 563-4, W.-H. 2. 489, ZEW 929-30, DGVB 102.
1
Beside these note the following forms in -gin(n)-: PNN Adgini[ DAG 237;
Adginna DAG 244; Adginnius DAG 182, 237; Conginna DAG 244 (see Meyer, Kelt,
WtL, no. 72); MeXlyivva Gal. Spr. 155, 174; Tenagina m. PID viic; Tiotigino (dat.)
C/L 3. 4350; Volaginius Tac. Λΰ*. 2. 75; DNN Adaegina RPH 142; Diginibus
DAG 223. For similar forms in ~cen{n)- and -gen{n)- see this section and s. name
element G£Af-.
2
See section (A) (i) s.n.
3 Cf. PNN Cinia DAG 156, Remark B, 214, -ius DAG 214. See AcS 3. 1221.
4
Cf. PN Cinianus DAG 203, Remark, 208D, 214.
5
Cf. Cinnatu DAG 44, Remark (v), p. 94.
6
Cf. PN Cinno DAG 214, also listed as Cinno[ DAG 224.
7
Cf. PN Cino DAG 237.
8
Not Cenovilius (with -£-) as in iX4G, it. 5.
9
Listed with other names of the Mediomatrici which may be Celtic by Weis-
gerber, Rh. V. 18, 1953, 266.
10
See also Holder, AcS 1. 1091, Schmidt, KGP 180. Compare OW. Concenn
ECMW 182 and see Lloyd-Jones, G. 248 s.n. Kyn-gen.
" See Jackson, LHEB 185.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 177
l
(or ?[R]etucenos) Lexico 11 ; Ne?netocena DAG 156; Nitioceni DAG 176;
?Pixticenus DAG 156; Riocenus DAG 151, Remark B ; Samocenus DAG
156 ; 2 Saticenus DAG237; Senocenna DAG 224, 237; Velacena? PID xiic.
L E N N : Cenabon, Genabum, Κψαβον Orleans DAG 179 ; 3 Kevcwov DAG
241; Cenimagni AcS 1. 980, 3. 1200; Κενίωνος (gen.) fl. Ptol. 2. 3. 3 ;
?Cenni DAG 241; Cenomani AcS 1. 982 ff., 3. 1201, PID VA; Cenomanni
(Aulerci) cl., Cenomannicus, -ensis in late authors, afterwards Ceromanni
and Celemanni, whence Le Mans, cf. Maine DAG 179 ; 4 Nemetocenna
Naurpeel (Oise) ? DAG 212 ; Sumelocenna, -ensis, Σομ€λοκ€ννΎ\σια (Samul-
for Summel- in TP) D^G 241.s
D N N : Adcenec[us] DAG 213; Adceneicus PID x; 6 Setloceniae (dat.) CZL
7. 393·
GLOSS : cennum 'acutum' DAG 207. 7
CINGO-, CINGETO-
The stem cingo- and its derivatives is well attested in Continental
Celtic personal names. It is probably cognate with the Irish verbal
stem ring- 'to go, to step' (see VKG 2. 491 f., LP 352) and with W.
rhygyngu 'to amble'. It occurs in composition most frequently with the
prefix ex- (also in the form es- and exs-, see section (A) (ii) s.v. EX-).
Excingo- accordingly means c he who steps out, attacks, avenges,
a warrior'. 8 It is also attested with the prefixes ate- (PN Atecingus) and
ad- (PN Acincouepus). Some forms appear to have cine- for ring- (PNN
Acincouepus, Cincibilus, q q . w . ) . Others have cengo- (PNN Εσκβγγαι,
Escengolatis, Εσκ^γγορ. out) where the change of e to i before a nasal-f-
stop consonant is not noted. 9 For cige- see s. PN Cigetoutus. With the
1 2
Cf. PN Meducinus DAG 6. Cf. names in Samocen-, -gen- (p. 253).
3
See fi. Thevenot, Les £duens rCont pas trahi (Collection Latomus, vol. 50)
(Bruxelles, i960), 183-92 {REA 63, 1961, 378).
4
cen{o)- in the names Cenabum, Cenomani and Cenimagni was equated by Gliick
(AW 58 ff.) with Ir. cian 'far, distant, long' (v. Meyer 364, Dinneen 188). See also
2
GC 18; Urk. Spr. 75; AcS 1. 982 s.v. *ceno- (also 3. 1201. 9); Dottin 245; W.-H.
406. Compare Schmidt, KGP 170.
5
Whatmough {DAG, p. 56) hints at the possibility of analysing the name as
Sumeloc-enna? beside LN Pennelocus (see above), a Celtic equivalent of Lat. Sum-
molaco.
6
Compare DNN Adganai and Agganaicus, also from Gallia Transpadana
{PID x), and Ataecina RPH 141 ff.
7
Compare pennum {pinnum) Scutum' and pen{n)is 'caput' DAG, it. 1.
8
'celui qui sort, qui part pour attaquer l,ennemi,) d'Arbois de Jubainville, NG
44, 'der ausschreitet, Krieger, Angreifer', Schmidt, KGP 171. Cf. Stokes, BB 11,
1886, 126.
9
For the development off from e in cing- see Pedersen, VKG 1. 37, Thurneysen,
GOI49, Whatmough, HSCP 60, 1951, 180. Schmidt, loc. cit., suggested that -e- in
PNN Escengolatis and Εσκζγγαι (both from Narbonensis) may be due to Greek
influence. See further section (A) (i) s.n. Εσκεγγαι.
811930 Ν
178 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
CINTU-
Gaulish cintu- is cognate with Olr. cet-, cetu-, cetn(a)e 'first', 2 W.
cyn 'before, previous to', cynt 'earlier, sooner, previous, rather (than)',
etc.: Goth, hindumists 'hindmost', OChSl. ζαίφ, 'begin', etc. (IE. *ken-
'to spring from, issue from, begin 5 ). 3 See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 76 f.;
Holder, AcS 1. 1021, 3. 1222; Pedersen, VKG 1. 37, 2. 292 f. (LP 41,
261); Dottin 246; W.-P. 1. 397 f.; W.-H. 2. 423 f.; IEW 564;
Schmidt, KGP 172; Fleuriot, DGVB 107. See further section (B)
s.nn. ? Cintu, Cintusmus. Cintu- points to earlier centu~, and some in
stances of names in cent- appear to be Celtic and may belong here, e.g.
PNN Centaretus AcS 1. 988 f., ?Cento DAG 182, Centogenea f. AcS 3.
1203, Centugeni CIL 2. 6254. 12, Centusmia DAG 182, Centa DAG 204,
Centus DAG 176, 204, LN Centobriga AcS 1. 989,^ DN ?Centondis PID
xiv. There is no .means of proving whether IE. e has been preserved in
any of these names in cent- or whether e before the nasal and stop
consonant is secondary. 5 For the alternation of i and e in Gaulish
forms see Chapter III (A) (i). For Thracian names in κςνθ-, centh-,
cent-, κινθ-, cinth-, cint-, see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 239 f.6
PNN: Cint[ DAG 151, Remark B; Cintia DAG 83; Cintii (gen.) CIL
3. 5464; 7 CinticatusDAG 156, Remark; Cintio DAG 136; Cintirio CIL 7.
1336. 310; Cinto DAG 156, 182, 214, 244; (??) Cintonnus 182; Cintri
(gen.) DAG 237; ?Cintu CIL 13. 10010. 566 ; 8 Cintu[ CIL 7. 1336. 311;
Cintua DAG 156; Cintucnatus DAG 156; ?Cintucnu AcS 1. 1022; Cintucra
DAG 156, Remark; Cintugena, Cirijtugena, Cintugenus, v. s. GEN~\
Cintuginatus DAG 156; Cintugnatus, -a v. s. GNATO-; Cintullius DAG
1
Whatmough remarked that 'the sixth and ninth letter [in sonnocingos] are
identical in the original'. Compare the form sonna[ in the same document (DAG
2
227, col. i, 1. 7). Cf. Celtica 2, 1954, 146 if., 335 ff.
3
For this root see also section (A) (ii) s.v. -CJVO-.
4
See also AcS 3. 1203, Guyonuarc'h, Ogam 10, 1958, 171.
5
Schmidt suggested (KGP 170) that in PN Centogenea the first element cento-
(for Celtic cintu-) may be due to latinization.
6
Cf. A. Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958, 431 beside Schmidt, KGP 170 concerning
Thracian names in -centus, -centhus. For Sudecentus (?) CIL 5. 900 see beside Schmidt
KGP 171, 274 the criticism of Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 594 and Scherer, loc. cit.
7
Compare the Welsh PNN Cinhi LL 275, Cynhi LL 277, Cini CIIC 971, etc., for
which see Ifor Williams ap. An Inventory of the Ancient Monuments in Anglesey (London,
1937), cxiv (cf. Jackson, LHEB 502, n. 1).
8
See section (B) s.n.
ιδο T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
1 2
2371 Cintulliis DAG 83, PID XUB; ?Cintuma[rus (or Cintu[s]ma?) DAG
237; Cinturi DAG 231; Cintiis DAG 156, 228 (Hi), (or ?Cintusmiis9
ICintusma) 224, 237^ Cintusmina, -ius DAG 182; C]intu[s]minus DAG
214; CintusmaDAG 156, 182, 214, 237, CintusmusDAG 140, 151 (-o(s),
-us), 156, 182, 195, 214, Note (xlv) C, (or Cintus?) 224, 228 (iii), (iv),
237, 244, A.-A. 1, 2; 4 Cintussa DAG 136, 237 ; 5 Cintussia DAG 244;
Cintussus DAG 214; Cintutus DAG 140, 176.
For the ordinal «Vzta in the graffiti of La Graufesenque, gr. Oxe, nos.
27 (cintux gr. Hermet and gr. Loth, no. 23, Whatmough, DAG, it.
109) and 28 (cintuxo gr. Hermet and gr. Loth, no. 12, cintuxg[ What
mough, DA.G go), see Vendryes, BSL 1924, 38 f., Loth, RC 41, 1924,
34 f., Oxe, BJ 130, 1925, 71, Thurneysen, Z^P 16. 1927. 297 if.,
Guyonuarc'h, Ogam 10, 1958, 172 ff., Pokorny, Keltologie 135.
CIL 2. 2543, 2657; [C]l[o]uti[a] BRAH 77, 1920, 405, ES, p. 6; Cloutina
OPL 66 j 1 Cloutine EE 8, p. 499; Cloutuis CIL 2. 64ο,2 2633, 2781, 5368,
5563, BIEA 8, 1954, 461 ff. (nos. 11, 54), OPL 66, CIL 3. 2016, 11497;
[Cl]utami[lla?] EE 2, p. 387, no. 713; 3 Clutami (gen.) CIL 2. 2584,
2633, 3. 2016 ; 4 Cluta[ri] (Og.), Clutori (Lat.) ECMW 353 ; s Clutimoni
(dat.) CIL 2. 2465, add., p. 706; Clutorigi ECMW 315; Clutosi (gen.)
Emerita 11, pp. 419 f.; CluttiusDAG 182 (Cf- ?), C/L 5. 3570; Veniclutius
DAG 8 3 ; Verucloetius BG.6
D N : Ctoozfla (also - ώ , for -ώ) ZL4G ι8ι.?
-CNO-
For various opinions concerning this Celtic name element see the
following:
A. Pictet, Essai sur quelques inscriptions en langue gauloise (Geneve,
1859), 39 if., id., RA 15, 1867, 390; Stokes, KSB 2, 1861, 111, BB 11,
1886, 115; Becker, KSB 3, 1863, 426 flf.; de Belloguet, Ethnog. gaul.
366 f.; Ernault, RC 7, 1886, 107 f.; Loth, Chr. bret. 7; de Jubain-
ville, RC8, 1887, 180 f.; 10, 1889, 166 f., Recherches 129 f.; Rhys, RC 2,
1873-5, 332? Insc. 6, 1 1 ; Strachan, TPhS 1891-4, 229 f.; Holder, AcS
3. 1242; Pedersen, VKG 2. 27; Meyer, Kelt. Wtk. ii, no. 33; Thurney-
sen, Hdb. 168, GOI174; Dottin, p. 246; Whatmough, RC 39, 1922,
350, PID, vol. 3, p. 47 s.n. trutiknos; Ogam 6, 1954, 306; 7, 1955, 282;
Pokomy, IEW 375; Schmidt, KGP 174; Sicardi, Rivista di Studi
Liguri 23, 1957, 227 f.; Solta, Die Sprache 5, 1959, 188 (with n. 9 ) ;
Untermann, KP 89 ff.; Guyonuarc'h, Ogam 14, 1962, 461.
That -cno- functions as a patronymic suffix is shown clearly by the
bilingual inscription of Todi (PID, it. 339) 8 with trutikni (a, 1. 6) beside
1
See also Palomar Lapesa, ELH 358.
2
Or Clouius. See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 65, ELH 357 f.
3
Cf. Holder, AcS 3. 1241. 16.
4
Compare PNN Cludamus cited by Palomar Lapesa, OPL 66 and Clodamenis CIL
2. 2642 = 5611. With these names compare PN Cludia DAG 83. See also Tovar,
Estudios 140 f., Albertos Firmat, Emerita 26, 1958, 237.
5
Jackson suggested {LHEB 624) that the Ogam form should be restored as
6
Clutar[igas]. See section (A) (i) s.n.
7
The river name Clota Tac. Agr. 23, Κλώτα Ptol. 2. 3. 1, mod. Clyde, and
insula Clota I A 509. 1 (see AcS 1. 1046) may belong to IE. *ileu- *to wash, to clean'
seen perhaps in W. clir 'clear', Gk. κλύζω Ί wash', OLat. duo 'purgo', Lat.
cloaca 'sewer, drain', etc. See Stokes, UrL· Spr. 102, Pokorny, IEW 607. See also
R. J. Thomas, EANC 8 ff., 135.
8
It is noteworthy that forms in -en- are found peppered all over Gaul, but that
they occur most frequently in Aquitania and Narbonensis. I have counted 22
examples of -ten-, 7 of -ucn-, 5 of -ocn-9 4 of -acn-} and 1 of -ecn-. For the use of
patronymics as proper names, having lost their patronymic force, e.g. Ructicnus,
Tanotaliknos (or -οϊ), Λουκοτικνος, see Whatmough, RC 39, 1922, 350, id., PID,
vol. 3, p. 43 s.n. tanotaliknos, Lejeune, Hommages Niedermann (Coll. Latomus, vol. 23)
(Bruxelles, 1956), 212.
l8'2 THE M A T E R I A L ! AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
druti.f (1. 2) and trutikni (b, 11. 7-8) beside drutei.f (1. 3). There is no
satisfactory means of deciding whether or how -en- is related to -gn-
in both Continental and Insular forms. I am inclined to the view, first
suggested, I think, by Stokes, that -en- may be related to the root *ken-
*to spring from, to issue from', seen in W. cenau 'cub, whelp, puppy'
(see GPC φι), Mllr. cano, cana 'young wolf (Celt. *kanaud-), OW.
cenetl, ModW. cenedl 'nation, tribe, clan, kindred, generation', 1 OCorn.
kinethelgl. generatio, O l r . cenel 'race, lineage, kindred' (Celt. *kenetlo-),
Mllr. cinim Ί am born, spring, descend from', ciniud 'race, generation,
tribe'. See Pokorny, IEW 563 f.2 The fact that -en- is not attested in
Insular Celtic forms (except perhaps in Biokno, Mainacnus, and Ovev-
νίκνιοι) may be due to the fact that it generally fell together early with
-gn-, resulting in Irish in the vocalization of -g- between a vowel and
the sonant -n- (followed by its loss with compensatory lengthening)
and in Brittonic in a vocalization of -g- which caused diphthongiza-
tion with a preceding vowel. 3
PNN: Αδρ€σσικνος DAG 71 ; 4 Allecnus Ρ ID xiic; Aneunicno DAG 145 ; 4
?Αρηκνου (gen.) CIG 3. 4039. 38; ??Αυουωτ.κνω DAG 165; Biokno
CIL 7. 1336. 154; Biticnus DAG 244; Caticnos v. s. CATU-; ?Cintucnu
AcS 1. 1022; Krasanikna PID, it. 321; Κραυσικνος DAG 61 ; 5 Disocno
(dat.), Disocni (gen.) CIL 3. 5076; ?Gobannic7i(o) (also read Gobannilno,
-ilo) DAG 9 ; 6 Λουκοτικνος (or -ρικνός) DAG 77 ( / ) , 78; Mainacnus DAG
137, 151 Remark B ; Note (xlv) C (see also AcS 2. 390); Malucnus
DAG 151; Metelikna ΡID, it. 321; Nantonicn DAG 141 ; 4 ??Occocnus,
??Ociocnus DAG 176; Oclicno DAG 145 ; 4 Ollocnus (-£-) DAG 176;
Opiucnus DAG 138; Oppianicnos DAG 160 ; 4 Ripcicnus DAG 182; Ructic-
nus DAG 244; Σιλουκνος DAG 53 ; 4 Tanotaliknos (or -02) PZD, it. 337 ; 7
Tee6icniu(s) DAG 8 3 ; Toutissicnos DAG 163; 4 Trutikni (bis) PID, it.
339 ί Ονβρσικνος DAG 68 ; 4 Vlatucnos DAG 151, Remark B, 156,
Remark; ? ]MTZZ Ζλ4(3 194.
1
Cf. Williams, BBCS 7, 1935, 36 ff., Loth, RC 48, 1931, 336. Note also the
etymology proposed by Hamp for W. bachgen 'boy' in BBCS 14, 1952, 295 f. (see
also 18, i960, 274).
2
See also Urk. Spr. 76 f., W-P. 1. 398, W.-H. 2. 423 f., Og. N.S. 24 (Dec.
1952), 307. Cf. now GrDAG 82.
3 See Pedersen, VKGi. 125 (-LP 43); Thurneysen, G O / 7 8 ; Jackson, L/ZEB 412,
460; Kurylowicz, Studies Presented to Joshua Whatmough on his Sixtieth Birthday, ed.
Ernst Pulgram ('S-Gravenhage, 1957), 131 if. W. -an, as in P N N Cynan, Cwyfan,
instead of -aen which one would expect to develop from Brittonic -agno- or -akno-9
has been variously explained. Lewis and Pedersen [LP 32) suggest that -an arose
in post-tonic syllables, i.e. presumably after the accent-shift to the new penult in
Welsh (see Jackson, LHEB 461). R. J. Thomas [EANC 34) and Pokorny (teste
Forster FT 856) suggest that it is borrowed from Olr. -an. This view Jackson (loc.
cit.) rightly finds unacceptable.
4 s
See section (A) (i) s.n. See Appendix s.n.
6 7
See section (B) s.n. Gobannitio. See section (A) (i) s.n. Dannotali.
THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY 183
C O M - , C O N - , CO-, C O V - ( C O V I - ) , ?COB-
The prefix com- is well attested in Gaulish names. It also occurs very
frequently as con- and co-.z Some forms in cov- and cob- in Gaulish
have been discussed by Schmidt, KGP 96-98. He rightly insists that
names in Covrun- and Cobrun- represent earlier *Com-runo-, cognate
with W. cyfrin2 and Goth, garunar. He further supposes on the one
hand that Celtic -mr- here developed medially to -br- in PN Cobrunus as
it did regularly in initial position in Gaulish and Brittonic, and on the
other hand that -m- developed to -U- between a vowel and a liquid
consonant in PN Covnertus as it did in Brittonic. 4 He suggests that names
in Comnert-, Cobnert-, Covnert-, and Covinert-5 are all to be related to the
basic form comnert-, cognate with W. cyfnerth subst. 'help, aid', adj.
'strong, firm' (v. GPC 703) and Ir. comnert 'equal strength, a great
effort' (Meyer 450), with -v- in covnert- as in covrun-, with covi- as
a later secondary development, and with -b- in cobnert- through dis
similation. Thus he rejects the view that names in cob- in Gaulish, as
Cobnertus and Cobrunus, contain in their first element a Gaulish cognate
of Ir. cob 'victory'. 6 This is correct. But I think that it is probable that
1
See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 165 f.; Vendryes, RC 49, 1932, 300; Feist, 310 f.;
Pokorny, IEW 544; Treimer, Ogam 9, 1957, 298; Schmidt, KGP 174, n. 1, id.,
MSS, Heft 12, 1958, 49 ff.
2
Co- occurs far oftener than Pokorny suggests in VR 10, 1948-9, 240: Έίη
urspriingliches altkeltisches co- neben com- ist nichts als ein Phantasiegebilde; nur
an ein folgendes anlautendes u- oder s- wird der Auslaut des Prafixes assimiliert.'
3
See GPC 717 where MlBret. queffrin 'mystery, secret' and Ir. comrun *a common
secret* are compared with it.
4
Schmidt, KGP 98, n. 1, qualifies this statement with the comment *sofern in
dem gall. Wort nicht vulgarlat. EinfluB vorliegt.'
5
Add Conert-, in PN Conerti (gen.) CIL 3. 5646. See also Loth, RC 40, 1923, 379.
6
This has been the view of a number of scholars from Zeuss (GC 40) onwards.
See Cagnat, RC 9, 1888, 87, de Jubainville, RC 14, 1893, 387, Holder, AcS 1,
184 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
both -0- and -έ- in forms such as Covrunus and Cobnertus are attempts to
represent a sound or sounds which developed through a lax articula
tion of ~m- between a vowel and a nasal or liquid consonant, perhaps
a (?nasal) bilabial fricative or labiodental fricative. See Chapter I I I
(A) (u) (j);
Concerning Insular Celtic and other cognates see: Holder, AcS 1.
1052, 1068, 3. 1243; Pedersen, VKG 1. 64, 284; Morris-Jones, WG
265; Dottin 2461*.; Dinneen 217, 233; W-H. 1. 2 5 1 ; Jackson,
LHEB 659; Pokorny, IEW 612 f.; GPC 673; Fleuriot, VB 374 ff.
The prefix, used with nominal, adjectival, and verbal forms, denotes
in Gaulish: (a) connexion or relationship or participation, as in PN
Contoutos 'qui est du meme pays, compatriote' (v. Loth, RC 41, 1924,
55) ;l PN Comargus 'KameracT = c mit seiend als Gefahrte' or 'mit
dem Gefahrten seiend' (v. Schmidt, KGP 57); PN Contextos P'cognatus'
(v. Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 68); (i) equality or similarity in condition,
quality, size, etc., as, perhaps, in PNN such as Comeliddus 'equally
sweet'; Combara ?'equally high/noble'; 2 (c) affirmation, emphasis on
the form to which it is prefixed, as in PN Couirus: W. cywir 'correct,
sincere, honest, loyal'; PN Cobnertus: W. cyfnerth 'strength, help',
'strong, firm, resolute'; Cobrunus: W. cyfrin 'privy to a secret or
mystery, that is in the secret, participant, accessory, secret, etc.',
'person who is privy to a secret, confidant, e t c ' (v. GPC 717).
Examples :3
CO·: Anokopokios PID> it. 337; Coaeddus (or Coneddus) DAG 244; Co-
beratius DAG 214 (cf. AcS 3. 1244), (rede -us) 237; Coberillus DAG 214
1054 f., 3. 1244, Pedersen, VGK 2. 2 (cf. 1. 116), Dottin, p. 246 (also suggesting
that cob- may be a variant οι com-), W.-P. 1. 457 f., IEW 610, Schmidt, KGP 174
s.n. Vercobius. In forms in cobnert- Schmidt does admit the possibility of the in
fluence of a Gaulish cognate of Ir. cob. See also Pokorny, Kratylos 3, 1958, 173.
1
'der zum Volke Gehorige' (Schmidt, KGP 57).
2
It is extremely difficult to say exactly when the prefix has this equative func
tion. It is certainly well attested with this function in the system of comparison or
grading in Celtic as in W. cyfliw 'of the same colour', cyfnaws 'congenial, of the
same nature, homogeneous', cyfoes 'contemporary', cyfuwch 'as high as', cystal 'as
good, equal* (cf. W. cyflym 'swift, intelligent, keen', cyflawn 'complete, full, perfect',
cyfagos 'close, near', etc., where the equative meaning is not present), and in
Irish comdlaind 'equally beautiful', combinn 'equally melodious', commor 'equally
great', comruad 'equally strong' (cf. comrigin 'very stiff', comglass 'all blue', comldn
'complete, perfect' or 'equally numerous'). For the equative in Celtic v. Pedersen,
VKG 2. 118-19, Thurneysen, GOI 237-8. Schmidt {KGP 61-62) is too much
inclined to reject the meaning 'equally' for com- in PNN such as Comarus, Coma-
tilla, Comatus, Comeliddus (v. Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 594). He argues that Latin
does not show this use of cum-, nor does Sanskrit oisdm- nor Greek of συν-. In com
pounded names of com- + adjective in Gaulish he suggests that the prefix functions
rather 'als eine Art "Fullung" zur Verlangerung des Namens'.
3
I have listed only a few of the many PNN containing com-, con-, and co-, but all
the possible forms in cov- (covi-) and cob- are included.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 185
l
(cf. AcS loc. cit.); Cocestlus DAG 239 ; Comanus DAG 83; Comatius, -ia
DAG 244; Comato DAG 244; Comatuia DAG 244; Comatul[lus or -[la
DAG 182, ComatuUus DAG 244; Comatumarus DAG 244; Comatus DAG
244; Comerta DAG 156; 2 Conerti (gen.) CZL 3. 5646; Cotutos (La G r . ) ;
Covirius DAG 208B = 214; Couirus DAG 202, Remark, 208B = 214.
C05^: Cobiatia PID xvc; CoW[ 2λ4<? 151; Coblanuo (f.) ZL4G 8 3 ;
Coblucia DAG 208D = 214; Coblunius DAG 237; Cobluto PID xiic;
Cobnertis? (or collibertus?) DAG 156; Cobnertius DAG 237; Cobnertus
DAG 83, 136, 228 (iv), 237, 244, Cobnerta DAG 244; 3 Cobricius DAG
151 (for com-bric- ?); ??Cobromara, -us DAG 244; Cobronia PID xiic; 4
Cobruuius DAG 2C8B = 214; Cob7ouGmar{us) DAG 239; Cobmna DAG
2O8B = 214; Cobrunius DAG 244; Cobrunnistitii (or -statui) DAG 151 ;5
Cobrunus DAG 182.6
COM·: Andecombo(gius) DAG 177;7 Comacia DAG 244; Comacus (-g-)
Z>;4G 228 (vii); Comagius DAG 83, 156; Comagus DAG 228 Remark;
Comargus CIL 3. 3i58 a ; Comartiorix DAG 156; Combata DAG 140;
Combarillius, -us DAG 83, Comba[rillus DAG 87; Combaromarus DAG 182;
Comboiomarus (v.l. Combolo-) Liv. 38. 19. 2; 8 Κόμβοντις Pausan. 10. 22.
2 f. ;9 Combricus DAG 151; Comnertus DAG 156; Vercombogius, -bogus,
-bogio DAG 244.
CON-'. Conbogi (gen.) C/L 3. 4945; 10 Concaoni (? -/*£-) C/I 7. 857;
?Concennus (Congennius?) DAG83;11 Conconnetodumnus (BG) DAG 182; 12
Conconnus CIL 3. 4900; Condannossus DAG 87; Condarillus DAG 202, 214,
215; Condarus DAG 202; Condatie DAG 244; Condatius DAG 244; Can-
arc^ ZMG 83; Condexua PID xiic; Congenetia PID viic; Congenio (dat.)
CiL 11. 7584; Congenncia DAG 83; Congenniccus DAG Note (xlv) C, 8 3 ;
Congenno DAG 8 3 ; KoyyewoAn-ai/os Z>^4G 27 ; 12 Congonetus DAG 244;
Congonia PID viic; Congonius CIL 3. 1203; Congonna PID xiic; Can
non (Λ) *Ji0fltf Liv. qfa'f. 61, Z^4G 151 ( = C7Z, 8. 21024), 156 ( = CiL
13. 800); Congonnetodubnus DAG 156 ;13 Congonnus PID xiic \Conteddius
1
Or Cogestlus, v. Holder, A S 3. 1251. 39, Pokorny, 7Λ 10, 1948-9, 239-40,
Schmidt, A"GP 175.
2
See Holder, A S 1. 1054. 34, 3. 1245. 37-38, Schmidt, ΛΪ7Ρ 176.
3
See A S 1. 1054-5, 3. 1245-6 and 7XL Onom. s.nn. Cobnertus, -a.
4
See Schmidt, A*GP 177, 262.
5
= CIL 13. 1474. Schmidt (KGP 177) gives Cobrunni '(wohl Gen.)'.
6
See TXL 0/zom. 2. 155. Note also DN Cobledulitauus DAG 155.
7
See section (A) (i) s.n. Andocumborius.
8
Seep. 153, n. 8.
9 See Schmidt, KGP 178.
10
Error for Combogi? See Schmidt, KGP 178, 179.
11
See Schmidt, KGP 180.
12
See section (A) (i) s.n.
13
See section (A) (i) s.n. Conconnetodumnus.
i86 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
l
DAG 237; Contedio (dat.) CIL 13. 2843; Contei{d)ios DAG 151, 151,
Remark Β; Contessia, -ius DAG 8 3 ; Contesilo PID viiic; Contessilo PID
xiic; Contestus DAG 182; Contexts DAG 162 ;2 Contoutos DAG 157;
Convictolitavis BG.2
COV-: Covinerti (gen.) CIL 3. 4999; 3 Covnertus, -a AcS 1. 1054 f., 3.
1245 f-> -D^G 224, 244, and TLL; Covrunus DAG 214, 237, 244^
For PN Andocumborium (ace.) BG 2. 3, 1, with -cum- perhaps for
-com-, see section (A) (i) s.n.
COT-, COTT-
In a number of the names listed here, e.g. Atecotti, Gotta, Cottalus,
Cottius, Cottus, Esanekoti, the element cot(t)- has been related to OCorn.
. coth gl. senex (Voc. Com, OCV 107)5 and Bret, coz 'old' (v. Rhys, Celtic
Britain (London, 1882), 275; Stokes, BB 11, 1889, 118; Holder, AcS
j . 1143 s.v. Cotta, 1. 1148 s.v. cotto-s;6 Kretschmer, A*< 38, 1905, 125;
Whatmough, PID, vol. iii, p. 20 s.v. Esanekoti; Schmidt, KGP 184).
T. F. O'Rahilly (£riu 13, 1942, 166-7) further claimed that O l r .
coth 'food', Mllr. cothad 'sustenance', cothaig 'sustain, nourish' 7 should
be referred to the same Celtic root as OCorn. coth, Bret, coz, and Gaul,
forms in cott-, namely *ket~l*kot- (with gemination *kett-l*kott-) 'living,
lasting', which he thought could be identified with the IE. root *ket-,
*kot- ' "Wohnraum" (urspr. "Erdloch als Wohngrube")' listed in
W-P. 1. 383~4.8 All this is quite uncertain, particularly the identifica
tion with IE. *ket-, *kot-. However, the semantic development sug
gested for Olr. coth 'food' is somewhat similar to that assumed for Ir.
biad 'food' beside betha 'life, livelihood' and bith 'world, life, age' (in
composition 'ever-lasting, always').
Whether we should distinguish another name element cotu-, coto-,
of a different origin in names such as Cotuatus, Cotuconi, Cotulo, Cotus,
1
Not Contedoius [sic] DAG 182 after Holder, AcS 1. 1107. Cf. AcS 3. 1276. 43-46.
2
See section (A) (i) s.n.
3 4
Cf. PN Covinaerta in the same insc. ?Cf. PN Gouruna DAG 244.
5
OCorn. coth was taken to be a Welsh form, e.g. in the dictionaries of Dr. John
Davies and Thomas Wiliems. See G P C s . w . cot1, coth.
6
Holder (whence Dottin, p. 248) listed a Welsh form Coth, presumably a per
sonal name. I know of no example of such a name. Note, however, the river name
Cothi (Carmarthenshire) for which see Thomas, Ε A NC 134-5.
7
He also claimed that other forms with a different vowel grade belonged here,
namely the Irish mythological names Cett and Cethern. He thought that the former
was identical with the Gaulish PN Cettus, for which v. AcS 1. 1002, DAG 136 (note
also other PNN such as Cettus DAG 216, Cetus AcS, loc. cit., DAG 136, 237, ICeU
tinius DAG 182, Cetturo DAG 237). He derived Cethern from *Keternos, comparing
Ir. cethern *a troop or company of foot-soldiers' (Meyer 359). With the latter com
pare W. cethern (G. 138, GPC 471) and see Loth, RC 42, 1925, 84-85.
8
See also W.-H. 1. 176, 182, ZEW 586-7.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 187
CUMB-
In the gloss cumba (locus imus navis, quod aquis incumbat)
Isidor or. 19. 2. ι and cumba (locus [imus] navis) Gloss. Placidi, 1 in
cumba (the name for a (Pbulgy, bellied) type of vessel) in inscriptions
of Magdalensberg, 2 and in LNN Cumba, Cumbae AcS 1. 11891*., at
least3 we have Gaulish cognates of Mllr. comm Vessel', cummal 'cup,
shell', W. cwm 'a deep narrow valley, coomb', Br. komm 'trough' : 4
Gr. κΰμβη 'hollow of a vessel, drinking cup, bowl; boat; sack,
wallet', κυμβίον, κύμβος 'cup', Eng. hump, Skt. kumbha-h 'pot'. See
Gluck, KJV 28; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 9 3 ; Holder, AcS, loc. cit.; Pedersen,
VKG 1. 119; Dottin 249; W.-P. 1. 562; W.-H. 1. 298, 305; What-
mough, DAG 158 and 178 s.v. cumba', Pokorny, IEW592.
DAGO-, DACO-
Dago- and the graphic variant daco- (see Pokorny, WuS 12, 1929, 305
and Chapter I I I (A) (ii)) s are cognate with W. da 'good, beneficial,
e t c ' (GPC 866 f.), Corn, da, Bret, da,6 Ir. dag (later deg) 'good' (in
comp. with foil, noun or adj. 'good, noble', also with intensive mean
ing Very', see RIADict. D-degoir 7 fF., Dinneen 313 ff.). See Stokes,
Urk. Spr. 140, Holder, AcS 1. 1214, Pedersen, VKG 1. 39, Thurneysen,
# £ 5 9 , 1932, 6, n., id., GOI54, O'Brien, Celtica 3, 1956, 183, Schmidt,
KGP 186 f., id., Stadia Hibernica 3, 1963, 173 if. See also section (A) (i)
s.n. Ααγολίτους. Examples:
P N N : Bitudaccus DAG, Note (xlv) C, Betudaca, Bitudaga DAG 156;
?Dacomot[ DAG 224; Dacotoutus DAG 182; Dacouassae (dat.) AE 1951,
64; Dacovir DAG 194, 203, R e m a r k ; Dagania DAG 224; DagidiusDAG
83; Da[g]illus (Da[c]-?) DAG 214, Dagillus ILTG 435; Dagionius
DAG 224; Dagissius DAG 2 O 8 B ; Dago CIL 3. 12014. 241, Dago uassus
1
See Glossaria Latina, vol. iv, ed. J. W. Pirie and W. M. Lindsay (Paris, 1930), 18.
2
See Egger, MG, nos. 12, 74, 82, 91, 93, 106, etc., and remarks (p. 29).
3
Also perhaps in PN Arecumbu DAG 151 (also 151, Remark B). For PN Ando-
cumborius BG see section (A) (i) s.n. ? Compare PNN Combudouatus (-tic·?) DAG 182
(with comment 'or divine name?'; the form, attested in CIL 13. 2583, has been
variously read; see DAG, Note xxix (c), p. 488 where it is suggested that it may be
taken as a name Cambudouatus; see also Holder, AcS 1. 1072, 3. 1259, Schmidt,
KGP 178) and Combulius CIL 5. 2220.
4
See Ernault, GMB 114. Br. komb 'valley' is a loan from Fr. combe, itself derived
from Gaul, cumba. See Thurneysen, Keltorom. 55, Dottin 249; Gamillscheg 238;
Meyer-Lubke, REW, no. 2386; Tovar, Celticum vi, 394.
5
For Degouexi (dat.) CIL 13. 4506 (?DN), with dego-, see Gutenbrunner, %&*
20, 1936, 279, Whatmough, DAG 213, 214, Schmidt, KGP 189 f., Scherer, Anglia
76, 1958, 434 (comparing DN Degante (dat.) CIL 2. 5672). Apart from Ir. deg (deg-)
compare perhaps W. dewr 'brave, valiant, etc.,' (GPC 942), OBret. deurr gl. acri
< Britt. *degouiros (see Urk. Spr. 140, VKG 1. 39; cf. W.-P. 1. 784, DGVB 136).
6
Attested in the OBret. PNN Damarhoc Damarcoc, and Dalitoc. See Loth, Chr,
bret. 122. See also Ernault, GMB 140, 212, Fleuriot, VB 367, 376.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 189
[sic] DAG 244 (but Dagouassus DAG 237) ;l Dagobiti (gen.) CIL 7. 31,
Dagobitus DAG 204; Dagobiucomarus AcS 2. 433. 1; Dagobius DAG 156;
Dagodabnus DAG 136; Dagodurnus CIL 3. 12014. 242, 3. 14115. 2 1 ;
Δαγολιτονς RE A 58, 1956, 71 ff.; Dagomarus, Dagomari, Dacom[> Daco-
maras z/. s. MARO-; Dagonus DAG 224; Dagorix DAG 244; Dagot[ou]ti
(gen.) i L i E 14, 1963, 337 ff.; Dagus DAG 204, 237, -uus 2 O 8 B ;
Ollodagus 214; Viriodacus 176, 203, 224, 228 (vii); Voltodaga 237.
DANNO-
This name element is attested in a number of Gaulish P N N :
Dannadinnis (gen.) 2λ4£7 87 ;2 Dannia DAG 83, -ins DAG 83, 182, 2083,
244 ; 3 Dannicus (Rauricus) DAG 237; Dannissa DAG 2O8B; Danno-
marus DAG 83 ; 4 Dannonia, Dannonus, Dannorix DAG 87 (-n* also DAG
204); Dannotali DAG i6g; s Dannumara DAG 208A (also 214); Dannus
DAG 182, 208B (also 214). Uncompounded dannus in an inscription of
the Treveri in Belgica (per dannum Giamillum CIL 13. 4228) has been
explained as a title. 6 For other occurrences of dannos in compounded
forms note the following: cas(s)idan(n)o(s) in the graffiti of La Grau-
fesenque (DAG 90 (casidanalone), 92, 94, 102), probably a Gaulish
official title rather than a personal name; 7 platiodanni (nom. pi.) at
Mainz (CIL 13. 6776), another title; 8 arcantodan (for arcantodan[(n)os~] ?)
in coin legends of the Lexouii, Meldi, and Mediomatrici (DAG 177
with Remark, 206), probably the person charged with supervising the
production or the distribution of coins.9 Compare also dan 'iudicem'
1
= CIL 13. 7754. See also Whatmough, DAG, Note (lvi) (p. 1168), Schmidt,
KGP 187 (also 59, n. 1, 285). Compare PN Dagouassae (dat. f.) in an inscription
discovered in a villa between Brucknendorf and Parndorf, east of Carnuntum,
reported by Saria in Burgenlandische Heimatblatter 13, 1951, 49 fF. (see Ogam 9, 1957,
201, AE i960, 377, EC9, 1961, 576).
2
For Iberian names in tanne- which may contain a cognate element see Albertos,
Emirita 28, i960, 304.
3
See also Holder, AcS 1. 1222 f.
4
Compare P N Danomarus DAG 83 (source?), 214 ( = CIL 13. 3349).
5
Compare P N N Danotala DAG 8 3 ; Tanotaliknos and Tanotalos PID, it. 337 (also
yol. iii, p. 43). See section (A) (i) s.n.
Note also the following P N N : Atdanus DAG 151, Remark B ; Dan[, Dann[ DAG
237; Dania PID xvc, -ius DAG 182; Dano DAG 136; Danu DAG 182; Danuacus DAG
204; Danus DAG 214, 244, PID xiic. For Thracian names in -danus, -Savoy, etc., see
Detschew, Thr. Spr. 116.
6
See the full bibliography of discussion of this form listed by Whatmough, DAG9
Note (xli) (b) (p. 685).
7
See Loth, RC 41, 1924, 5 4 ; Οχέ, Β J 130, 1925, 76; Τ. Frank, An Economic
Survey of Ancient Rome, vol. iii (Baltimore, 1937), 560 (also 540).
8
See Weisgerber, SprFK 198, Germania 17, 1933, 21, n. 2 3 ; Whatmough, DAG,
pp. 858, 992.
9
See Mur,-Chab. 7684-90; Blanchet, Manuel 78; Holder, AcS 1. 182 f., 3. 659;
Forrer 4 2 ; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 141; Pedersen, VKG, 1. 104, 533; Loth, RE A 21,
190 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
in the Endlicher Glossary (613. 4) concerning which see Stokes,
TPhS 1868-9, 2 5 2 ? Academy 30, 1886, 43, Thurneysen, IF 42, 1924,
144, Whatmough, DAG 178 s.w. dan, rko, roth. The gloss danea 'area'
DAG 220 and the hypothetical IE. *dann- ??'river' (underlying the
river name Danuuins, etc.) 1 do not seem to be related.
Stokes suggested that dan (or danus) 'judge' in the Endlicher Glos
sary was cognate with Gk. θέμις 'custom, right, law5, Goth, ddm-s, etc.
(: IE. *dhe- IEW 235 ff.). See also Holder, AcS 1. 1224. D'Arbois de
Jubainville (RC 11, 1890, 489)2 thought that danio-jdannio- in Gaulish
names was identical with Mllr. ddnae 'stout-hearted, courageous,
daring, e t c ' (RIADict. D-degoir 79 ff., see also Dinneen 306). Loth
{REA 21, 1919, 263 ff.) would relate -dan in arcantodan 'directeur de
la monnaie', 'magister monetae', and danno- in platiodanni {OIL 13.,
6676) and dannum (13. 4228) to Ir. dan m. 'a gift, e t c ' (RIADict. fasc
cit. 70 ff.), W. dawn 'talent, gift, e t c ' (GPC 906): Lat. donum (IE.
*</o- 'to give' IEW 223 ff.).3 Pokorny, on the other hand (IEW 176),
related -dan in arcantodan 'monetarius', 'das Silber verteilend' to
a root *da- 'to divide, share, cut to pieces'.
Gaulish dan(n)o-, dan(ri)io-> etc., may well be of multiple origin. But
I think that the etymology proposed by Stokes for dan 'a judge'
should hold the field. Attested uncompounded as a title and in com
pounds which are Gaulish official titles, dan(n)o- means 'a judge' or
'an official' or the like. But account should also be taken of Ir. ddnae
f
bold, brave' and of Ir. dan 'gift, talent' and W. dawn. The objection
raised by Schmidt (KGP 188, n. 2) that the element in question occurs
regularly in Gaulish with geminate -π- is not valid. It is attested with
single -n-, and a number of instances have been listed above. However,
Schmidt rightly stressed that the explanation proposed by Pokorny
for Gaulish -dan in arcantodan is suspect in view of the fact that he
failed to quote any Insular Celtic correspondences.
See further section (A) (i) s.n. Dannotali and (A) (ii) s.v.
DONNO-.
1919, 263 ff., RC 39, 1922, 50; W.-P. 1. 763, 853; Thurneysen, IF 42, 1924,
144; Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 266, IEW 64, 176; Schmidt, KGP 132, 187 f. See
now Colbert de Beaulieu, EC 9, 1960-1, 121 fF.
1
See DAG 241, 243, 244, p. 1366. T o Whatmough's references add W.-P. 1.
763; Thurneysen, KZ 59> 1932, 13 f.; Forster, FT 141 fF.; Pokorny, IEW 175;
H. Krahe, Sprache und Vorzeit (Heidelberg, 1954), 130, UAF 93, 103; Vendryes,
Recueil de travanx qffert a M. Clovis Brunei ii (Paris, 1955), 648; Nicolaisen, Btr. ζ. Ν.
8, 1957, 245 ff.
2
See also Holder, AcS 1. 1222; Dottin 250. Concerning Ir. ddnae see Thurney
sen, KZ 59, 1932, 13 f. (against Pokorny ZCP 16, 1927, 452). For the river name
Rhodanus, R\K\odanus, etc., see DAG 15, 80, 179, 212, 241. To the references given
by Whatmough in DAG 80 s.n. add Hubschmid, Praeromanica 108 f., Pokorny,
IEW 334, Vendryes, op. cit. 646 f., Weisgerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 12 f., 17.
3
See also Holder, AcS 1. 1224, Dottin, p. 250.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 191
DEVO-
Gaulish deuo- is cognate with Olr. dia (gen. de) 'god' (see RIAContr.
degra—dodelbtha 53 f ) , OW. duintit (VVB 114), M1W. dwyw, dwy, dyw,
duw (G. 398 ff., 402), * ModW. duw, OCorn. day gl. deus (Voc. Corn.
OCV 32), MIGorn. dev, du, Bret, done: Skt. devd-h, Lat. deus (IE.
*deiuo-s). See FA*G 1. 59 (LP 10 f.); Dottin 251; GO I 36; /E^K 375;
LHEB 375. Beside *fe/0-2 note also diuo- (as in Diuogena, Diuona, etc.).
It has been frequently assumed that the appearance of -I- for -e- in
this form is due to latinization. See, for example, d'Arbois de Jubain-
ville, RC 17, 1896, 9 3 ; 19. 1898, 232; 29, 1908, 81, Holder, AcS 1.
12
75· 5°5 Vendryes, RC 48, 1931, 435 f. But Gaulish e (from IE. ei)
probably had a very close pronunciation, which could account for the
-£- in a form such as Diuogena quite apart from analogy with a Latin
form such as diuus.3 See Thurneysen, uf< 59, 1932, 15 f, Heiermeier,
Deutsche Literaturzeitung 72, 1951, 340. Whatmough (DAG 158 s.v.
Diuona) suggested that the alternation of e and ϊ (from earlier ei) was
'possibly dialectal5.* Compare the development of *rlno-j*reno- from
*reino- discussed by Hubschmid, Praeromanica 115 fT.5 Forms in deo-,
dio- show the loss of-w- (see Schmidt, KGP 99 f., 191).6 In the personal
name TeiuoreiCis in the inscription on the bronze of Luzaga, Tovar
claimed that Teiuo- represented deiuo- (see Estudios 35, n. 1, 49 f., 125,
183, Lexico 8, Kratylos 3, 1958, 4, 9). But Lejeune {Celtiberica 45) and
Schmoll (SVIHK 76, 87) hint at the possibility that it represents
deuo- or diuo-. For deio-, δηιο- ( < * deiuo-) in PN Deiotarus, Δψόταρος
(note also Δζιζταρος, Δψοταριανος) see Stokes, Urk. Spr. 144, de
Jubainville, RC 20, 1899, 375, Schmidt, KGP 190. Compare Weisger-
ber, Gal. Spr. 172.
DI-
This prefix seems to be attested in only a few Gaulish names,
examples of which are listed below. It is cognate with Olr. di-, di-
(de-) (intensive and negative prefix), di, de (prep.) 'of, from' (GOI
504 ff.),1 W. di- Out, very, extreme; without' (intensive and negative
prefix, see GPC 943 s.w. di-z, rfz-4) :2 Lat. de, etc. See Urk. Spr. 143;
AcS 1. 1277; VKG 2. 294 {LP 261 f ) ; A. Sommerfelt, De- en italo-
celtique (Christiania, 1921) (Videnskapssebkapets Shifter I I , Hist.-filos.
Klasse, 1920, no. 4); Dottin, p. 251; W.-P. 1. 7696°.; W.-H. 1.
325 f.; IEW 181 fF.; Fleuriot, DGVB 136, 332, VB 376 f.
P N N : Dibugius DAG 244 ; 3 Diginianus DAG 237; Dimarius DAG 8 3 ;
?Dimiono DAG 140, 151, 151, Remark B ; Diveca DAG 244; Touto-
diuicus, -diuicis and names in dime-, diuict-, άηάχϊ- listed s.v. VIC-.*
D N N : Digenibus DAG 82; Diginibus DAG 223.
Concerning the form diuertomu in the Calendar of Coligny (DAG 227
ii. 64, iii. 32, 128, iv. 64, 128, xii. 96, xvi. 64, 128, diuertiomu i. 116,
diuortomu v. 64, vi. 32, diuortom vii. 128, diuirtomu xi. 128, xiv. 64) see de
Ricci, RC 21, 1900, 17, Thurneysen, £CP 2, 1899, 527, id., GOI 452,
Dottin 252, MacNeill, £riu 10, 1926-8, 36 f. (whence Weisgerber,
SprFK 199), Whatmough, DAG, p. 1002.
For -8e in βρατου8€ in Gaulish inscriptions of Narbonensis (DAG 44,
6 7 , 6 8 , 7 1 , βρατ]ουδ€ 7 3 , βρατου[ 3 9 , βρατου[. . 6 3 , βρατουτ[ 6 6 , βρ[
65, βρατον[ Gourvest Og. 6, ΐ954> 2 59 (Ρ^· x ) ) s s e e t n e following:
Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 125, ACL 1, 1900, 108 s.v. knes; Ernault, RC
1
See RIADict. D-degoir 128 ff., RIAContr. degra-dodelbtha 51 f.
2
For Welsh prepositional forms deriving from IE. *de see J. E. C. Williams,
BBCSy vol. 13, pt. 1, Nov. 1948, 1-10, D. Simon Evans, Grammar of Middle Welsh
(Dublin. 1964) 201-3.
3
See Bertoldi, RC 46, 1929, 23, Weisgerber, SprFK 195, Schmidt, KGP 157 f.,
4
193. See also section (A) (i) s.nn. Diuiciacus and Diuico.
5
See also F. Benoit, Gallia 11, 1953, 112 (whence AE 1954, no. 105), Duval,
REA 57, 1955, 328.
811030 Ο
T H E
194 M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
7, 1886, 108 f.; d'Arbois de Jubainville, Rev. des societes sava?ites, ser. vi,
4, 1876, 266 ff., jRCg, 1888, 295; 11, 1890, 249 ff.; 18, 1897, 318 ff.,
Elements de la grammaire celtique (Paris, 1903), 1761!.; Breal, RA 31,
1897, 104 ff.; Holder, AcS 1. 514, 3. 926; Thurneysen, Miscellanea
linguistica in onore di Graziadio Ascoli (Turin, 1901), 38 f., GO I 197 f.,
505; Rhys, Insc. 19, Addit. 26; Sommerfelt, op. cit., p. 30; Dottin,
pp. 35 ff.; Weisgerber, SprFK 158; Gray, Revue des etudes indo-
europeennes 1, 1939, 298; Pokorny, IEW 182. Cf. now Heinrich Wag
ner, ZCP 28, 1960-1, 235 ff.
DONNO-
This name element is cognate with Irish donn 'brown, dark' (see
RIAContr. s.v. i.donn) with its homonym donn explained in O'Davoren's
Glossary as uasal no brithem no righ 'noble, or a judge, or a king'
(see Stokes, Three Irish Glossaries (London and Edinburgh, 1861),
77; id., ACL 2, 1904, 310, no. 700 (also 311, no. 704); RIAContr.
s.v. 2. donn), MIW. dwnn 'dun, dusky, dark' (see G. 401, GPC
1105)1 beside MIW. dwn ??'noble' (see W. J. Gruffydd, Math vab
Mathonwy (Cardiff, 1928), 320; Ifor Williams, PKM 268 f.).2 See H.
d'Arbois de Jubainville, NG 66 f., RC 12, 1891, 162 f.; 19, 1898,
248 f., RA 36, 1900, 66 ff. (RC 21, 1900, 253 ff), La Civilisation des
Celtes et celle de Vepopee home'rique, 28 f.; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 152; Holder,
AcS 1. 1307; Dottin 252; W.-P. 1. 847; W.-H. 1. 572; Ogam, vol. 5,
no. 28 (Sept. 1953), 6 3 ; Pokorny, IEW 2ηι; Schmidt, KGP 196. For
the bull named Donn in the Irish epic Tain Bo Cuailnge and for the old
Gaelic God of Death Donn see Kuno Meyer, 'Der irische Totengott
und die Toteninsel', KgL Preufi. Akad. der Wissenschqft., Sitz.-Ber. 1919,
537-46; Kate Muller-Lisowski, 'Contributions to a study of Irish
Folklore', Bealoideas 18, 1948 [1950], 142-99, 'Analecta et Addita-
menta', Anthropos 47, 1952, 287 f, 'Donn Firinne, Tech Duin, An
Tarbh', EC 6, 1953-4, 21-29.
Hertz (teste Schmidt, KGP 196) suggested that the incidence of
Donn an Tarbh in the Tain and of Donn the God of Death in Irish
folk-lore facilitated the development of the meaning 'noble, judge,
king' attested for the Irish word donn. Moreover, Whatmough pre
sumed that in an inscription of Susa (M(arcus) Iulius regis Donni
f(ilius), Cottius praefectus ceivitatium quae subscriptae sunt CIL 5.
7231) rex translated or paraphrased donnus. He also pointed out that in
progenies altifortissima Donni (Ovid, Ep. ex Ponto 4. 7. 29) altus equalled
1
For W. Dwnn as a personal name see G. H. Hughes, Ύ DwniaicT, Trans.
Cymmr. 1941, 115 ff.
2
Compare Lloyd-Jones, BBCS, vol. 1, pt. 1, Oct. 1921, 4, who related -dwn in
the Middle Welsh PNN Bleidwn, Hydwn, and Hychdwn to Ir. donn 'pregnant*
(ACL i3 1900, 77, RIAContr. s.v. 5. donn).
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 195
the Irish uasal of O'Davoren's Glossary, and that Gaul, donnas appears
invariably accompanied by other names. He implied that it became
established as a cognomen meaning 'king' or the like, and claimed
that it was at first 'regularly the name of well-placed individuals'.
See DAG, p. 46, Lg. 26, 1950, 299 f., HSCP 60, 1951, 184, Orbis 1,
1952, 429. It is clearly impossible to tell whether Celtic donno- 'noble,
king' was originally the same form as donno- 'brown, dark'. T h e
Gaulish evidence suggests at least that the former is attested early and
perhaps also that it is distinct from donno- 'brown, dark'. In FID, vol.
3, p. 43 s.n. tanotalos Whatmough compared beside Gaulish danno-
(see section (A) (ii) s.v.) the personal name Donnus. But the difference
in vocalism between danno- and donno- makes comparison difficult.
See Thurneysen, IF 42, 1924, 144, n. 1, Weisgerber, SprFK 198 s.v.
danno-.
See further section (A) (i) s.n. Donnotaurus.
P N N : Άνδοννόβαλλος Schonfeld 20 ;l Donna DAG 214 ; 2 Donnadu DAG
157; Donnaucus DAG 136; 3 Donnedo FID xiic; Donnetius (or -tus) DAG
214 = Donnetus DAG 244; Donnia DAG 83, 87, -ins DAG 83,182, 237 ; 4
Δοννίας DAG 182; Donnicius CIL 3. 4726 ; s Donnoc[atius?] DAG 244;
Donnomarcu (nom. ?) CIL 13. 4355 ; 6 Δοννωναταί€υς (Γαλάτης) DAG
*247 (χ) ; 7 Αόννος, Donnus DAG 9, 78, 83, 87, 151, 156, 214, 245, FID
xiiB (also xxivc) ; 8 Donnotaurus DAG 83 ; 9 Matidonnus DAG 237;
Senodon{nos) DAG 177, 206; Senodona, -donna DAG 156; Surdonedonus
DAG 237.
D N N : (Mars) Beladon(n)is DAG 2 3 ; Donnia (Minerua) DAG 181;
Vagodonnaego (dat.) CIL 2. 2636.10
DU-
A pejorative prefix du-, cognate with O l r . ώ-, du- W. dp-: Skt. dus-,
dur-y Gk. δυσ-, Goth, tuz- (see Thurneysen, GOI231; Pedersen, VKG
2. 9; Morris-Jones, WG 267; Pokorny, IEW 227; Schmidt, Studia
Hibernica 3, 1963, 173 ff.; Fleuriot, VB 377) may be attested in one or
1
See s. ANDE-. *
2
= CIL 13. 4301. Cf. Weisgerber, Rh. V. 18, 1953, 266.
3
See Holder, AcS 1. 1305, Oswald n o , 383, CGP 40 ff.
4
See Holder, AcS 1. 1306. Compare Don{i)us DAG 140, 176, 203, 237, 244.
5
Compare Donico DAG 244, Doni[cus DAG 156, Remark, Donicus DAG 214, Note
(xlv) C, 244. Note also other names in don- such as Donicat\ius DAG 208B (also
214), Donicatus DAG 89, 237, Donilla DAG 208B (also 214), Doninas DAG, Note
(xlv) C, IDonis DAG 182, Donis[ia DAG 182, Donissius DAG 208B (also 214).
6
See Weisgerber, Rh. V. 18, 1953, 266. Two words? Listed as Donnus by What
7
mough in DAG 214. See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 156.
8 9
See Holder, AcS 1. 1306 f. See section (A) (i) s.n.
10
See Gutenbrunner 110; Tovar, Estudios 77 f., 193; Schmidt, KGP 47, 196, 284;
Albertos, Emerita 28, 1960, 307 f.; Blazquez Martinez, RPH 164^
196 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
two Gaulish PNN, viz. Ducarius Liv. 22. 6. 3, Sil. Ital. 5. 645 ff. ;x
Durat Mur.-Chab. 4478-82,2 Duratius (BG) DAG 156,3 Durati (gen.)
Oswald, Index 112.4 Note also Dumeledonas (Ogam) CIIC 368, Dumeli
(Ogam) CIIC 252,5 Dumelus (Lat.) CIIC 351 beside PNN in sumel-
listed in section (A) (i) s.n. Sumeli.
DUBNO-, D U M N O -
The name element dubno- 'deep, world', which gave rise to dumno-
by assimilation,6 is well attested in Gaulish personal names. It is cog
nate with Ir. domhan m. 'the world' (Olr. domun), doimhin, domhain
'deep' (Olr. domain), W. dwfn (f. dofn) 'deep', annwfn, annwn m. 'the
under-world, the other world, hell, the abyss, the deep' (GPC 146), 7
Corn, down, Bret, donn: Lith. dugnas 'bottom', O H G . tiqf 'deep' (IE.
*dheu-b-, *dheu-p- 'deep, hollow'). See Gluck, KN 68 ff.; d'Arbois de
Jubainville, JVC 51 ff., -RC22, 1901, 2 4 1 ; Holder, AcS 1. 1357, 1369 f.;
Pedersen, VKG 1. 35 (LP 3); Vendryes, MSL 18, 1914, 306 ff;
Dottin 62, 253, 254; W.-P. 1. 847 f.; W.-H. 1. 565; GO 146, 70, 118;
Ogam 5, 1953, 9 5 ; Jackson, LHEB 418, 484, n. 3 ; Pokorny, IEW 267;
Schmidt, KGP 199 f. For some instances of Welsh PNN containing
a cognate element see Gluck, loc. cit., Lloyd, Cy. 9, 1888, 45, J .
Baudis, Grammar of Early Welsh, pt. i (Oxford, 1924), 55, 57, Lloyd-
Jones, Τ Geninen 44, 1926, 12 and G. 412, Ifor Williams, Arch. Camb.
97, 1942-3, 210. For Breton names see Chr. bret. 127, VB 41, 135.
P N N : Cogidubnus DAG 156,8 [Co]gidubni CIL 7. 11, Cogidumno (dat.,
v.l. Togidumno) Tac. Agr. 14. 2 ; Conetodu[bnus\DAG 156, 156 Remark; 9
Conconnetodumnus BG,10 Congon[neto]dubni CIL 13. 1040, Congonnetodubni
CIL 13. 1042-5 ; u Dagodubnus DAG 136; Dubna DAG 156, 214, 244;
1
Compare P N N Sucaria DAG 83, -ius DAG 83, CIL 2. 5787, Sucarus DAG 214,
and see Appendix s.n. ?Duca.
2
= durat{ios) DAG 157. See most recently Colbert de Beaulieu, AB 64, 1957,
44, n. 91, Cat. Besangon, p. 19, no. 27, Homm. Gren. 431 f.
3
See section (A) (i) s.n. for discussion of this name and of others in durat-.
4
In DAG Whatmough gives the forms IDuratus DAG 136 (Potters of Lezoux; cf.
Durati{s) DAG 136 Remark 1 (b)) and Duratios, -us DAG 156 Remark Β (Doubtful
Potters' Names from Aquitania Secunda).
5
Sir Ifor Williams (Trans. Cyrnrnr. 1943-4 [χ946]> x 54) compared the Middle
Welsh PN Dyfel ab Erbin (see Lloyd-Jones, G. 432 s.n. Dywel). Beside the three
forms in dumel- listed here note maqi-Ddumileas (Ogam) CIIC 198.
6
Cf. Duvau, RC 22, 1901, 79, 83.
7
See Ifor Williams, PKM 99 f., id., CAn. 382 s.v. dwuyn. See also Lloyd-Jones,
G. 400 s.v. dwf(y)nL; GPC 1104.
8
— [Cojgidubnus CIL 13. 1040.
9
Cf. Conetodus DAG 140, Conetodu, Conetodubnus DAG 176, cone[ ]d (i.e. coneto-
dubnos?) DAG 177.
10
See section (A) (i) s.n.
11
= Congonnetodubnus DAG 156.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 197
Dubna.cus.DAG 83; Dabnia DAG 244; [D]ubnissi (gen.) CIL 3. 5421;
~\dubno DAG 151; Dumnorix BG, dubnoreix, -rex, dubn(o), dubnor(i),
dubnorx, dub(n), diimnorex num. ;l dubnocou, dumno-, -coiieros, -couiru DAG
177; 2 Dubnotalus DAG 214; Dubnovellaunos, Dubnovella, etc., num.,
Dumnobellau[nus] insc. ;3 DumnacusBG;4 IDumnane, Dumnana CIL 9. 306;
Dumnedo[rix] DAG 237; Dumnia DAG 83 ;5 dumn(p) num. Mack,
pp. 127, 131 (nos. 461-2) ; ό Dumnogeni IBCh 209; Dumnomotus DAG
156; Dumfjionius) CIL 7. 8 5 ; Dumnotalus DAG 237 (also 244); Eri-
dubnos, -us DAG 176; Oxidubna DAG 244; ??Segodumnus AcS 1. 1370.
4 - 5 ; Τογόδονμνος Dio 60. 2o. i, 2i. i ; Vercondaridubnus DAG 182;
Veriugodumnus DAG 214; Verodumna CIL 3. 3410: Λάιιπιηο CIL 2.
4431· 7
L E N N : Dumna Plin., Δοϋμνα Ptol. ins. (Lewis) ^ 4 ^ 1. 1368; Dumnis-
sus Denzen? DAG 221 (also 234), ?Dumno DAG 212; Dumnonii, Dum-
nonia, Domnonia, etc., JcS 1. 1370 f. ; 8 Dumnotonus (-ni-, -a) uilla Auson.
DAG 153; ??Geidumni DAG 212 ; 9 ??Pinpedunni (w.ll. -dumni, pinde-)
Plin. JVH4. 108.10
EPO-
ep(o)-11 (0-stem) is a common Gaulish name element, cognate with
O l r . ech 'horse', W., OCorn. ebol, Br. ebeul 'colt': Skt. dsva-h, Gr. ίππος,
Lat. έ?^&Γ (v. KN 42; BGJSi 4.1 ff.; ZM. .%. 26; jVG 106-44; A S 1.
1446; Dottin 256; ZEW 3 0 1 ; iT(?P 209; DGVB 154). Some of the
forms in -qu- listed here (e.g. Equaesus, Equesus, Equirus, Equonus) may be
Celtic, and may point to the sporadic alternation with -ku- (v. Palomar
Lapesa, OPL 72-73, 144). Loth [Memoires de VAcademie des inscriptions
et belles-lettres 43, 1925, 113 ff., v. RC 44, 1927, 410) argued that epo-
1
See section (A) (i) s.n. Dumnorix. Concerning coin legends in the Greek alpha
bet, δουβνο, hovvo, 8oj8vo, δοβ, δονο, etc., see Colbert de Beaulieu, EC 9, 1960-1,
486. Cf. id., Homm. Gren. 430, n. 1.
2
See also Holder, AcS 1. 1357 f.; Colbert de Beaulieu, AB 64, 1957, 45, Cat.
Besangon, p. 21, no. 34, Homm. Gren. 429 ff.; Mack, pp. 127, 131 f. (nos. 463-5);
IASB 260 f.; SBIA 30; section (A) (i) s.n. Dumnorix.
3 See section (A) (ii) s.v. VELLAUNO-.
4
See section (B) s.n.
5
= Dumniae (dat.) Esperandieu, RE 5, p. 164, no. 1628, ILG, no. 396. Schmidt
(KGP 271) gives Solidumniae (compounded) from this inscription.
6
See also IASB 260, SBIA 30.
7
For names in domn- which may belong here see section (A) (i) s.n. Donnotaurus.
8
See Forster, FT648; Smith, TB 44 s.n. Domnonie; O'Rahilly, EIHM 92 ff.;
Ifor Williams, BSRC s.n. Dannoni; Jackson, LHEB 275, 488, 675. For the Welsh
Dyfneint see Lloyd-Jones, G. 412 s.n.
9 See Gluck, KM 102 f.
10
See Οχέ, ΒJ 130, 1925, 71; Whatmough, DAG 84; Schmidt, KGP 256.
11
With syncope in forms like Atpomarus, Atpilos, and with hypocoristic doubling
in Eppo, Eppia, Eppius, etc.
198 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
was the 'cheval attele' whereas the lexical variant marca1 was the
'cheval monte'. Other Gaulish lexical variants are caballus, -a (see DAG
178, van Windekens, KZ 76, 1960, 78 ff.); mannas ca pony or small
horse' (see PID, it. 340D, vol. 3, p. 30, DAG 240, IEW 729, LEIA
M-38) ;paraueredus 'palfrey' (see DAG 79 and pp. 661, 793, IEV/861,
1106); iieredus ca post-horse' (see PID, it. 34ου, DAG 79, Note (xxvii)
Remark (p. 398), LeRoux, Ogam8, 1956, 367 ff.). T h e Indo-European
cognates of Gaulish epo- are frequently used in PNN over a wide area.
See, for example, S. Feist, Kultiir, Ausbreitung und Herkunft der Indoger-
manen (Berlin, 1913), 157, and W.-H. 1. 412 s.v. equus.
P N N : Apetemari DAG 59, Remark; 2 Adepicca DAG i86; 2 names in
atep-, also ?atped, Atpi[, Atpilli, Atpilos, Atpomarus, Atpor, all listed s.v.
ATE-; Epa DAG 194; Epacus 176; Epad 157;3 Epade[xtorix] CIL 13.
3064; 3 Epadatextorigi DAG 141 ; 2 Epasins 214; Epasnactus 151 ; 2 Epatic-
cus 182, 206, Remark; Epato (f.) 8 3 ; Έπατόριξ Gal. Spr, 155; Epatus
(m.) DAG 8 3 ; Epaxlae (dat.) CIL 13. 4371;+ €πψοσ, epenos DAG 177;
Epetinus CIL 3. 2423; Epetina 3. 2388; Epi DAG 206; Epia 8 3 ; Epilius
244; J5)fo7/a 237; Epillico (?dat.) AE 1954, 16; Epillius CIL 10. 3965;
Epillia EE 8, p. 83, no. 298, p. 84, no. 299; Epil{l)os DAG 157; Episi
194; isjbzw 182; Epi(us) 156, Remark; ££ο[ 83, ILTG 350; 2?/>o 244;
Epodunac 206; Epomeduos 157 ; 5 Έπονη Gal, Spr. 155; ?Epon(ius) DAG
224; Eporedirix 182; Έπορηδόρι,ξ Gal. Spr. 155; Eporedorix DAG 182 ; 2
i^itf 151, 157; Έποσόγνατος Polyb. 21. 37. I ff., Eposognatus Livy 38.
18. 1 ff.; Epotius DAG 8 3 ; Epotsorouidus (w.ll. -too-, -jter-) ZL4G 156;
€7Γ7τα Ζλ4(? 245; Eppamaigus DAG 87; 6 Ερραχία (-xia?) DAG 214; 7
£#>ώ Z>,4G 89; Eppillus Mack 43, 93 ff., L4S5 213 f., Z>,4G 206, Rem.,
1
καλ ιππον το όνομα ίστω TIS μάρκαν οντά ύπο των Κζλτών Paus. ΙΟ. Ι9· H } V.
DAG 178, 240, / E W 700, LEIA M - 1 9 f., D G F S 251. Compare τριμαρκισία DAG
178. It occurs also in LNN, e.g. Marcodurum DAG 221, Marcomagus ibid., Marco-
taxon (Scotland) ifaz;. 225 (v. BSRC 40) and PNN, e.g. Marcomarus DAG 244,
Marcosena PID VUB, U. Atf 2. 417, Schmidt, A"GP 237, Weisgerber, Rh. V. 18, 1953,
261. March is attested as a PN in Welsh, e.g. LL 225, 235, and in compounded
names such as Marchudd, Marchleu, Marchlwyd, Cynfarch, Elfarch, Gwyddfarch, and
OBr. Conmarc, Helmarc, v. EANC 75, 162, BBCS 7, pt. 2, May 1934, 122, Chr. bret,
27. W. marchwellt means 'tall, coarse grass' and marchwiail means *big sticks'
(v. Ifor Williams, ELL 51 comparing Eng. horse-chestnut, horse-radish). G. O. Pierce
('Astudiaeth ο enwau lleoedd Cantref Dinas Powys', M.A. (Wales) Thesis, 1953,
p. 238) notes other possible examples of march- with a similar meaning and sug
gests that it may have been used as a hypocoristic element in PNN.
2
See section (A) (i) s.n.
3
See section (A) (i) s.n. Epasnactus.
4
= PN ?Epaxta DAG 214. * See Puhvel, Lg. 31, 1955, 353 f.
6
= Eppamaigi (gen.) CIL 13. l i o n , but Epamaigi (gen.) CIL 13. 268. SeeKGP
210.
7
= Eppaxiae (dat.) CIL 13. 4372. Cf. Weisgerber, Rh, V, 18, 1953, 266; Ep-
paxile [sic] in KGP 209 should be corrected to Eppaxiae,
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 199
1
136; Eppimns DAG 156; Eppius DAG 83, 89, 182, 244, AE 1959,
i59(i); Eppo DAG 156, 237, 244; Epponina ( T a c , €μπονή Plut.,
Πβπονίλλα Dio Cass.) DAG 237; Epponus DAG 132.
LENN: Epamanduodurum (-mantiidnrwn) Mandeure DAG 234; ?Epan-
terii montani DAG 2; Epaona, Epaunon fivienne (Valois) or (?)Yenne
(Savoie) 80; Epatiaci (Aep-) portus 212; Epocessa Rau. BSRC 34;
Epoisso IA, Epuso JVD, Eposium Greg. Tur., etc., now Yvois, Ipsch
(Ardennes) AcS 1. 1454, DAG 209, 212; Eporedia PID LXA, p. 311 (cf.
PID, it. 340A, and see below s.v. eporediae); Epotius pagus DAG 80.
DNN: Atepomarus DAG 150; Epona PID 340A, DAG 38, 181, 211, 213,
223, 236, 243.2
GLOSSES : ebulcalium 'ungula caballina' CGL 3. 582. 35, epocalium ibid.
589. 63 ;3 epiraedia Juv. 8. 66, Quint. 1. 5, 68 ; 4 eporediae 'boni equorum
domitores' Plin. NH 3. 123 and LN Eporedia mod. Ivrea PID, it.
340A.S
EQU-
P N N : Equaesus OPL 72; Equas(ii?) DAG 182 ; 6 ?Equatia DAG 8 3 ;
?Equeisuique insc. of Penalba de Villastar Ampurias 17-18, 1955-6,
165 f. ;7 Equesus CIL 2. 2968 ; 8 Equirus DAG 176; Eqaonius DAG 237.*
L N N : Equabona IA, Abona Rav. AcS 1. 52 ; 10 ?Equosera Rav., now
Tortoles (Burgos) AcS ι. 1456.11
Equi and Equos in the Calendar of Coligny {DAG 227) have been
related to Gaulish forms in ep- and equated with Lat. equus 'horse'. 12
1
See also Oswald 115, CGP 181 f.
2
For full references see Holder, AcS 1. 1447 ff.; Rene Magnen, Iipona: diesse
gauloise des chevaux protec trice des cavaliers, and Emile Thevenot, Inventaire des monu
ments a Iipona, 1 vol. (Bordeaux, 1953), also a two-page supplement by Thevenot
{v. REA 58, 1956, 295). See further Duval, DG 46 if., de Vries, KR 123 ff. (cf.
Og. 14, 1962, 643).
3
See DAG 178, also Whatmough, Lg. 28, 1952, 267, Pokorny IEW 524, and
compare the gloss calliomarcus: equi ungula (i.e. colt's foot) DAG 158.
4
See Holder, AcS 1. 1445; W.-H. 1. 410; Le Roux, Og. 8, 1956, 372, n. 16;
Schmidt, KGP 209, n. 1; B. L. Ullman ap. Hommages a Lion Herrmann (Coll.
Latomus, vol. 44) (Bruxelles, i960), 745 ff.
5
See Holder, AcS 1. 1450 ff.; Whatmough, PID, vol. 3, p. 20; Pokorny, IEW
861; Le Roux, Og. 8, 1956, 372, 379 f.; Schmidt, KGP 209 f.
6
Cf. PN Equasia PID viic.
7
See also Tovar, Estudios 41, 124, 201. Cf. Lejeune, Celtiberica 16 f., Schmoll,
8
SVIHK 33 f. See Pokorny, Urg. 174, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 72 f.
9
Cf. Eqoa\ CIIC 129, Eqoddi 186, Eqqegni 230, Echadi 366. Pokorny (MSS, Heft
7, 1955, 57) explained Eqoddi (gen.) as *der mit dem Pferde vertraute'.
10
See Pokorny, Urg. 174, VR 10, 1948-9, 236 f., MSS, Heft 7, 1955, 67. Cf. de
Jubainville, RC 12, 1891, 478. " See Pokorny, Urg., loc. cit.
12
See Rhys, Celtae and Galli 30; de Ricci, RC 19, 1898, 219; Thurneysen, %CP 2
1899, 535 (cf. de Jubainville, RC 20, 1899, 108); Dottin, p. 256; Vendryes, EC 1
200 T H E M A T E R I A L ! AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
Goth, aistan. See, for example, Feist 27 f.; de Vries, Og. 5/2 (no. 27),
1953, 20, n. 7; Og. 6, 1954, 104; Pokomy, IEW 16, 342.
Concerning this god Esas see further the following:
S. Reinach, RC 18, 1897, 1371!., id., Cultes, mythes et religions 1
(Paris, 1905), 233 ff; de Jubainville, RC 19, 1898, 2456°.; Ihm,
P.-W. s.n.; Czarnowski, RC 42, 1925, 1 ff.; de Vries, Og. 5/2 (no. 27),
1953, 16 ff., id., KR 97 ff.; Le Roux, Og. 7, 1955, 33 ff.; Duval, DG
29 ff, id., EC 8, 1958-9, 51 ff.; Deonna, Og. 10, 1958, 3 ff.; Thevenot
ap. Hommages a W. Deonna (Coll. Latomus 28) (Bruxelles, 1957)3
442 ff.; Ross, EC 9, 1960-1, 405 ff.; Hatt, RE A 67, 1965, 90 f.
EX-, E X S - , ES-, E C -
The Gaul, prefix ex- is cognate with O l r . es{s)- (as(s)-) Out o f
(prep, a, as), M1W. eh- (prep, ech): Lat. ex, Gk. εξ (IE. *eghs). See
Holder, AcS 1. 1487; Pedersen, VKG 2. 294 f. {LP 262); W.-H. 1.
423 f.; Thurneysen, GOI 507 ff; Pokorny, IEW 292 f.; Schmidt,
KGP 212 f.; DGVB 154, 165. For the variant orthography in the
forms exs- and es- see Rhys, Insc. 20, Cis. 59, Holder, AcS 3. 460,
Dottin 63, Watkins, Lg. 31,1955,16 and see Appendix s.n. ??Κρανσικνος.
Thurneysen (£CP 14, 1923, 9, whence Weisgerber, SprFK 200,
Schmidt, KGP 202) recognized a variant form ec- before a consonant
in the form which he read as tomezeclai (?ponit (or posuit) me) in an
inscription of Voltino (see PID, it. 249 with commentary) and in the
coin legend Inecriturix. I have included forms in ec- in the lists below.
See also section (A) (i) s.n. Critognatus. Examples:
P N N : Aegritomari (gen.), with aeg- for ec-, and names in ecret-jecrit-, all
listed s.v. RET{T)-; ??Εκσιγγος DAG 61 ;l Esanekoti PID, it. 337; 2
Εσκεγγαι,1 Escengolatis, Εσκεγγορ.ονι,1 Escingo, Escincos,1 Esciggorix,
Escigius, Εσκιγγορζιξ,1 Escingus, Excingillius, Excingilla, Excingillus, Ex-
cingius, Excingomarus, Excingoniius), Exciggorigis (gen.), Excingus, Exscin-
cius, Exscingius, Σκιγγοριου (gen.), all listed s.v. CINGO-; ?Escornb[
(for Escobnus?) DAG 8 3 ; ?Escupius 237; Esopnio PID, it. 303 ; 3 Exapia
CIL 3. 5028; Exapila DAG 8 3 ; Exobna 244, -us 214, 244; Exomn 203;
Exomna 224 ; 4 Exomnacius PID xvic add.; Exomnianius DAG 224; Exom-
nius 182, 214, 224, 237, 244, MG, no. 6, CIL 5. 7832; Exomnus DAG 14
(see also 83), PID xiic; Exouna DAG 244; Exsobinno 2O8A; Exsobno 176
(also 238 (v)); Exsomna CIL 5. 7445; Exsomni DAG 216; Exsomnia
PID xic; Exsomnus DAG 237; Exuertini 188 ;l Inecriturix 206.
1
See section (A) (i) s.n.
2
'Exandecotti' ? See PID, vol. 3, p. 20.
3
See also PID, vol. 3, p. 20.
4
See now Guyonuarc'h, Og. 17, 1965, 144.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 203
G E N - , -GEN(N)-
This name element is well attested in Gaulish, and is usually con
nected with Ir. gainithir 'is born', 'begets' (see RIAContr. G 25 f.)5 W.
geni 'to give birth': Skt.jdnati, OLat. geno, Gk. yeveadau (IE. *gen- 'to
beget', see Urk. Spr. 110 f., IEW 373 ff., Og. 6, 1954, 305 f.).2 For dis
cussion of the various other forms that may be related to this root in
Gaulish see Gluck, KN 168 ff., Schmidt, KGP 216 ff., and the name
elements -CNO-, CEN- (for forms in cen-, -cin-, -gin-), GNATO- (for
forms in -gnat-, -cnat-, -gnut-), GNO- and GON(N)- (for forms in
-gon(n)-, -gon(n)eto-, -conneto- and -coneto-). See now EAAHA 194.
However, it is extremely difficult to distinguish Celtic from non-
Celtic forms in the lists of examples given below. Some of the forms in
gen- are likely to be Latin rather than Celtic. -gen{n)us and -gen(n)a
occur frequently as the second element in compounded names in
Gaulish. Like Latin -genus, -a, -urn (as in caprigenus 'descended from
a goat' and nubigena 'cloud-born') these conform with the inflection
of 0-/fl-stems, whereas Greek -γζνης (: γένος 'race, stock, family') and
Sanskrit jana-h 'man, person, creature', pi. 'people, folk, race' are
^-sterns (v. KGP 91, 216). Latin genus 'birth, descent, origin; race' is an
j-stem.
H . d'Arbois de Jubainville discussed the use of -genus in Gaulish
names. See NG 157, RC 8, 1887, 180-1; 10, 1889, 166 ff.; 19, 1898,
229-32; La Civilisation des Celtes et celle de Γ epopee homerique 172-9. He
argued that names in -genaj-genus expressed 'une filiation mytho-
logique', and that 'la filiation normale' was indicated by names in
-gnosf-cnos. The first element could be a divine name (as in Camulo-
genus), an abstract noun (as in Boduogenus?), a river name or the name
1
See p. 178, n. 13.
2
It should be noted that Olr. gen 'a smile, a laugh', also W. given (occurring as
a PN, see Lloyd-Jones, TGeninen 44, 1926, 10, id., G. 659), are sometimes connected
with Gk. γανάω *glitter, gleam, make bright', γάνυμαι *be glad', and quite un
certainly related to a root *gen- ^mile'. See Urk. Spr. n o , VKG 1. 96 {LP 28),
Og. 6, 1954, 305. Cf. Urk. Spr. 270, W.-P. 1. 258 f., W.-H. 2. 753 (see also 1. 584,
656), EC 3, 1938, 42 f. (Vendryes), IEW 1147, Og. 15, 1963, 116 ff. (Guyo-
nuarc'h). Moreover, IE. *gen-, *gne-, *gnd- *erkennen, kennen', seen in Ir. gni-n-
*to know' (as in itargninim) and W. adwaen *I know' (: Skt. jdndmi *I know', Goth.
kunnan, etc., see Urk. Spr. 116, VKG 2. 546 ff., LP 371 f., IEW 376 ff. and section
(A) (ii) s.v. GNATO·), should not be overlooked.
T H E
204 M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
for the sea (as in *Morigenos > OW. Morgen), an animal name (as in
Matugenus), the name of a tree (as in Vernogemis) or of a mineral (as in
*Isarnogenos > OBret. Hoiarngen).
Schmidt (KGP 67, n. 4) suggested that -genus as a second element in
PNN such as Suadugemis and Ogrigenus may be only ceine vollere Form
. . . die dazu dient, um eine Person nach einer bestimmten Eigen-
schaft als 4t der Sufie, Kalte usw." zu benennen'. This is a fair and
perhaps a correct interpretation of such forms. On the other hand,
perhaps we should understand the radical meaning c to be born'
in Suadugemis (?'sweet-born') 1 and Ogrigenus (P'cold-born', i.e. born in
a cold season), 2 as in Cintugenus ('first-born'), Samogenus (? c born in
summer').
This name element occurs frequently in neo-Celtic PNN. I give
a few examples only from Brittonic languages:
retention of the cluster -dg- in forms in Adgen(n)-f etc., is noteworthy. The assimila
tion of d+ another voiced stop was not complete in Continental Celtic as it seems
to have been in Brittonic (v. LHEB, par. 70). See further C. Watkins, Lg. 30, 1954,
517, noting examples of the retention of -db-. For other examples, such as PNN
Adbogius DAG 156, 237, Adbucietus DAG 156, Adgatus DAG 176, v. s. name ele
ment ad-,
1
Compare W. Concenn ECMW 182 = CIIC 1000. W. Cingen ECMW 287
( = CIIC 1033) was read Cunben by Sir Ifor Williams {Arch. Camb. 100, 1949, 168).
For W. IKyngenjKyn-gen v. Lloyd-Jones, G. 223, 248.
2
Nash-Williams (ECMW 404) read Gendili (Og.), Ge[ndili] (Lat.). Rhys refers
to a Welsh PN Gennillin; see also Lloyd-Jones, G. 528 s.n. Genillyn.
3
See Fleuriot, DGVB 174 s.v. (3) gen (also 175 s.v. gent).
4
Note also M1W. adyan 'progeny, lineage' which may be connected with the
root of the verb gent 'to be born'. See G. 8, GPC 21, LHEB 439. Lloyd-Jones (G.,
loc. cit.) compared Ir. aithgein 'rebirth, renewal* (v. RIAContr.). For W. anion
'nature* see LP 31, GPC 130, LHEB, loc. cit., Hamp, BBCS 16, 1956, 279 f.
2θ6 THE M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
W.-H. i. 598, TEW 373 f., KGP 218). l It is attested in a number of the
Celtic PNN listed below. Note also Gaul, gnatha daughter 5 DAG 164; 2
gnatus 'films' PID 340A, D ^ G 178; nate 'fili' ZL4G 178.3 For Gaul.
gen- see section (A) (ii) s.v.
The second is cognate with Ir. gndth (adj.) 'customary, usual,
familiar, well-known', (subst.) 'custom, wont, usage' (RIAContr. G.
116-17) and MIW. gnawt {nawt) (adj.) 'customary, usual, frequent'
(subst.) 'nature, manner, custom, usage' {G. 538), 4 beside Skt.jnatd-k
'known', Gk. γνωτός, Lat. notus (: IE. *gnd-to- 'known', related to the
root *gen- 'to recognize, to know', v. Urk. Spr. 116, W.-P. 1. 579,
W.-H. 2. 177, Og. 7, 1955, 281-2, IEW377, DGVB 177).
In compounded names -gnatus, -#, etc., is attested only as a second
element (possibly as a third element in PN Eposognatus). Knowledge
of the meaning and function of the first element in these names as
a rule indicates which of the two homonymous elements follows.5
For -γνητος, γνωσι-, and -γνωτος in Greek PNN see Bechtel 109-11.
P N N : Ategnate (dat.) CIL 3. 4732, Ategnatae CIL 3. 5698, Ategnati
(gen.) CIL 3. 4764^ Bellognatus DAG 237; Bitugnata DAG 156 (also
156, Remark B) ; 7 Boduognatus BG;S Bussugnata DAG 244; Camulognata
DAG 182; Cantognatus DAG 214; 9 Καρσιγνίτου (gen.) Pol. Gal. Spr.
1
W. nawt ?'kinsman, relation, companion' B T 3 1 . 17 may belong here. See Ifor
Williams, Τ Beirniad 6, 1916, 2 7 5 - 6 ; Loth, RC 48, 1931, 3 6 4 - 5 ; Lloyd-Jones, G.
337 s.v. gnawt1 {nawt). This form probably accounts for Pokorny's MIW. gnawt
'Verwandter' IEW 374.
2
See H. de Villefosse, Bulletin archeologique 1914, 490, Loth, CRAI1916, 182-3.
3
Compare de Jubainville, RC 8, 1887, 182-3, w n o suggested emending nate in
Endlicher's glossary to nato(n) 'thread'. See also Whatmough, Lg. 25, .1949, 390,
DAG, Note (xxxi), CPh. 45, 1950, 202. Thurneysen (ZCP 14, 1923, 9) suggested
a meaning 'filia' or 'filiola' for a form which he read as natina in the bilingual
inscription of Voltino. Compare, however, Whatmough, PID, it. 249 b. 2 (also
PID ii, pp. 549 f.). Otto Haas (ZCP 27, 1959, 211, 216; cf. id., £ C P 23, 1943, 292,
295) claimed that the inscription on the lead plate of Rom contained Gaul, cnato
'son'; but it is questionable whether the reading and interpretation are here cor
rect (Whatmough, who saw the inscription himself, read cat. here, without n and
with the comment that there was 'no trace of 0 after -cat.*, v. DAG, Note (xxvi) A,
1. 2 ; Egger now reads nemetoncaticno in line 2 of the inscription on face A, v. Og.
14, 1962, 441).
4
Compare Ir. gnds f. 'intercourse, companionship, frequentation; custom,
usage, practice, manners' (RIAContr. G. 115), MIW. gnaws (naws) m. 'nature,
manner, custom, behaviour' (G. 538-9), Br. neuz 'appearance' (cf. Loth, RC 22,
1901, 336542, 1925, 371-2).
5
De Jubainville wrongly insisted (RC 8, 1887, 181 if., also RC 26, 1905, 187)
that -gnatus should be related without exception to the root *gen- 'connaitre'. He
claimed that its proper meaning was 'habitue a' but that in some names it meant
'celui qui rend ordinairement un culte a une divinito'.
6
Compare PNN Ateknati PID 339 (gen.), Ategnutis DAG 151 (gen.).
7 8
Compare PN Bitugenitus DAG 244. See section (A) (i) s.n.
9
Cf. PN Cantocnato (dat.) CIL 13. 11652, not Cantognatus (with -g-) as in DAG 237.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 209
l
155, 171 f., Cassignatus Liv. 42. 57. 7 and 57. 9 ; Κατούγνατος DAG 8 3 ;
Cintugnatus DAG 25, 83, 87, 156, 195, 228 (ii), (iii), (iv), (v), -a DAG
8 3 : 2 Critognatus BG;3 Devignata CIL 3. π 6 4 6 ; Devognatae (dat.) CIL 3.
5101 ; Diddignatus DAG 237; EposognatusYAv. 38. 18. I ff., Έποσόγνατος
Polyb. 21. 37. 1 ff.; Gnata PID xiic, DAG 182, 208B, 237; Gnatus 151,
199 (-οή, 237 ; 4 Gnatia DAG 83, -ius DAG 83, 199, 237, ILTG 369;*
Gnatilla DAG 208, 214, -us DAG 237; 6 Gnatusius DAG 156; Λ ^ ί ί -
ignatkis DAG 244; Meddugnatus DAG 214; Ollognatus DAG 208A (also
214); Ollognatius DAG 2O8A (also 214); Samognatius DAG 208A (also
214, 244); Senognatus DAG 182,* Tedsicnatus DAG 244; Tugnatius DAG
244.
GNO-
This element seems to represent a zero-grade of IE. *f*tf- cto beget 5
(see section (A) (ii) s.v. GEN-). A cognate form is found in Lat.
privignus 'a step-son', benignus 'kind, friendly', malignus 'ill-disposed,
wicked', Gk. veoyvos 'new-born', Goth, niuklahs 'unmundig', Av.
d-zna- 'innate, natural', (?)Illyr. Voltognas (PN) CIL 3. 13402. See
W.-H. 1. 600; VKG 2. 27; ZEW375; Krahe, Spr. Illyr. 62; Solta, Die
Sprache 5, 1959, 188, n. 9. See also section (A) (ii) s.v. CNO-. In certain
names, as in PNN Enignus and Regtugnus, for example, -gno- may
have arisen from -geno- in Gaulish itself by syncope. The element is
well attested in the early inscriptions of the British Isles.
P N N : Aiciognuis) DAG 182; 7 Ategnia DAG 214; Ategniomarus DAG
237 ; 8 Ategnissa (dat.) DAG 237 ; 9 Ategnutis 151 ;10B[aid]agni CIIC 24.1 ;11
BattigniCIIC215; Brocagni CIIC 372;12 CatavignusPIDxvic;13?Celiognis
PID viiic (Ven.) ; 14 Coimagni CIICji, 166, 434; I S Colomagni CIIC 6 3 ;
Corbagni CIIC 98, 246, 357; Covagni CIIC 41, 289; Cunegni CIIC 374;
Cunigni CIIC 362; Curcagni CIIC 441, Curcagnus CIIC 369; Daimagni
CIIC 282; Dalagni CIIC 119, 230; Diuuogna DAG 185 ;16 Dobagni,
1
Cf. ?Cflwi[£]n*taJ ZL4G 83 ( = ?Cassi.neti CIL 12. 5686. 191), Cassignetus DAG
136. Note also PN Cassognati DAG p. 1077.
2
Cf. PNN Cintuginatus DAG 156, Cintucnatus DAG 156.
3
See section (A) (i) s.n.
4
Concerning the interpretation of forms such as Gnatus see Weisgerber, ΛΛ. F.
5
18, 1953, 262. Cf. PN CTwtfwj D4G 237.
6 7
Cf. PN Cnatillus DAG 237. See A"GP 120.
8
See AcS 1. 2030 s.v. *gnio-n, KGP 138, 139, n. 1.
9
See Germania 16, 1932, 286; 17, 1933, 14 ff.; KGP 139 (with n. 1).
10
Compare Atecnudis/-tis DAG 176, 203, 214, 228 (ix), and (Briua) Sugnutia
DAG 179.
11 I2
Compare Baidani (Lat.) ibid. Compare Brocann CIIC 187.
13
See KGP 167. Cf. Untermann, Btr. ζ. Ν. 11, i960, 302, n. 104.
14
See KGP 170.
15
See Jackson, LHEB 312 beside Williams, Trans. Cymmr. 1943-4, I 54·
16
See section (A) (i) s.n.
811930 Ρ
210 T H E M A T E R I A L ! AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
x
Dovagni CIIC 432; Enigmis DAG 244 ; Eqqegni CIIC 230; Gattagn[i]
CIIC 307; Giragni CIIC 69; Grilagni CIIC 85; Grimiggn\i CIIC 114;
Lacavagni CIIC 132; Laddigni CIIC 138; Losagni CIIC 236; Maglagni
CIIC 353 ;2 Mailagn(i) CIIC 60, Mailagni CIIC 160, 258; Mescagni CIIC
457 (.ω Zdg.); Λίσώώσφ] CZfiC 307; Nisigni CIIC 287; Ofog7zf CIIC
6 1 ; Olugnia (Teol-, EtoWi) DAG 224; 3 Q,arign[i] CZ/C 6; Qenilocgni
CIIC 192; Regtugniis DAG 224 ; 4 \maq\i-Rodagni CIIC 75, maqi-Rodagni
CIIC 87; Sagragni, Sagrani CIIC 449 ; s Scilagni CIIC 85; Sicogniniis DAG
214; Talagni CIIC 181; Tasegagni CIIC 28; Tessignius CIL 5. 805 ; 6
Velugni DAG 228 (ix), Velugnius DAG 214, 7 Velngnus DAG 237;
Vlatugni CIL 13. 10010. 2073 a - b - d ·; 8 Ulcagni CIIC 467, 472, Ulcagnus
370, Ulccagni 100; Vendogni (Ogam), Vendagni (Lat.) ECMW 298 ;$
Viragni CIIC 70; Vocagni CIIC 304.
D N : FigmztfZ^G 2 i i 3 213. 10
The function of -£7Z0- in many of these names is suffixal, probably
diminutive rather than patronymic.
GON(N)-
I first list instances of a name element gon(n)~, gon(n)et~ (con(n)et-).
PNN: Adgonna DAG 8 3 ; [Cjaedagonins, Caedago[nius] CIL 3. 10720;
Cow^toi&[4«Mj] a. s. DUBNO-iConconnetodumnusBG;11 Congon[neto]dubni
CIL 13. 1040, Congonnetodubni CIL 13. 1042-5; Congonetiacus (Biturix)
ZL4G 151; Congonnetiaci CIL 13. 800 (= DAG 156), Congonnetiacus
Livy per. 6 1 ; Congonetus DAG 244; Congoniae (dat.) C/L 5. 2413 ; 12
Congonius CIL 3. 1203; Congonna PID xiic; Congonnus PID xiic; ?yovoa
ZL4G 245.13 Note also the ethnicon or divine name Vosugonum (gen. pi.)
Nesselhauf 43. 1 4 Some of these names may not be Celtic, e.g. Caeda-
gonins from Pannonia Superior and Congonia (3 exx.) from C/L 5. But
1
Compare PN Enigenus DAG 6 and see AC 10, 1889, 170, A"GP 206 ff.
2
Compare Maglani CIIC 317.
3
See A"GP 139, n. 1. Note also Ollognus (-en-) DAG 136, 176.
4
Whatmough remarked 'i.e. Rectugenus\ See also A"GP 51, 257.
5
Compare Sagranui CIIC 489.
6
= Tessignia [sic] PID viic (Ven.). See KGP 219, 278, beside AcS 2. 1787.
7
See Weisgerber, Annalen des historischen Vereinsfiir den Niederrhein 155-6, 1954,
45 f-
8
See also Oswald, i/^fe* 343. Compare Vlatucni CIL 13. 10010. 2073°. What
mough gives the form Vlatucnos only {DAG 151, Remark B, 156, Remark).
9
Macalister read \V\endogni in the Latin alphabet (CIIC 422). Cf. Vendoni CIIC
328, 429·
10
See Schmidt, KGP 219, 285. Compare Dottin 296 s.v. vegnio-, Fowkes, Lg. 16,
1940, 292. Note also PN Vegnatius DAG 244.
11
See section (A) (i) s.n.
12 = P N Congonia PID viic.
13
See Holder, AcS 3. 1275.
14
See Whatmough, DAG 209, 211, Schmidt, KGP 219 (and n. 2), 300.
THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY 211
LANO-
We have to deal here perhaps with two homonymous elements:
(a) an element cognate with Ir. Ian 'full5, W. llawn, Br. leun: Lat.
cognate with Lat. phnus 'level, even, flat', Lith. plonas 'thin, slender'
(see IEW 806, 0^. 12, i960, 403 f., 531 f.). One or the other may be
attested in some of the following names. In LN Mediolanum it has often
been assumed that we have the second rather than the first. However,
see the authorities quoted here s.n.
P N N : lArsulana DAG 224, * llnulani (gen.) CIL 13. 8090; 5 Lana DAG
87; Lanianus DAG 203, Remark; Lanicus DAG 224; Laniogaisus DAG
237 ; 6 ?Lanipendia DAG 87; Lanins (or L.Anius or Ianius) DAG 182;
ILannio DAG 228 (iv); Lannoberga DAG 182; Lano FID xiic; Lanuccus
DAG, Note (xlv) C ; Laratf DAG 237; Visulanius DAG 244; Vridolanos
Blanchet, Traite 295, n. 2.
L E N N : Z,0H0 BSRC 36; Mediolanum, -lanium, -lan(i)ensis Milano PZD
IXA; Mediolanum (Biturigum) Chateaumeillant DAG 148; Mediolanum
(Santonum) DAG 153; Mediolanum (Aulercorum), Mediolannenses DAG
179 (see also 174); Mediolanum (Segusiauorum) Le Miolan(?) DAG
179; Mediol[anum), Med, Medlu perhaps R u Melaine (Oise), dis
tinguish Mediolanum Medelingen(P) DAG 212; MeScoXaviov Ptol. 2. 11.
13, Metelen or Mylen (nr. Gellep) ? DAG 221; MehioXaviov DAG 2 4 1 ;
Mediolana ND in Moesia secunda AcS 2.521; Mediolano Rav., Medialano,
Mediolano IA in Cheshire, nr. Whitchurch BSRC 40. 7
D N : Lanovalus DAG 82.
1
See Holder, AcS 2. 1198. 13 (s.v. rix), repeated by Schmidt, KGP 227.
2
See AcS 2. 66 (s.v. iotuo-), Cat. Besangon no. 42, Cat. Jura no. 16.
3 4
See P.-W. s.n. Iantinum, Og. 9, 1957, 335. See Schmidt, KGP 135, 229.
5 6
See Schmidt, KGP 227, 229. Compare DAG 250.
7
See further for sources and the distribution and etymology of Mediolanum the
following authorities: A. Longnon, RC 8, 1887, 374 ff«> id.* Les Noms de lieu de la
France (Paris, 1920-9); Stokes, Urk. Spr. 236; Holder, AcS 2. 497 ff.; Loth, REA
17, 1915, 193 ff., id., RC 37, 1917-19, 142 ; Dottin 264; Berthoud, Pro Alesia 9-10,
1924, 234 ff.; W.-P. 2. 61 f.; A. Dauzat, Les Noms de lieux (Paris, 1926), 105;
Jullian, REA 29, 1927, 306; Whatmough, PID, it. 340A; Weisgerber, SprFK 204;
P.-W. xv/i. 91 ff.; A. Vincent, Toponymie de la France (Bruxelles, 1937), 102 f.;
Vendryes, Recueil CI. Brunei, vol. 2 (Paris, 1955), 644; Og. 12, i960, 403 f., 531 f.;
Guyonuarc'h, Og. 13, 1961, 142 ff.; Le Roux, Og. 13, 1961, 169 f.
2l6 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
LATI-
A Gaulish element lati- seems to be attested in a number of names
such as those listed below. It has been explained as the Gaulish
equivalent of Ir. laith 'hero, warrior'. See de Jubainville, NG 47,
Holder, AcS 2. 150 s.v. lati- (also 153 s.v. latio-, 154 s.nn. Latins, -ia)>
Dottin, p. 265, Schmidt, KGP 229. For Ir. ld(i)th (1) 'warrior',
(2) 'heat, rutting' (of animals), see now RIAContr. L. 58 f. See also
Og. 13, 1961, 533 ff., Carinthia I 151, 1961, 436 ff., VB 131.
P N N : Andolatius DAG 8 3 ; Αηεχύαύ 244; ?Catulatio (dat.) CIL 5.
2594; Escengolatis DAG 83 ;* Ίστολατίου Diod. Sic. 25. 10. 1; Sego-
latius DAG 83, 176, 224, (Seglatius) 237 (also 244), -ia 8 3 ; Solatius 250;
Τανκολατις CRAI 1955. 91 (see section (A) (i) s.n.); ?Venilatus DAG
8 3 ; Volatei (gen.?) AE 1937, 54; 2 Volatia PID xic.
D N N : Edelati deo, Horolati DAG 86; ??deae Lati CIL 7. 938, 1348.
Some uncompounded PNN such as Laticcus DAG 83, Latti 231,
Lattius 83, Lat(t)o 83, 204, may also belong here, not to mention some
other names such as Latobici, -uici DAG 241 (EN), and Latobius DAG
243 (DN), 3 which have been variously interpreted. T h e precise
etymology of all these, as well as of the PNN and DNN listed above, is,
in my opinion, quite uncertain.
LITANO-
Celtic litano- is attested in the names listed below. It is cognate
with Ir. leathan 'wide, broad', W. llydan, Corn., Bret, ledan: Gk.
πλατύς 'wide, broad', πλάτος η. 'breadth, width', Skt. prathati 'spreads
out', prtkurh 'broad, wide'. See KN 85 ff.; Urk. Spr. 246; AcS 2. 242 f.;
Dottin 266; VKG 1. 42 f.; GOI131, 138; ΖΕΤ^ 833; KGP 232.
P N N : Βηπολίτανός Plut. muL virt., p. 259; 4 Καρθιλιτανιος DAG 27; 5
Κογγζννολιτανος DAG 27 ; s Κογκολίτανος DAG 19 (also 244) ; 6 Litania
PID xic; Litano[ DAG 87; Smertulitanus DAG 182 (also 237).
L N N : Litana BSRC 38 ; 7 Litana silua AcS 2. 243 ; 8 Litanobriga DAG
212 ;9 Volitanio BSRC 50.
1
Cf. Og. 13, 1961, 373.
* Cf. CIL 9. 1592.
3
See most recently Guyonuarc'h, Carinthia I 151, 1961, 436 ff.
4
See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 154, 168 f., Schmidt, KGP 148.
5
See section (A) (i) s.n.
6
See Scherer 209, Schmidt, KGP 67, 80, 182.
7
Compare LN Litinomago Rav. (in Scotland) BSRC, loc. cit.
8
Note especially Livy 23. 24. 7 silua erat uasta, Litanam Galli uocabant, etc., and
see Whatmough, PID, it. 340A, Dunbabin, CR 56, 1942, 69.
9
See G. Matherat, Mim. presentes... ά Γ Acad, des inscr. et belles-lettres xiv. 2.1951,
I-Go, P, Durvin, BSAF 1959, 92 ff.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 217
LITAVI-
This name element is attested as follows:
P N N : Convictolitavis (BG) DAG 182;3 ?Litauat[iis DAG 182; Litaiiiccas
DAG 182 (BG)* 214, 237; Litauus DAG 182; L E N N : Letauia, i.e.
Armorica DAG 179;* ?Litauicrari (loc. sg.?) Z)^4G 234; 6 D N N :
Cobledulitauus DAG 155; Litauis 181, 236.
Thurneysen (ZF 4, 1894, 84 f.) connected it with Skt. prthivi f.
'earth' and Gk. 77λάταια, from the same root as Ir. leathern "wide,
broad', W. llydan, etc. (v. s. LITANO- above), and claimed that
Letavia (OW. Litau, ModW. Llydaw, Mllr. Lethd) really meant 'breites
Land, Festland'. See also d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 16, 1895, 116;
Pedersen, VKG 1. 60 {LP 11); Dottin, p. 266; Specht, £"£64, 1937, 8;
Vendryes, EC3,1938, i77;0'Rahuly,i?nz/14, 1943, 13; Guyonuarc'h,
Og- 9> I957J 116, n. 1; Pokorny, IEW 833; Schmidt, KGP 232,
Thurneysen's etymology is more satisfactory than that proposed by
Stokes {Urk. Spr. 248 f.)7 who would connect litaui- with Lat. litus n.
'sea-shore, coast' or with lis (gen. litis) f. 'strife, quarrel, lawsuit'.
LITU-
Litu- (w-stem)8 is cognate with Ir. lith (w-stem) 'festival, festivity,
luck, prosperity' (RIAContr. L. 168 f.; see also Dinneen 667),
Bret, lit, lid 'solennite, ceremonie, religieuse ou non, caresse, bon
accueiP (Troude 401). See Ernault, Le Mystere de sainte Barbe (Paris,
1888), 327, id., GMB 370; Bezzenberger, Urk. Spr. 247; Zimmer,
£ts.f. deutsches Alterthum u. deutsche Literatur 32, 1888, 284 f.; Thurney
sen, Festschrift Whitley Stokes (Leipzig, 1900), 20 ff.; Holder, AcS 2.
247; Pedersen, VKG 1. 132 f.; Fraser, £CP 10, 1915, 78; Dottin, pp.
115, 267; W.-P. 2. 394; Feist 329; Schmidt, KGP 232 f, Guyonuarc'h,
Og. 14, 1962, 605 f., Fleuriot, VB 51. For Welsh forms see J. Morris-
Jones, Cy. 28, 1918, 184; Ifor Williams, BBCS, vol. 5, pt. 1, Nov.
1
See Weisgerber, SprFK 192; Schmidt, KGP 66, 80, 122; Le Roux, Og. 11,
1959, 218; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 12, i960, 200.
2
Compare D N Cobledulitauus DAG 155 (v. s. LITAVI-).
3
See section (A) (i) s.n.
4
See section (B) s.n. Compare the coin legends lita, litau, litauicos, AcS 2. 245,
DAG 177, Homm. Gren. 436 f.
s See Holder, AcS 2. 243. Compare OW. Litau (Lettau), M1W. and ModW.
Llydaw, Ir. Lethae (see Jackson, LHEB 375 f.).
6
The form may be personal rather than local. See DAG 237, KGP 232.
7
See also Gluck, KN 120 f. and compare W.-H. 1. 815 s.v. litus.
8
The stem vowel appears as -0- in the composition joint in some names, e.g.
Litogene(s), Litouir.
2I3 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
a;zw
IQ2Q, 6 f-j ^ . , ^ Taliesin (Caerdydd, i960), 84. W. Hid m. 'wrath,
. jj^nation, passion' is not cognate with these forms as Zimmer
and Pedersen (ll.cc.)1 thought. Thurneysen (loc. cit., see also SprFK
203, Loth, RC 40, 1923, 358, whence Schmidt, KGP 233 f.) was
convinced that it was a different form, and claimed that it was cognate
with Ir. luth 'motion, strength, power, vigour, joy 5 (see RIAContr. L.
Q f Dinneen 689) and with a Gaulish name element lutu-
fe £· m PN Lutumarus DAG 237, 244). See also Mots latins 182, Urk.
Stir. 257, Fraser, loc. cit., W.-P. 2. 415, IEW6QI. Sir Ifor Williams
proposed {BBCS 8, 1937, 230, whence Pokorny, IEW 680) that W.
Hid pointed to a root *let- ? c rut, heat', then 'anger, ardour, passion'.
There is no means of telling for certain whether any of the examples
of names in litu-, lito- listed below contain a Gaulish equivalent of this
Welsh form. See, however, section (A) (i) s.nn. Δαγολιτους, Λιτού-
LUGU-
Gaulish lugu-, which is well attested, 1 has been the subject of much
etymological speculation. The divine name Lugus (pi. Lugoues)2 is re
lated to the Irish divine or hero name Lug(h) (gen. Loga, Logo, Luga)
and the Welsh hero name Lieu, and these are related to MIW. lieu
'light' (subst. and adj.), goleu, Corn, golow, Bret, goulou, etc. 3 See the
following authorities:
H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Le Cycle mythologique irlandais et la
mythologie celtique (Paris, 1884), 137 ff., 174 ff., 204 fF., 293 fF.; id.,
Etudes sur le droit celtique (Paris, 1895), 3°5 ^ Ι ^ . , RC 27, 1906, 319 fF.;
Rhys, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as illustrated by Celtic
Heathendom (London, 1892), 383 fF.; id., Celtic Folklore, Wehh and Manx
2 (Oxford, 1901), 656 fF.; id., Cy. 21, 1908, 3 fF.; Holder, AcS 2. 345;
Loth, Les Mabinogion 1 (Paris, 1913), 195, n. 1, RA 24, 1914, 205-30
{RC 37, 1917-19, 141); W. J . GrufFydd, Math vab Mathonwy (Cardiff,
1928) passim; Ifor Williams, PKM 275 f., CAn. 119; M.-L. Sjoestedt,
Dieux et hews des Celtes (Paris, 1940) xi, 58 fF.; A. G. van Hamel,
Mythe en Historie in het Oude Ierland (Amsterdam, 1942) (see Pokorny,
Keltologie 127); O'Rahilly, EIHM 513 f.; Vendryes, Rel. Celt. 278 f.,
313; Arzel Even and F. Le Roux, Og. iv/7 (no. 24), 1952,289 fF., 306;
Arzel Even, Og. 5, 1953, 309 fF.; 8, 1956, 81 fF., 416; Gricourt, Og.
7, 1955, 63 fF., 65 fF.; A. Audin and P.-L. Couchoud, Revue de Γ hist,
des religions 1955, 44 fF.; Dumezil, EC 8, 1958-9, 283, n. 1; de Vries,
Og. 10, 1958, 278 fF., KR 50 ff.; Blazquez Martinez, RPH 89 ff.; Le
Roux, Og. 14, 1962, 639 ff.; A. Audin, Homm. Gren. 152 ff.
The local name Lug(u)dunum has also been the subject of repeated
conjecture, both in ancient and in modern times. Perhaps the most
satisfactory view is still the one that has found favour with modern
etymologists who interpret the name as 'the fortification/fortress of the
god Lugus/Lug'. 4 But the name has been explained in other ways. In
ps.-Plut. de fluuiis 6. 4 it was related to a form λοΰγος 'raven'. This
1
Instances are listed below.
2
Whatmough wrongly claimed (Og. 7, 1955, 354) that this divine name is not
attested in the singular in Continental Celtic.
3
See Rhys, Lectures on the origin and Growth of Religion as illustrated by Celtic
Heathendom 408, Cat. 26, Cy. 21, 1908, 3 ff.; Pedersen, VKG 1. 98; Morris-Jones,
WG 109 (cf. Loth, RC 36, 1915-16, 157); W.-P. 2. 410; LP 29. Compare Pokorny,
Urg. 132 f., IEWQos, and see Jackson, LHEB 441, Fleuriot, DGVB 197. Loth (RC
47, 1930, 166 ff.) would connect Gaul. Lugus and Ir. Lug(h) with Mllr. lug 'lynx,
warrior RIAContr. L. 235), which he sought to relate to MIW. llewyn 'fox',
llewynawcy llwynein (plu., ms. llwyuein), ModW. llwynog. For llewyn and llwynein see
now Sir Ifor Williams, CAn. 324, and for llwynog see D. M. Jones, TPhS 1953,
43 ff. See further, concerning Lugus, van Tassel Graves, Og. 17, 1965, 167 ff.
4
See, for example, de Jubainville, locc. citt.; Vendryes, RC 35, 1914, 384-7,
CRAI1940, 55, Recueil CI. Brunei ii (Paris, 1955), 646.
[Page Missing]
[Page Missing]
222 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
IEW 696; Weisgerber, SprFK 204; Feist 339; Jackson, LHEB 440 f.;
Scherer 209; Vendryes, LEIA M - 7 0 ; Fleuriot, DGVB 249 f.
P N N : Magulla DAG 250; Magunia DAG 83, 237, -ius DAG 8 3 ;
Magunna DAG, Note (xlv) C ; (?)Maguno CIIC 272 ;x Magunt[DAG&<$;
Magunus DAG 214; 2 Μαγουρζιγυ DAG 51 ;3 Magurio DAG 214;
Magiirins DAG 244 ; 4 Magurix DAG 177 ; s Magus DAG 182 ; 6 Magusatia
DAG 182; Magusius DAG 8 3 ; IMayovn DAG 54; 7 Taximagulus BG*
D N : Magusanus DAG 213, (?)223·8
Note also the gloss magulus c cinaedus'(?) Schol. Iuv. 2. 16 which
Whatmough (Z)^4G 178 s.v.) compared with Celtic magu-. See further
section (A) (i) s.nn. Μαγονρειγι and Taximagulus and Appendix s.n.
?Μαγουτι. For names in mac(c)- see section (B) s.n. Μακκαριουι and
Appendix s.n. Sumaco.
Some of the Insular Celtic forms quoted above seem to point to an
w-stem mogu-, a by-form of Celtic magu-; but it is quite uncertain
whether any Continental names in mog(u)~ belong here, names such
as Mogulus OPL 87 (PN),* Mogounus DAG 213, 236 (DN or PN
(DAG 214)), I0 Mogontia DAG 213 (DN) or Moguntiacum (-ont-)> -enses
ZL4G234(LEN)."
MANDU-
Names in mand(u)- listed below are doubtless of multiple origin.
A number of them are probably to be related to the form mannus
'a pony' or 'a little draught horse' first attested in Latin by Lucretius
3. 1063 (dimin. mannulus Plin. ep. 4. 2. 3) and claimed as Celtic by
Consentius (ed. H. Keil, Grammatici Latini, vol. 5 (Leipzig, 1923), 364.
9). For sources see Holder, AcS 2. 409 f. Basque mando 'mulus' is
interpreted as a loan word from this form. It has been suggested that
it came into Latin from a non-Celtic northern dialect, possibly
Illyrian. See the following:
W.-P. 2. 232 f.; Meyer-Lubke, # £ ^ 5 2 8 9 ; Whatmough, PID, it.
340, vol. 3, p. 30, id., Foundations of Roman Italy (London, 1937), 156,
1
Macalister translated maguno as 'boy'.
2
Compare PNN Magunus, -onus PID viiic (Ven.).
3
See section- (A) (i) s.n.
4
Compare PN Macuri (-g~) DAG 244.
5
See section (A) (i) s.n. Μαγουραγι.
6
For the coin legend magus (or macus?) see Colbert de Beaulieu, EC 8, 1958-9,
149 ff. Note also PN Macus DAG 132.
7
See Appendix s.n.
8
Cf. Macusano DAG, Note (xlviii), 7, and see Schmidt, KGP 235, 265, Weisger
9
ber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 40 (: Gaul, -magus?). Cf. PN Mogolius ibid.
10
See Pisani, KZ 72> !955» 215 f., Le Roux, Og. 11, 1959, 222, de Vries, KR 73.
11
Cf. Loth, RC^o, 1923, 380, Krahe, Sprachliche Aufgliederung und Sprachbewegungen
in Alteuropa (Wiesbaden, 1959), 18.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 223
id., DAG 240, id., Lg. 27, 1951, 574 f.; Weisgerber, SprFK 204;
Krahe, Fest. f H. Bulle (Stuttgart, 1938), 205 f., Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946,
189, 202, Spr. Illyr. 70, 84, 115; W.-H. 2. 29 f.; E.-M. 684; Tovar,
Estudios 154 ff., ALSP 128, Celticum (Supplement to Ogam, no. 86,
1963), 395; Hubschmid, Pyrenaenworter 28 f., ELH 143; Lejeune,
RPh. 8, 1954-5, 282, n. 1; Pokorny, IEW729 (see also 699); Schmidt,
KGP 236 f.; Vendryes, LEIA M-38.
However, d'Arbois de Jubainville (NG 127 f.) claimed that Gaulish
mandu- (in names such as Mandubracius, Mandubilus, and Manduessedum)
should be related to the root *mendh~ seen in Gk. μβνθήρη- φροντίς,
μανβάνω Ί learn', etc. (see IV.-P. 2. 270 f., IEW 730), and that the
form pointed to an 'adjectif preceltique mndhu-s "qui reflechit a",
"qui se preoccupe de", en gaulois mandu-s\ See also Holder, AcS 2.
404 s.v. mandu-, Ifor Williams, An Inventory of the Ancient Monuments in
Anglesey (London, 1937), cxv s.n. Catamanus,1 id., CAn. 315.
PNN: Carti{s)mandua (regina Brigantum) v. s. CART-; Catumandus
DAG 83; Mandalonius DAG 208D, 214; Mandatus DAG 83, 87, 237;
Mandelana PID xic; Mandia DAG 224; Mando DAG 151, Remark B;
Mandonius, Μανδόνως AcS 2. 402 ff.; Mandu[ DAG 182; Mandubenos
DAG 177; Mandubilus (-bius?, -blius?) DAG 237; Mandubracius BG;2
Manduilla, -us AcS 2. 405; Manduilus DAG 132; Manduissa DAG 208B;
Manduli[o] (or -ull[o] (dat.?)) CIL 2. 4516 = 6147; Melmandus CIL 2.
5790·3
LENN: Epamanduodurum (-mantudurum) Mandeure DAG 234; Mandubii
DAG 179; Manduessedo (v.l. -esedo) I A Mancetter (Warwicks) AcS 2.
405 ;4 Sextanmanduus pagus DAG 179; Viromandui, Vero-, Vermandois
DAG 212.
Some names in mann-, e.g. PNN Mann[ DAG 244, Mannia PID XIB,
Mannius DAG 2O8D, 224, Manno[(?) DAG 237, Manno DAG 244,
Mannus DAG 203, LN Mannaritium DAG 221, D N Mannus DAG 223, s
may also belong here.
MARO-
This is one of the commonest name elements in Gaulish, particu
larly in PNN. For collections of examples see Becker, KSB 3, 1863,
432-5, Zeuss-Ebel, GC 16, n. 2, d'Arbois de Jubainville, Etudes gram-
maiicales sur les langues celtiques (Paris, 1881), 5* if., Holder, AcS 2.
432 f., Schmidt, KGP 237 ff., Sicardi Rivista di studi Liguri 23, 1957,
1
For this name see also section (A) (i) s.n. Catamantaloedis.
2
See section (A) (i) s.n.
3
See Tovar, Estudios 156, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 86 f.
4
See Jackson, JRS 38, 1948, 58 s.n.
5
Some of these may be Germanic. See W.-P. 2. 266, IEW 700.
T H E
224 MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
233, and the lists below. It occurs, almost without exception, 1 as
a second or third element.
Maro- 'great' is cognate with Ir. mor, mar 'great', W. mawr, Co. Br.
meur: OHG. -mar2 in names such as Volkmar and Hlodomar, Goth.
merian 'to praise, to make known', OSax. mdrian, O H G . mdren, Goth.
-mers 'famous', O H G mdri, Gr. -μωρός,3 Slavonic -mer* (IE. *mero-/
*mdro- 'great, important'). See KJV 76 fF., Urk. Spr. 201 f, AcS 2. 432,
VKG 1. 49, Dottin 270, 357, W.-P. 2. 238, J . Kurylowicz Etudes
indo-europeennes 1 (Krakow, 1935) 99, W-H. 2. 14, GO 136, LEW JOA,
KGP 77-80, 238, LEIA M-18.
As Schmidt pointed out [KGP 67), compounds of substantive+
-mams may be either tatpurusa or inverted bahuvrihi compounds.
Thus PN Nertomarus, for example, may be rendered as either 'great in
strength' or 'he whose strength is great'. The further possibility that
-marus often functioned as an adjectival suffix in such forms in Gaulish
had been noticed by Gluck (KJV 77, n. 5), Pedersen (VKG 2. 15), and
Vendryes (EC 5, 1950-1, 238). It was assumed that the cognate neo-
Celtic forms often functioned in this way in certain types of com
pounds such as W. nerthfawr 'strong', Ir. nertmar, ithemar 'greedy', and
e'tmar 'jealous'. Schmidt accordingly argued and stressed (KGP 72-73)
that the function of -mams in most of the compounds of this type was
suffixal. He pointed out in his argument that -marus was used as
a second name element far more frequently than any other Gaulish
adjective, and that it occurs very often in hybrid compounds. But it is
extremely difficult to tell, even with compounds in -favor in ModW.,
for example, whether the adjective is functioning as a suffix, and
whether its meaning, 'great, big, large, etc.', is obscured. It is my
impression that this is not often the case in Welsh, and the same may
be true of Gaulish. Even in hybrids such as PNN Iuliomarus and
Auctomarus, which, I think, are by no means as numerous as Schmidt
suggests, there is no need to suppose that -marus functions as a suffix.
In compound names of the type preposition+adjective and adjective+
adjective Schmidt concedes that the common meaning of -marus is
1
For possible exceptions see the list below.
2
Note also -merits in P N Catumerus Tac. arm. 11. 17. Cf. Schonfeld 61 f., Scherer
207.
3
In €γχ€σίμωρος (Homer, v. LSJ 476), Ιόμωρος (Homer, v. LSJ 832), and
νλακόμωρος (Homer and Nonnus, v. LSJ 1847). Compare σινάμωρος (Hippocrates,
Anacreon, etc., v. LSJ 1599) and σονμωρος (Hesychius, v. LSJ 1621). See C. D .
Buck, A Dictionary of Selected Synonyms in the Principal Indo-European Languages
(Chicago, n.d.), 8 7 9 ; C. D. Buck and W. Petersen, A Reverse Index of Greek Nouns
and Adjectives (Chicago, n.d.), 346; Schmidt, KGP 78; Frisk, GEW 440.
4
Possibly borrowed from Germanic. See now Schmidt, KGP 77-80. See further
Scherer Anglia 76, 1958, 433, Milewski Lingua Posnaniensis 7, 1959, 291, J. Svobody,
Zpravodaj Mistopisni Komise CSAV 1, i960, 109 f.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 225
preserved. However, he explains PNN such as Dagomarus and Viro-
marus as 'grofi an Giite5 and 'grofl an Mannern', and is disinclined
to explain them as dvandva compounds (cf. J . Schnetz, Glotta 16,
1928, 131). But the latter interpretation may be the correct one.
Schmidt in fact concedes that PN Marovirus may be a dvandva com
pound (see also KGP 69).
For -marus in names compounded of three elements, v. KGP 70-72
and υ, s. PN Apetemari in section (A) (i).
Vendryes remarked (EC 5, 1950-1, 247) that in names which have
-marus as a second element, the first element frequently denotes
a physical or moral quality, e.g. nerto-, iantu-, elvio-.
For Welsh PNN in mor- v. Lloyd-Jones, Υ Geninen 44, 1926, 13 (cf.
Lloyd, Cy. 9, 1888, 50-51). For Breton names v. Chr. breL 153. For
Germanic *mera- see Scherer 199, 208. For Thracian -marua, -mora see
Detschew, Thr. Spr. 289. For Slavonic -mer see above.
DAG 214; Vismarus Liv. 24. 42. 8; Ussomar(i) (?gen.) CIL 13. 10010.
543· 1
L E N N : Solimariaca, -ensis, Sol\imariaca (or Sol[icid) DAG 212 (also 234). 2
D N N : Αηβχύοτηαταβ (dat.) Finke 94, 3 Anex[tlomaro](?) (dat.) C7L 13.
319ο, 4 Αηβχίιοτηατο (dat.) £!£" 7, p. 439, no. 1162 ; 5 Atepomarus DAG 150;
Bussumarins, -ras DAG 243 ; 6 Dinomogetimarus DAG 8 2 ; Solimara DAG
150.
MARO- as first element:
PNN Maroboduus DAG 224 (also 237, 244)7 a n d Marovirus DAG
2O8A; 8 L E N N Μαρόβονόον DAG 2 4 1 ; Maroialus, Marogilum, etc., A S
2, 434 f.;9 Maromago Rav., in S. Scotland BSRC 40 ; 1 0 Marosallenses
uicani, Marosallo Marsal (Lorraine) Ζλ4£ 2Ι2. 11
MORI-
Gaulish mori- 'sea' is cognate with W.Corn.Br. mor 'sea', O l r .
muir (gen. mora): O H G . mare, men, OChSl. morje, etc. Pedersen (VKG
1.32) claimed that Celtic -0- in this form represents IE. -0- and sug
gested that -β- in Lat. mare, etc., is secondary. 5 In W.-P. 2. 234 s.v.
*mari 'Meer' it was claimed that -0- arose in Celtic under the
influence of the preceding labial consonant 'unter noch zu
bestimmenden Bedingungen'(?). See also Thurneysen, GOI 5 1 ;
Whatmough, Lg. 29, 1953, 4 8 3 ; Schmidt, KGP 245; Krahe, Sprachliche
Aufgliederung und Sprachbewegungen in Alteuropa (Wiesbaden, 1959),
23 f.; A. Nehring, Festschrift fur Franz Rolf Schroder . . . hrsg. von W.
Rasch (Heidelberg, 1959 [i960]), 122-38; Vendryes, LEIA M-73
(Meid, IF 67, 1962, 119). T h e gloss muria 'brine, pickle' (see W.-H.
2. 130, IEW 742, cf. DAG 79) probably does not belong here. Dis
tinguish also ?mori 'fanum' DAG 178 and see section (A) (i) s.n.
Moritasgus.
P N N : Moria DAG 156, 203, Remark; ?Moricam(ulus) Oswald, Index
211; Moriconis DAG, Note (liii) (p. 1077); Moncus DAG 182, 202;
Moridic ECMW 61 ; 6 Moriena DAG 237; Morinus DAG 136, 151,
Remark A, 182, 204, CIL 2. 5812; Moriregis (gen.) CIL 7. 409;
Moritasgus BG; Moritex DAG 224 (or common noun, see Glosses
below); Morius DAG 214; Vindomoruci (gen.) CIL 7. 948.
L E N N : Aremorici, Armorici, -a, -icanus DAG 179 (cf. Glosses below);
Μορικάμβη (Μοριακάμβη) Ptol. 2. 3. 2 Morecambe Bay (Lanes.);
Moriduno Rav., IA., \M6\ridumo for \M6\riduno in Devon BSRC 41 ; 7
1
See also PID, Indexes, p. 30, DAG 240, IEW 703.
2
See Whatmough, Lg. 25, 1949, 391.
3
Whatmough (Lg. loc. cit., CPh. 45, 1950, 202) suggested that this form more
properly meant 'dizzy'.
4
See Rhys, Insc. 32; Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 65 f.; Vendryes, LEIA M-23, 24 f.
5
See also Pokorny, W.-P. 2. 234, n. 1, IEW 748, Krogmann, ZCP 20, 1936,
287, n. 1.
6
Compare PN Mo[re]dic ECMW 147.
7
Compare Muridono I A 482, 9, Muriduno 483. 7 and Maplhovvov (v.l. Μορί-)
Ptol 2. 3, 12 beside ?Mari[duno] Haverfield, Athenaeum 1 Aug. 1896, p. 86 = id.,
EE 9, 1913, p. 634. See Holder, AcS 2. 427, 629, Forster, FT248, Jackson, JRS38,
1948, 58, LHEB 34.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 233
Morincum Moirans-du-Jura (Jura) AcS 2. 630; Morini DAG 212;
Morionio Rav. in West Dorset BSRC 4 1 ; Vindomora I A Ebchester
(Durham) AcS 3. 347.
D N : Moritasgus DAG 181. 1
GLOSSES: The ethnic name Aremorici is explained in the Endlicher
Glossary as 'antemarini, quia are ante, more mare, morici marini 5 , see
DAG 178. For morimarusa 'mortuum (i.e. congelatum) mare' Plin.
NH 4. 95 see PID 340B, DAG 220. For moritex (negotiator Britanni-
cianus) in an inscription of Cologne Β J 92, 1892, 261 = GIL 13.
8164a (possibly a common noun meaning 'sailor') see DAG 207 and
p. 1360 (with refs., to which add Pedersen, VKG 2. 648, LP 401).
MOT-
Some of the names in mot(t)~ listed below may be Gaulish cognates
of one or other of the following Irish forms: (a) moth m. (0-stem)
'amazement, stupor'; (b) moth (mod) m. 'membrum virile; a male
being, a man' beside toth 'membrum muliebre'; 2 (c) moth .i. guth
( = Voice'). See RIAContr. M, col. 175, Hessen 2. 133, Schmidt,
KGP 245.
PNN: Bimottia DAG 208D (also 214) ; 3 ?Κασσυμοτουλου DAG 74 ; 4
Couertomotul Blanchet, Manuel p . 81; 5 ?Dacomot[ DAG 224 ; 6 Dumno-
motus DAG 156; ?Motrus 244; Mot(t)ius, Mottus 196, Motti 237;
Mottia DAG 208D,7 Gallia 20, 1962, 712; Mottio DAG 2O8D, (also 214) ; 7
Mottius DAG 244; Motto (dat. f.) 2 O 8 D ; 7 Motto f. DAG 244;»
Mot(t)ucus DAG 197; Mottus DAG 208D (also 214) ; 7 Motuacus
DAG 214, 237; Motuca DAG 237; Motucius DAG 208D (also 214) ; 7
Motucus DAG 182, 214; Motuidiaca Mur.-Chab. 3990-4005 ; 9 JWbta·
Z^4G 139, 228 (iv); ?Motuso DAG 214; 10 Sumotus DAG 244;
1
See section (A) (i) s.n. Moritasgus.
2
For the etymology of Ir. moth Membrum virile' and toth Membrum muliebre'
(RIAContr. to-tu- col. 265) see Strachan, KZ 33, 1895» 304, M. O'Briain, £ C P 14,
1923» 325» Thurneysen, Rh. Mus. 77, 1928, 335. Cf. W.-H. 2. 138, E.-M. 757,
Vendryes, LEIA M-65 f.
3
See Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 331, 339, 354, n. 1. Compare section (B)
4
s.n. Βψμος. See section (A) (i) s.n.
5
Whatmough's Counertomotul DAG 245 must be an error.
6
Quoted by Holder, AcS 1. 1213 after Schuermans 1836.
7
These names were included by Weisgerber in a list of the names of the Treveri
the language of which could not be precisely determined (Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 331,
also 354, n. 1). See also note 3 above.
8
See Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 342, Pokorny, Urg. 125.
9
See also AcS 2. 647, Blanchet, TraitS 129, Gourvest, Og. 11, 1959, 227,
Colbert de Beaulieu, RAE 10, 1959, 45-48, id., Cat. Jura, no. 7. Not motuidiacos as
listed by Whatmough in DAG 151 and 157.
10
Read Motusu? See Holder, AcS 2. 647. 27 f.
L'34 THE M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
N A M O - , N A M A N T O - , etc.
Gaulish namo- and namio- and derivatives such as namato- and
namanto- are attested in a number of names, as listed below. These
names are probably of multiple origin. In many of them namo-, etc.,
may be related to one or other of the IE. roots distinguished by
Pokorny, IEW 763 f. as (1) *nem- 'allot, take' seen in Gk. νέμω
fi
I distribute', νόμος 'custom, law, ordinance', Lat. numerus 'number',
etc., and (2) *nem- 'bend' seen in Skt. ndmati 'bows, bends', Gk. νέμος
'wooded pasture, glade', Lat. nemus 'wooded pasture, grove', Gaul.
νβμητον 'shrine, sanctuary?' DAG 57 (Insc. of Vaison), 3 Mllr. neimed
'sanctuary' (RIAContr. N - O - P 21 ff.), M1W. nyuet (see Ifor Williams,
PKM 298 ff.),4 etc. It is tempting to suggest that W. naf'lord' (used,
especially in addressing God) belongs here. 5 It may be an exact cog
nate of Gaulish namo-, Namanto- in PNN Namantins, Namantus, Namanto
and Namantobogius was related by Dottin (p. 274) and Vendryes
(CRAI 1948, 221, EC 5, 1950-1, 238, Corolla Linguistica Festschrift F.
Sommer (Wiesbaden, 1955), 229) to Mllr. ndma(e) (ί-stem, gen. namat)
'enemy'. Pokorny {IEW 763) suggested that this Irish form might be
related to the root *nem- 'allot, take'. However, Micheal O'Briain
{ZCP 14, 1923, 321 f.) interpreted it as a 'participle in -nt from the
verb am = "to love" with the negative prefix ne-\6 Forms in namato-
(notably in compounds with the prefix ad-) beside forms in namanto-
may show loss of -n-, possibly by analogy with a form such as Gaul.
carato-, a form of contrasting meaning (see section (A) (ii) s.v. CARO-).7
1
See Schmidt, KGP 275 s.n.
2
A. Scherer (Anglia 76, 1958, 434) suggested that -motus in Gaulish P N N might
be a form of -mogetus showing the loss of intervocalic -g- (see Albertos, Eminta 24,
1956? 294 ff.). But if -g- were to disappear in this form we should expect to find
forms in -moetus or -moitus rather than in -motus. I know of no such forms in Ancient
Gaul.
3
Compare Galatian Spvvepcrov (-ναίμ-) 'place of assembly' Strabo 12. 5. 1.
567c (see Gal. Spr. 159 f., DAG 246, Og. 12, i960, 195); nimida (i.e. nemeta), nemet
'woodland or mountain shrine' DAG 79 (with refs.); uernemetis (abl. pi.) 'fanum
ingens' DAG 158, Og. 12, i960, 195 f.; nimidi SVIHK, no. 123.
4
See also Loth, Chr. bret. 154 s.v. nimet, id., 'Fanum et simulacrum dans la
vie la plus ancienne de Saint Samson', RA 20, 1924, 4 9 - 6 3 ; Guyonuarc'h, Og.
12, i960, 185-97.
5
This involves the rejection of the ingenious etymology proposed for naf by
Loth in ACL 3, 1907, 39 and supported by Fowkes, JCS 2, pt. 1, 1953, 2.
6
See also Vendryes, LEI A N - 2 (Meid, IF 67, 1962, 119), Szemerenyi, Fachta-
gung Innsbruck 206.
* See Schmidt, KGP 246 f. Schmidt claimed that a nasal was lost before -t- in
forms in ad-namat- owing to a shift in the accent caused by the prefixing of ad- (see
also KGP 98).
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 235
On the other hand, it is quite possible that namato- and namanto- are
distinct, the one with an old Celtic -ί-suffix, the other with an old
-/z/-suffix. Schmidt claimed {KGP 247) that namo- is an abbreviated
form of namanto-, pointing out in support of this view that namo-
occurs in composition only as a second member. But there is no need
to assume that namo- is invariably an abbreviation of a longer form
such as namanto-. Many of the names listed below probably reflect
a Celtic 0-stem namo which did not arise through abbreviation. Forms
with -mm- may show hypocoristic doubling.
P N N : Names in adnam-, an(n)am-, see section (A) (ii) s.v. AD- ;x Nama
f. CIL 12. 2356; Namantius DAG 83; Namantobogi (gen.) AE 1949, no.
75 ? Namanto DAG 203 = 224; Namantus DAG 203, 228 (ix); Namatius
DAG 151, 156, 159, 182, 83 ; 3 Nameria DAG 182, -ius DAG 8 3 ;
Nametus DAG 182; 4 Namia DAG 151; ?Namicus DAG g; ?Namidia
DAG 8 3 ; Namilianus DAG, Note (xlv) C, 136; Namilius DAG 8 3 ;
Namio AcS 2. 676. 3g; Namiorix DAG 244; Namita DAG 203; Namm[
DAG 244; Namma DAG 244; Nammauos DAG 2O8B, 244; Nammeius
BG;5 Nammia DAG 83, 156, 214, -ius 83, 151, 237 ;6 Nammiola DAG
156; Nam(m)o DAG 202, Remark, 2^;Nammoni (gen.) CIL 3. 11584;
Nammota DAG 214; Namnis DAG 237; Namonius CIL 5. 6048; ?Nam-
roni DAG 87; Namuni (dat.) PID xiic; Namu AcS 2. 681. 24; Namus
DAG 132; Namusa AcS 2. 6 8 1 ; Namuso DAG 244; Namuta DAG 8 3 ;
Namuto AcS 2. 682.
L E N N : Adnamantia ND, An(n)amatia ΙΑ ΤΡ Rav., v. AcS 1. 156, 3.
628; Namare TP (Noricum) AcS 2. 674; Namarini Plin. NH 4. i n
(Hisp. Tarrac.); Namucum (-£-), Namon now Namur DAG 212, 221.
D N : IN am daemon, Nammutum at Namur DAG 213.
For ναμασατ[, να/χαυσατ[ DAG 78 and ναμανσικαβο DAG 67 with
ναμ- beside ?ν€μαν[ DAG j8,7 Nemausus (-m), Νέμαυσος (-οι>), Νζμαύσιοι,
Nemausensis (-iensis), Nemuso Nimes (Prov. Nemze) DAG 80 (see also
82), 8 Νςμωσσός capital of the Aruerni DAG 148,9 and PN Nemausina
1
Compare PNN Adnema DAG 9, Adnomatus DAG 244 and see section (A) loc. cit.,
s.n. Adnema, KGP 249 f. s.n. Adnomatus.
2
See section (A) (i) s.n.
3
See also AcS 2. 675.
4
Compare perhaps the ordinal nametlos] 'ninth' of La Graufesenque (DAG 104
(b), 1. 1, wrongly read as naumet\os\ by Loth, RC 41, 1924, 8). See Loth, RC 41,
1924, 38, Thurneysen, £CP 16, 1927, 300 f., GOI 250, Meillet, BSL 29, 1929, 32,
Weisgerber, SprFK 205. For PN Adnametus DAG 151, 156, 237 see Schmidt, KGP
247, n. 2.
5 6
See section (B) s.n. See also AcS 2. 677.
7
See also Ogam 14, 1962, 131 ff., EC 11/1, 1964-5, 64 ff.
8
See Sablou, Le Vieux Nimes 1958, no. 27, pp. 1-16 (REA 60, 1958, 364), Lafon,
Actes ier Congr. Int. Lang. Litt. Midi de la France (Avignon, 1957), 297-301.
9
See Whatmough, DAG, pp. 126 f., id., Die Sprache 1. 1949, 127.
236 THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
DAG 83 with nem-, νεμ-, see Pictet, RC 2, 1873-5, 6, Rhys, Insc. 16,
Pokorny VR 10, 1948-9, 220, id., <ΐ?Ρ 24, 1954, 105. l EN Namnetes
DAG 1792 is problematic. Note also LN Namnasa Pomp. Mela 3. 1. 15.
NANTU-
Gaulish nantu- {nanto-) is cognate with W. nant Valley, water
course, stream 5 , 3 Corn, nans,4 pointing to IE. *nm-tu- with a weak
grade of the root *nem- 'bend 5 seen in Skt. namati 'bends, inclines',
natd-, etc. (see above s.v. NAMO-). See Holder, AcS 2. 687, Pedersen,
VKG 1. 149, Weisgerber, SprFK 205, Hubschmid, Praeromanica 107 f.,
Pokorny, IEW 764, Schmidt, KGP 247 f.,s Lebel, PMHF, parr. 43,
197, 328, 581. The meaning 'valley, water-course' is confirmed by
nanto c ualle', trinanto 'tres ualles' in the Endlicher Glossary 613. 8 (see
DAG 178 with refs.). Pokorny (Urg. 166) suggested that Celt, nantu-
was Illyrian in origin. Like Whatmough {DAG, p. 577) I doubt
whether there is a different nanto- {nantu-) in the divine name Nanto-
suelta as has been suggested by some scholars.6
P N N : ?Conantius AcS 1. 1089;? Nant[DAG 214; Nanthinus Greg. Tur.
h. Fr. 5(36); Nantil{us) DAG 237; [N]antimaro (dat.) REA 58, 1956,
279; Nantiorix (f.) DAG 237 ; 8 Nantironius DAG 237; Nantius DAG 156,
237, Nant{ius) 2O8B (also 244); Nantia DAG 237; ?Nanto DAG 182;
Nantonicn DAG 141 ;9 Nantonius CIL 7. 198; Nantu[ ILTG 334 bis;
Nantuas (ethn. ?) or Nantuasius DAG 237; ?Nantuirn{u)s REA 61,
1959, 397·
L E N N : ?Dionantis {Deo-) Dinant DAG 212; ?Nantes ciuitas DAG 234;
*Nantiacus Nancy (Meurthe-et-Moselle), etc., AcS 2. 684; Nantiniaca
uallis AcS 2. 684; Nanto AcS 2. 685; Nantoialus, Nantogilum, Nantollus,
etc., AcS 2. 685 f.; Nantua uilla DAG 149, Remark; INantuadis Nantua
(Ain) AcS 2. 687; Nantuates DAG 15 (also 241); ?Voginantus now
Saint-Denis-sur-Loire (Loire-et-Cher) AcS 3. 435.
1
See also Whatmough, HSCP 60, 1951, 180 concerning P N N Adnamu and
JVamzotf.
2
See also Holder, AcS 2. 677 ff., Pedersen, VKG 1. 167, Smith, 7 3 89, Vendryes,
Recueil de travaux qffert a M. Clovis Brunei vol. 2, 643. For a recendy discovered
instance of the name see AE i960, 291 (also Gallia 19, 1961, 412).
3
See Vendryes, RC 44, 1927, 256, Thomas, EANC 50.
4
See R. Williams, Lexicon Cornu-Britannicum (Llandovery-London, 1865), 263.
5
Schmidt claimed that names such as Conatius DAG 228 (iv), Κονάτος DAG 250
(cf. conat, κονατ DAG 177, Conatius DAG 214), Conatus DAG 139, 244, and Vona-
torix DAG 224 belong here. But this is highly speculative. Other interpretations of
these names are possible.
6
Vendryes (LEIA N-7) hints at the interesting possibility that Gaulish names
in nantu- (nanto-) show an element cognate with Olr. niit *combat, battle*. See also
de Jubainville, RC 10, 1889, 229 and refs. s.n. Nantosuelta.
7 Cf. AcS 3. 1266. 40. See Schmidt, KGP 176, 248.
8 9
See AcS 2. 684, KGP 75, 247, DAG, p. 627. See section (A) (i) s.n.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 237
D N : Nantosuelta DAG 213 (also p. 1352) with bibliography to which
add P. Lambrechts, Contributions a V etude des divinites celtiques (Bruges,
1942), 100 ff., F. M. Heichelheim and J . E. Housman, LAntiquite
classique 17, 1948, 305-16, Vendryes, ReL Celt. 274, de Vries, KR 94.
NERTO-
Gaulish nerto- 'strength, might, power' is cognate with Ir. nert, W.
Corn, nerth, Bret. nerz. See AcS 2. 723, VKG 1. 136, Dottin 275, IEW
765, LEIA N-10, DGVB 266.
PNN: names in cobnert-, comnert-, coneri-, cou(i)nert-, v. s. COM-; Esunertus
DAG 237 ;l Nert\_ 244; Neriz 156, 2 C 8 E ; Nsrtacus 151; Nertecoma
RE A 58, 1956, 71 ff.;2 ?Nertes DAG 182, 244; Nertilla CIL 3. 2806 ;3
Nertinius DAG 156, 244; Nertinus 151, 182; Nertius 151 (-us?), 182;
names in nertomar-, v. s. MARO;4 Nerton[ CIL 3. 5190, Nertonio (dat.)
CIL 6. 3435, Nertonus CIL 13. 8792 ; 5 Nertoualus DAG 9; Nertus 83, 156,
176, 202, 228 (ix), 237, 244; ?]nertus 224; Urogenonertus 182.
L E N N : Neprepeovot 241; Nertobriga AcS 2. 723 ff. (three names).
D N : ?Nerta DAG 243 (s.n. Auert[entes?]).6
OLLO-
An element olio- has been interpreted as the Gaulish equivalent of
Ir. oil 'great, ample', W. oil 'all', Corn, ol, oil, Bret. oil. See Stokes, BB
IC
/> J 893, 100 comparing Gk. πολλός, id., Urk. Spr. 52 f. comparing
Lat. pollereJ In W.-P. 1. 85, IEW 24, on the other hand, 8 it was sug
gested that Ir. oil is cognate with Lat. ollus (IE. *olno-). See also A.
Carnoy, Origines des noms des communes de Belgique (Louvain, 1948-9),
511, Flutre, REPL 210. Vendryes wisely remarked in LEIA Ο-21 s.v.
oil Έ η somme rien de sur'. In the divine name Ollogabiae (see below
s.n.) olio- may be a hyper-Celticism for Germanic al(l)a- 'all'. Finally,
in names such as Condollus, -ius, Couxollius, and Cicollus, -oll(i)o- may be
an 1(1) -suffix and therefore may not belong here.
P N N : Bituollus DAG 203, 215, 224 ; 9 Condollius DAG 237, 244, Condollus
1
See Holder, AcS 1. 1478 f., Schmidt, KGP 211, 249.
2
See Appendix s.n.
3
See Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 241.
4
See also section (A) (i) s.n. Nertomari.
5
Not Nertonius as in AcS 2. 726. 9.
6
DN Nerthus f. Tac. Germ. 40. 2 does not belong here. See Whatmough, DAG
223, Ροΐοηιέ, Latomus 13, 1954, 167 ff., Schroder, Die Sprache 6, i960, 135 ff.
7
See also Holder, AcS 2. 847, Dottin 276, Fowkes, Lg. 16, 1940, 289, What
mough, Lg. 33, 1957, 595.
8
See also W.-H. 2. 206 f., 332, Thurneysen, GOI 48, 500, Scherer, p. 208,
Schmidt, KGP 250.
9
See Schmidt, KGP 67, n. 3, 92, 150, 251.
238 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
ORBIO-
A Celtic (?) name element orbio- (also orbo-, orbi-?), cognate with
Olr. orb (0-stem) m. 'a patrimony, landed estate; an heir, scion',
orba(e), orpe, etc. (/0-stem) n. and m. 'a patrimony, heritage, real
estate' (see RIAContr. N - O - P 152): Gk. ορφανός 'orphan', Lat. orbus,
etc., seems to be attested in some of the following forms: P N N Orbia
DAG 83, 151 ; 13 Orbiacianius CIL 2. 311 ; 41 0[rbi]ana CIL 2. 4080;
Orbici (gen.) CIL 5. 1851; [0]rbieni (gen.) CIL 2. 5694; Orbiotal. CIL 7.
198, Orbiotali (gen.) AE 1952, no. 37 ; 7 Orbissa DAG 214; L E N N :
Orbaniacus Orbigny (Indre-et-Loire) DAG 179 ; IS Orbicusfl.AcS 2. 864;
Orbis fl., Orobus, "Οροβι,ς, now O r b ZL4G 80. See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 40;
Holder, AcS 2. 864; Pedersen, VKG 1. 118 (LP 39); W.-P. 1. 183;
GO/ 39, 219; W.-H. 2. 219 f.; /EPK 781 f.; Treimer, Og. 9, 1957,
1
See O'Rahilly, JEfflAf 230 f., Schmidt, KGP 66 f., 91, 182, 251.
2
The interpretation proposed by Schmidt, KGP 185, is highly speculative.
3
See also Oswald, Index 224. Compare PN Olugnia (Teol-, Etol-?) DAG 224 (see
Schmidt, A*GP 139, n. 1).
4
See Schmidt, KGP 69, 250.
* See Schmidt, KGP 59, n. 1, 69, 251, Scherer 208 beside de Jubainville, RC 8,
1887, 182. Compare PN Olognato? DAG 140 (also Olognatus DAG 156, Remark B).
6
Whence Schmidt, KGP 251. Compare PN Olosinus DAG 151, Remark B.
7
See section (A) (i) s.n.
8
Latin? Compare PN Olus DAG 244, jV.-L. 106 (see also AcS 2. 849) ?
9
See Weisgerber, 5/>rFA" 197; Thurneysen, £CP 20, 1936, 379, GOI 181;
Specht, Λ"£ 64, 1937, 8; Bertoldi, EC 2, 1937, 28 ff.; Vendryes, EC 3, 1938, 176.
Whatmough (DAG, p. 628) compares the gloss cicolus (v.l. ciculus) *cuckoo' (see
DAG 158 s.v., where, however, Whatmough discounts any connexion with
Cicollus). For another doubtful etymology proposed by Whatmough see Og. 5,
1953, 65. See also Schmidt, KGP 66, 171, 251.
10
Compare DN Alagabiae DAG 223. See, with references, Gutenbrunner 156 f.,
Whatmough, DAG, pp. 852, 1352, Schmidt, KGP 250 f., id., IF 66, 1961, 270.
11
See Dottin 292, n. 1, Gutenbrunner 154, Schmidt, KGP 251.
12
See section (A) (ii) s.v. AUD-.
« For PNN Orbia, -ius see also AcS 2. 865.
14
See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 89.
" See also Holder, AcS 2. 864.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y 239
297 f. It is unlikely that the OW. personal name Urbagen, Urbeghen,
Urbgen (M1W. Uruoen, Urien), and OBr. Urbgen contain a cognate
element. 1 Vendryes (EC 5, 1950-1, 244, see also id., LEIA Ο-27 f.)
claimed that forms in urbi-2 also belonged here, and that these should
perhaps be related to forms in uerb-juorb-.3 This view, I think, as
Schmidt (KGP 252) does also, is wrong. Forms in urbi- may well be
Latin or, as Hertz suggested (ad Schmidt, KGP, loc. cit.), Latinized
forms of Celtic orbi-S Forms in uerb-juorb- are rather cognate with Gk.
ράμνος (a name of various prickly shrubs), Lat. verbera 'a thrashing,
flogging', Eng. warp, etc. (: IE. *uerb(h)- 'turn, bend'). See Pokorny,
VR 10, 1948-9, 251., IEW 1153. Some of the names in orb- cited above
may, on the other hand, point to the IE. root *erb-j*orb- found in
words denoting dark colours and possibly in Gaul, eburo- (< *erburo- ?) . s
See W-P. 1. 146, Pokorny, VR, loc. cit., IEW 334, Mayer, Spr. alt.
Illyr. 1. 2 4 9 , 2. 12.
ORGETO-
Gaulish orgeto- is attested in the following personal names: Orgetorix
DAG 182,6 244 (BG),7 orcetirix, orcitirix, orceti[, orcet[, orgetirix, orget[
DAG 177; 8 Orcetius, Orgetia 244;^ Orgete(i) GIL 3. 5191. It is ap
parently a /-stem (cf. Gaul, cingeto-, see Chapter I I I (A) (ii) s.v.
CINGO-) to be related to the verbal form orge 'occide' oiCGL 5. 316.
70 and to Insular Celtic forms such as O l r . orcaid 'kills, slays', OBret.
orgiat gl. caesar (leg. caesor), treorgam gl. perforo: Arm. harkanem
1
See Nicholson, £CP 3, 1901, i04ff.; Williams, BBCS 7, 1935, 388; Forster,
FT 826, n. 2 ; Jackson, LHEB 436, n. 2, 439, 648; id., Studies in the Early British
Church, ed. N. K. Chadwick (Cambridge, 1958), 285; Vendryes, LEIA Ο-27 f.;
Bromwich, TYP 516 ff.; Fleuriot, VB 47.
2
Note, for example, P N N Urbicius DAG 214, 237; Urbicus DAG 214, 224, 237,
244; Urbilus DAG 136; Urbo DAG 244; LENN Urba fl. Orbe DAG 234, 2 4 1 ;
Urbia fl., Urbiensis Orge DAG 179.
3
Note, for example, P N N Verbacius CIL 3. 3381, Vorbia GIL 3. 1765°; LENN
Verbannus locus, Verbanus, Ου€ρβανός PID IXA; pagus Verbigenus DAG 241; Verbinum
I A, Vironum (Viruinum?) TP, Vervins (Aisne) DAG 212; DN(?) Verbeiae (dat.)
CIL 7. 208.
4
On the other hand some forms in orbi- may point to Latin urbi-. Moreover,
one must reckon with the incidence and influence of the Latin z-stem orbi- in
proper names.
5
For eburo- see section (B) s.n. Εβουρος.
7
6 == Orgetori[ CIL 13. 3024. See section (A) (i) s.n.
8
See section (A) (i) loc. cit. The stem vowel in the composition joint here is
-i-. Concerning the alternation of -g- and -c- see Chapter III (A) (ii) (c). It is
doubtful whether any other names in ore- (e.g. P N N Orcio DAG 199, Orcopril 177,
Orcos 224, 228 (vii)) are cognate. These may be related to Ir. ore (o-stem) m. *a
young pig* (see IEW 841, LEIA Ο-28) or to the gloss orca (a sea-monster, a large
jar, dolium) DAG 158.
9 See CZL3. 5630, 11803.
240 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
Ί strike'. See VKG 2. 587 ff., W.-P. 2. 42 f., LP 386 f. (comparing
Hitt. harganu 'to destroy'), KGP 252 f., IEW 819, LEIA O-30, DGVB
277. Although orgeto- is not an exact equivalent of OBr. orgiat it is
probably identical in meaning, i.e. 'killer, murderer' or the like. PN
Orgot(i) (gen.) in an inscription of Lugdunum Convenarum reported
by Duval, REA 59, 1957, 353 after Labrousse 1 may also belong here,
and also other PNN in org- such as Orgesa DAG 83,2 Orgilus DAG 237,
Orgius DAG 151, 182, 224. Moreover, the element orgeno- in the ethnic
name Orgenomesqui (in Cantabria) AcS 2. 874 f. has been interpreted
as a derivative of Celtic org- 'to slay, kill' and related to Ir. organ,
orcun (tf-stem) f. 'the act of slaying, murdering; murder' (v.n. of
orcaid). See Thurneysen, GOI100, Schmidt, KGP 70, 242, 253, What-
mough, Lg. 33, 1957, 595 ('in view of -qu- not Keltic'), Albertos,
Emerita 28, i960, 300, Vendryes, LEIA O-30. Compare now D N
Orgeno (dat.) discussed by G. C. Susini in Homm. Gren. 1449-53.
Schmidt also suggested that PNN Origena CIL 2. 6298 and Origanionis
(gen.) CIL 13. 1412 show a svarabhakti vowel between -r- and -g- and
point to Celtic orgeno-. Cf. Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 301 and see
s.v. GEN-.
RATO-
A name element rato- cognate with Ir. rath 'grace' (see RIAContr. R.
15 f.), W. rhad (see Thurneysen, GOI 131 beside Pedersen, VKG 1, 144,
2. 34, LP 49), 3 or, less probably, with W. rhawd 'course, career' (: Ir.
ra{i)the 'a period of three months, a quarter of a year, a season', see
IEW 864) 4 may be attested in some of the names listed below (e.g.
PNN Ateratos, Cassisuratus, Duratius, Suratus). Gaulish forms in rat(o)-,
rati- are, however, certainly of multiple origin. For account must also
be taken of -rate, -ratum, which is well attested as a second name
element in LENN (e.g. Argentorate, -ratum, Carbantorate) and by itself in
the form ratin (ace.) 'rampart' in the Gaul, inscription of Vieux-
Poitiers (Vienne) DAG 152. This element is cognate with Ir. ra(i)th
c
an earthen rampart surrounding a chief's residence, a fort, rath'
(RIAContr. R. 17 f.),s W. beddrawd 'grave, tomb, cemetery' (GPC 268),
MlBret. bezret 'cemetery': Lat. pratum 'a meadow'. See W.-P. 2. 86,
f x See Annales du Midi 68, 1956, 140 ff. For a comment by Lafon see Vlth Inter
national Congress of Onomastic Sciences, Munchen, 24-28 August 1958, Reports of
Congress, ed. Karl Puchner, vol. 3 (Munchen, 1961)5 487. Cf. CIL 13. 288.
2
?Compare PN Origesus DAG 228 (ix) with svarabhakti vowel.
3 See also DGVB 293 and section (A) (ii) s.v. RET(T)-.
* See also Hertz apud KGP 256.
5
Compare Ir. rath *a surety, guarantor; suretyship, a guarantee, pledge'
{RIAContr. R; 16 f.). See Thurneysen, Die Burgschaft im irischen Recht {Preufi. Akad.
der Wissensch. 1928, Phil.-hist. Kl. 2), 3, 34, 35 f., id., £CP 18, 1930, 364 ff.; D. A.
Binchy, Crith Gablach (Dublin, 1941), 102 ff.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 241
W.-H. 2. 358 f., IEW 843 f. Distinguish Gaulish ratis 'fern' (Marcell.
de medic. 25. 37) beside Ir. raith (z-stem) f. 'fern, bracken' (RIAContr.
R. 6), W. rhedyn, OCorn. reden gl. filex {Voc. Corn., v. OCV 288), Bret.
radenn. See W.-P. 2. 21, W.-H. 2. 420, DAG 158 s.v. rath, IEW 850.
P N N : Ateratos DAG 151 ;x COMW| uratos DAG 177;2 Diorata DAG 156,
-rato- 140, 176, 182 ; 3 Z)z/rai Mur.-Chab. 4478-82, Duratius (BG) DAG
156, Durati (gen.) Oswald, ώώ,γ ι ΐ 2 ; 4 ?Messirato Oswald, ώ ώ * 203;
Ratiagro (dat.) C/Z, 10. 4969; Ratiatus DAG 156, Remark B, 204;
itawKtf DAG 228 (ix); Arf£rc[ DAG 214 ; 5 Aziw[ ZX4G 237; Ratulla DAG
237; ?Ratumediae (dat.) CZL 5. 4457; Suratus DAG 244^
L E N N : Argenioraie itinn., Ptol. (-τον), Amm., -«?/ζώ. . . now Strassburg
DAG 234 ; 7 Carbantorate Meminorum, Carpentorate, Carpen tora{c)tensis
Carpentras DAG 80; Ratecorion Rav., 'Pare Ptol., Ratas, Ratis IA,
(a) Ratis insc, now Leicester BSRC 44; Ratensis pagus (Greg. Tur.)
Retz DAG 179; Ratiaria {Rait-) DAG 241 ; 8 Ratiaton {-ate), Ratiatensis
DAG 153 ;9 Ra [tis], Ratis, Radis DAG 80 (also 153); Radasbonensis {-is-),
-bona, Ratisbon DAG 241 ;10 Ratumagus, Rot{h)omagus, -enses, Ratumacus
Rouen DAG 179 (also 177); Ratum[agensis'i'] DAG 212; ?]ioratenses CIL
13. 2464."
D N N : Rata, Ratis DAG Note (xlv) Β ; ?Ratum[ DAG 213 (or local, see
above s.n. Ratum[agensis?~\). The divine name Ratamatus listed by
Holder, AcS 2. 1075 is a misreading οι CIL 13. 2583 s .
RECTU-
Gaulish rata- (w-stem) in PNN such as Atrectus and Rectugenus (see
below) is cognate with Irish rarAi (w-stem) m. 'law', M1W. reyth f.
'compurgation, body of compurgators' (also OW. cymreith, cyfreith,
M1W., ModW. cyfreith f. 'law'), Bret, reiz f. 'order, arrangement,
e t c ' : Lat. rectus, Eng. right, etc. See, inter alios, Esser, Btr. z. gallo-
keltischen Namenkunde 3 ff., Stokes, Urk. Spr. 231, Holder, AcS 2. 1094,
Pedersen, VKG 1. 123 {LP 42), Dottin 94, 281, Thurneysen, GOI
119, 195, Pokorny, IEW 856, Schmidt, KGP 257 Fleuriot, KB 60. It
1
See section (A) (ii) s.v. ATE-,
2
See section (A) (ii) s.v. CASSI-.
3 See Schmidt, KGP 194. Cf. PN Deoratus DAG 224.
4
See section (A) (i) s.n. Duratius.
5
= Ratiscu[ CIL 13. 4338. Weisgerber (Rh. V. 18, 1953, 266) listed this form
with other names of the Mediomatrici which he thought may be Celtic.
6
See Thurneysen, Hdb. 222, GOI 231, Pedersen, VKG 2. 9, Schmidt, KGP 58,
257» 273.
7 See also Holder, AcS 1. 211 f., 3. 681 f., P. L[ebel], RAE 4, 1953, 192.
8
See also AcS 2. 1075 f. Cf. Detschew, Thr. Spr. 390 f.
9
See Holder, AcS 2. 1076 f., Diack, RC 39, 1922, 164.
10
See Holder, AcS 2. 1070 s.n. *Radas-b5nd, Pedersen, VKG 2. 2.
11
?Br]ioratenses Briord DAG 179. Cf. Holder, AcS 2. 1075. 31-33.
811030 R
0412 THE M A T E R I A L ! AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
-REDO-
The element -redo- (-redi-, redd) is attested in Gaulish in the following
forms: PNN ?Anderedus Ven. Fortunat. Vit. Radegundis 1. 34 (79);
tCurredia f. CIL 11. 1724; 7 Eporedirix DAG 182, Έπορηδόρι,ξ Gal. Spr.
Ί55, Eporedorix (BG) DAG 182 ; 8 Redillus DAG 136^ LENN Eporedia
PID ixA (p. 311; cf. it. 340A and see below s.v. eporediae); Redones,
1
Ligurian ? Compare the Venetic divine name Rehtiiah (or Reitiiai) PID, items
2, 3, 5, etc. (see PID, vol. 1. 85 if., 2. 547, 3. 39; Kretschmer, Glotta 30, 1943, 155;
Krahe, Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 203), and personal name Reita PID viiic and Rhaetic
Reite PID, it. 227. See Untermann, VP 163.
2 ?Compare PN Recca DAG 151.
3 See Michelena, Pirineos, afio 10, num. 33-34, julio-diciembre 1954, pp. 416,
417 f.
* Note also PNN Atrexstus, Atrestus, Atrixtos, Atrixto{s) listed ibid. With the last
two compare PNN Rictus DAG 176, 182, IRixtius DAG 182.
s Or EN Retugenor(um). See CIL 2. 2324.
6 See also Tovar, LJxico 12, ALSP 81 ; Lejeune, Celtiberica 106; Schmoll, SVIHK,
pp. 33, 96, 102; Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 301.
7 ICur-redia. See Schmidt, KGP 186, 257.
8 See section (A) (i) s.n. Eporedorix.
9 Compare PN Re(i)dillus DAG 195. Note also PN Reidomarus DAG 244.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 243
x
Ried-, later Rh-, Rennes DAG 179; GLOSSES: epiraedia Juv. 8. 66,
Quint. 1. 5. 68 ;2 eporediae 'boni equorum domitores' Plin. PID, it.
340A ;2 paraueredus 'palfrey' DAG 79 (pp. 167 f., 661) ;3 ueredus 'a post-
horse' PID, it. 340D, DAG 79 ; 4 raeda 'travelling coach', raedarkis PID
340B.5 It is cognate with Ir. reid 'level, smooth, easy', W. rhwydd
'easy, fast', etc.: Eng. ride, etc. (IE. *reidh- 'to travel, to be in motion').
See Gliick, KN 143 fT.; de Jubainville, NG 103 fT.; Stokes, Urk. Spr.
228 £ ; Holder, AcS 2. 1102; Pedersen, VKG 1. 141 {LP 10); W.-P.
2. 348; Pokorny, IEW 861; Le Roux, Og. 8, 1956, 367 ff.; Schmidt.
KGP 257; Fleuriot, DGVB 300. Note the following Old Breton P N N
from the Cartulaire de I'abbaye de Redon which appear to contain
a cognate element: Roetanau 102, {Ran) Roedlon 196, Roidoc 89. See
Loth, Chr. bret. 162.
DNN: Albiorice (dat.), Albiorigi (dat.) 2X4G 82, Albiorix DAG 7 for;11
1 See Thurneysen <z/>. SprFK 213, Schmidt, A*GP 77, 298, Pokorny, TEW 1137.
2 See Jackson, op. cit. 624 ff., 631 ff.
3 See Jackson, op. cit. 169, 456, 627, 633, Pokorny, IEW 1059. Cf. now Mac-
Cana, BBCS 19, 1962, n 6 f .
* See Appendix s.n.
s Cf. BSRC 27.
6 Cf. BSRC 44. For another LN Ricina in Picenum see AcS 2. 1183. 18 ff.
7 Also Ricomago, -magensis, etc. See AcS 2. 1188. 7 ff.
β See further AcS 2. 1188 f.
9 See Holder, AcS 2. n 9 9 , Pedersen, VKG 2. 123 {LP 185).
10 Holder, AcS 2. 1451, also gives Se(go)ri(gium) (Durno)ma(gus) from Rav.
See DAG, loc. cit.
π Concerning the divine name Albiorix see now Barruol, Og. 15, 1963, 356 ff.,
Guyonuarc'h, ibid. 369 ff.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 249
Aruernorix DAG 243; Ascafotonx (f.) DAG 181; Βονσσονρίγτου (read
-ριγίον) (gen.) ^GS* 3. 1010; 1 Camu(l)orici ( d a t ) , C(a)midorig(i) or
-rigiae), Camidorige, v. s. CAMULO-; Caturix, v. s. CATU-; Deaori, v. s.
DEVO-; Excingiorigiati (dat.) Nesselhauf 137 ; 2 Ouniorix DAG 213;
ifc^o ΛΡ/7 123; tRicagambeda DAG, Note (xlv) Β (also 213, 223) ;3
?Ricoria DAG 82; Λ^α (m.) DAG, Note (xlv) B ; Rigisamo (Marti)
(dat.) CIL 7. 61 j 13. 1190 (whence DAG 150); Toutiorix DAG 243.
R E T ( T ) - , R E D S - , R E S T - , RES(S)-, R O T ( T ) - , R I T ( T ) -
T h e IE. root *ret(h)- 'run' is well attested in Celtic. See VKG 2.
597 if. (LP 389 f.), W.-P. 2. 368, IEW 000Λ The £-grade of this root
appears in a number of the names listed here, e.g. PNN Adreticia,
Adretonius, Atretius, Atretics, Retimarus, Retom[arus], Voretouirius. Many of
them may contain a form of this root plus a /-suffix. This at least would
account for the variation -s(s)-l-ds-l-t(t)-l-st- in the orthography, as in
Resillus, Resia, Α8ρ€σσικνος, Atressa, Atressus, Ressimari, Ressona, Redsatus,
Redsomarus, Adretonius, Adrettio, Atrestus, Restumarus. See Insc. 39,
KGP 258, VB 96, and Chapter I I I , Remark. But it is far from cer
tain how many of these names properly belong here. The o-grade of
the root (as in Ir. roth 'wheel', W. rhod: Lat. rota) may account for
some names in -rot- in Gaul, e.g. LN Rotomagus, PNN Adrotus, ?Rotama.s
The weak grade of the root underlies Olr. riuth, rith ( < *?tu-: gen.
retha, retho) v.n. of rethim. Some Gaulish forms in rit(t)- (ritu-, rito-)6
also may represent this grade of the root, e.g. PNN Rita, Ritus, Rittius,
Ritogenus, Ritomarus, Ritukalos, Ritumara, Ritu(m)arus, and the gloss
petorritum (v. W.-P. 2. 368, W-H. 2. 444, cf. ibid. 2. 298) J With
forms in rit-, ritu-, however, account must also be taken of other
Insular Celtic forms: W. rhyd 'ford', OCorn. rid, OBret. rit gl. vadum,
1
See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 171, Schmidt, KGP 158.
2
Not Excingorigias as in DAG 236.
3
See Gutenbrunner 105 f., Polome, Og. 6, 1954, 155.
4
It occurs in Ir. rethim Ί run', W. rhedaf, also perhaps in the abstract suffix
-red in Welsh, as in brithred *confusion' and gweithred 'deed', and -redl-rad in Irish,
as in aigred 'ice* and etrad 'lewdness'. See Thurneysen, GO I 169, Pokorny, VR 10,
1948-9, 225, Fleuriot, DGVB 295. Cf. Pedersen, VKG 2. 52. Loth {RC 43, 1926,
143), comparing Ir. gaimred 'winter(time)' and samrad 'summer(time)' beside
M1W. gaeafrawd, supposed that there was here an ό-grade form of the root. Thur
neysen (loc. cit.) seems to favour a similar explanation, but Pokorny (loc. cit.)
prefers to think that an analogical *reto- would account for the Irish suffix.
5
The J-grade is represented by W. rhawd 'course' (cf. Loth, RC 15, 1894, 98),
which also appears in compounds such as gaeafrawd 'winter(time)', by Ir. rd(i)the
'quarter (of a year)' ( < *rdtio-)9 by OW. guaraut ( < *upo-rdt-e) 3 sg. pret. of
gwaredaf, and Olr. fundith 3 sg. pret. oiforriuth.
6
For ritu- v. Vendryes, EC 7, 1955-6, 16, Schmidt, KGP 91.
7
This form, however, may be a Latin loan word from Gaulish *petruroto- or
*petorroto-, v. E.-M? 893, 1020, IEW 866.
250 THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
PMidlr. -rith, cognate with OHG. furt, Lat. portiis ca house' (XII
1
Tables), 'harbour', porta 'door', IE. *ftt- (v. IEW 817). In LENN
such as Abritanor(um), Anderitum, Aiigustoritam, Ritumagus, Ούαγόριτον,
at least, we have rit(u)-, rito- 'ford'. For the alternation -£-/-z- v.
Chapter III (A) (i) (a).
PNN: Αδρζσσικνος DAG 71 ;2 Adreticiay -ius 83; Adretilis 9; Αδρζτιο,
v. s. AD·; Adretonius, Adrettio DAG 83; Adrotus CIL 3. 4886; Aegrito-
mari (gen.) Cicero Caec. 20. 67, Verr. 2. 2. 47 (with Aeg- for Ec-, v. DAG
250, KGP 203); ?Anderitia DAG 87; Atressa CIL 3. 3380 = 10362;
Λ/rarjitf CiL 3. 3373 = 10354, 3687, 5275, 5498, KGP 140; Atrestus
DAG 228 (iv), 238 (i); Ecretumarus CIL 9. 3899; Ecrito DAG 83,
Ekrito DAG 232 ; Ecritunius DAG 214; Ecritus DAG 156; Ecritusiri DAG
239; Inecriturix DAG 206; ?Oi>€pcar. DAG 48 ;3 Redsatus DAG 244;
Redsomarus DAG 244; ?Resatus DAG 244; Resillus CIL 10. 6178; Zferifl
C/L 5. 6782, -ewi· Ζλ4£ 83, 237, 244 (see also ^GS 2. 1176), ifon DAG
192; i?&ro D^4G 182, 192; Ressatu (f.), -WJ· ZL4G 244; Ressicus CIL 3.
5697; Ressil(l)a DAG 244; Ressimarus DAG 244; Ressius DAG 244;
Ressona DAG 244; itoto ΐλ4£ 214; ?Resteoris DAG 182; Λ&τώζ Z)^(G
237; ifoyfr'0 ZL4G 228 (iv), 244; Restiola DAG 182; ifofo CIL 3. 12014;
Restumarus DAG 244; ifoto· ZX4G 83; Retecius DAG 214; Reticiana DAG
2O8B; Reticintis DAG 244; Reticius DAG 83, 182, 244; Reticus DAG
(?)203, 244; RetillusDAG83; RetimarusCIL 3. 3645= 10578; ]retisonis
(gen.) Ζλ40 237; -R*ftwfl[entf] Z>^4G 224; Retonius DAG 244; i?z7[ ZL4G
182; Rita DAG 151, Remark B; Ritius CIL 2. 674; Ritogenus DAG 136
(CGP 230), 244; Ritomarus DAG 132; Rittius DAG 237, 244; Rituarus
DAG 176, 203, 215, Ritu[arus) DAG 228 (ix); Rituca DAG 83; Ritukalos
PID, it. 280 ;*■ Ritulla DAG 244; Ritumara DAG 244; Ritu(m)arus DAG
237; Ziifttf ZX4G 228 (iv); Rituscia DAG 202, Remark, 215, 224, 237;
?Rotama DAG 224; Rotania DAG 83; Rotanus DAG 83; ?Rotsuindte
DAG 208; ?Rottalus DAG 136, 182 ;* /totfio ZL4G 182; Voretouirius
DAG, Note (ix) (pp. u i - 1 2 ) . 6
LENN: Abrettenus DAG 241; Abritanor(um) CIL 5. 942; ?Anderetiani,
Andresiacus Andresy(?) DJG 179 (see also DAG 234); Anderitos (v.l.
-πώλτ) JVD Andereclionuba Rav., And(e)ri(d)a insc. Pevensey ; 7 Anderitum,
Άνδερηδόν, Andereton (-urn) Anterieux DAG 148; Augustoritum, -on, Augu-
storedo DAG 148; Bandritum DAG 179; ?*Camboritum DAG 179, Cflm-
έοπϊο (ΙΑ) AcS 1. 715 f, 3. 1060 f.; Λοκόριτον Lohr DAG 241;
1
e.g. in LN (H)umamth, v. Meyer, RC 16, 1895, 89-90, Hogan, Onom. Goed.
2
680 (s.v. umarrith). See section (A) (i) s.n.
3 4
See Appendix s.n. See PID, vol. 3, p. 40.
5
Cf. Holder, AcS 2. 1234, Schmidt, KGP 141, 184, 261, 274.
6
See section (A) (i) s.n.
7 See Jackson, JRS 38, 1948, 54 f., LHEB 36, 257, n. 1, 549, η. ι ; BSRC 23.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 251
l
Relom[agus ?] DAG 2 2 1 ; Ritona fl. (recorded only as DN) Rieu DAG 8 0 ;
2
VPLTTIOV Ptol., Bittio TP, RittilA, RictiND, in Pann. Inf. AcS 2. 1195 ;
Ritumagus Radepont (?) DAG 179 (also p . 1361); Ratumagus, Rot(h)o-
magus, -enses v. s. RA TO-; Ούαγόριτον Ptol. (cf. Bagaridon Rav.) DAG 179.
D N N : Reii[?DAG82; RitonaDAG82,181,211,249,5^^1957,126 ff.
Note also anderitum 'urbem sublimem' Sidon. Apoll. DAG 158 and
petorritum 'a four-wheeled waggon or carriage' RID 340 Β (see above).
SAG-
A number of Gaulish names in sag-, -sag-, examples of which are
listed below, may contain an element cognate with Ir. saigid 'ap
proaches, seeks out, e t c ' (RIAContr. S. 20 if.), M1W. haedu 'to reach,
deserve', ModW. haeddu 'deserve': Lat. sagio Ί perceive acutely', Gk.
ήγέομαι Ί lead', Goth, sdkjan 'to seek'. See Urk. Spr. 288; AcS 2. 1285;
VKG 2. 606 ff. {LP 391 f.); Dottin, p . 2 8 3 ; Loth, RC 41, 1924, 5 5 ;
W.-P. 2. 449; SprFK 198; W.-H. 1. 4 6 5 ; IEW 876 f; KGP 263 f.
A cognate form may also occur in the Irish agent suffix -aige ( < *sagio-:
Pedersen, VKG 2. 23, Marstrander, £CP 13, 1921, 53, Thurneysen,
GOI 172) and in the suffix -ag{- (-ig*-) in Irish denominative verbs
(GOI 337 f.) beside -(h)a- in such verbs in the Brittonic dialects (WG
383 f., GOI, loc. cit., VB 317 f., 337). See now Og. 17, 1965, 154 if.
Account should also be taken perhaps of Gallo-Latin σάγος, sagum
(-us) -ulum 'tunic, cloak'. 3
See section (A) (i) s.n. Deprosagilos.
P N N : Attisaga CIL 2. 1374; Consagioni (dat.) CIL 3. 11571; Curmi-
sagius DAG 244; Deprosagi, Deprosagilos see section (A) (i) s.n.; Sagarins
DAG 237; Saggo DAG 244; ?Sagila DAG 182; Sagillia DAG 244, -ius
DAG 250; Sagil[lus] DAG 237; Sagiro DAG 176; ?Sagitti DAG 8 3 ;
Sagius DAG 237; ?Sagurus DAG 224.
L E N N : ΑΙγοσάγας (Τεκτοσάγας ci. Casaubon) (ace.) Polyb. 5. 77. 2,
78. 6; 4 Sagonna fl. le Sagonnin, Sagonna, -onium Sagonne DAG 149,
Remark; Τςκτόσαγζς (in Galatia) Polyb. 5. 53. 3, 21. 39. 2 ; s Tecto-
sages, -i DAG 80 ; 6 ? Vosagensis pagus 148.
1
Or PN or DN. Cf. PN Retom[arus] above.
2
See Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 286.
3
AcS 2. 1289 f., PID, it. 340B, Di4G 178 (also 79 s.v. sagarius). See further Urk.
Spr. 289; Dottin 283; W.-P. 2. 448 (Vendryes, RC 45, 1928, 344); ΜΛ-//. 2. 464;
Pokorny, Urg. 66, /£PK 887.
4
See AcS 1. 50, 3. 524, KGP 119, 0^. 17, 1965, 152 ff.
5
See Holder, AcS 2. 1189, 1780, Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 158 (with n. 1). In
Polyb. 5. 53. 3 the manuscripts show 'Ριγόσαγ€ς. This has been emended to read
Τ€κτόσαγ€ς, without good reason according to Weisgerber. See also Schmidt, KGP
6
259. See Holder, AcS 2. 1781 ff., Schmidt, KGP 70, 264, 277.
252 THE M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
SED-
A Celtic element W- 'sit', cognate with Olr. -said 'sits5,6 W. sedd
'seat' (: Lat. sedeo Ί sit', etc.)7 is attested in a number of the forms
which are listed here. Not all the forms listed can be shown to be
Celtic. Some few have in fact been claimed as non-Celtic, e.g. as
Illyrian, Thracian, and Latin. For the orthographical variation of
ds/ssls/Ofte/dd in forms in adsed-, assed-, ased-, etc., see section (A) (i)
s.n. AQQedomari and Chapter III, Remark.
PNN: names in adsed-, assed-, ased-, afleS- (or aded-), added-, added-, v. s.
AD-; Cosedo DAG 215; Sedan[t]ianus DAG 237; Sedata DAG 83, ILTG
449, PID xiic, -us DAG 83, 136, 151, 156, 182, 214, 228 (ii), (iv), (ix),
237, 244, AE i960, 171, PID xiic; 8 Sedatianius DAG 182; Sedatianus
1
Note also [S]amius MG, no. 250·
2
Whatmough here refers to CIL 3. 11732. This should read CIL 3. 11734 which
3
has PN Sammuni (dat.). See section (A) (i) s.n. Σαμ[ό]ταλο[ς].
4
?Compare the gloss samera (-ara) above.
5
Also DN(?). PCompare the gloss mentioned in n. 4.
6
On the vocalism of Ir. said-jsed- see Thurneysen, KZ 59, 1932, 6, GOI53 f. Cf.
O'Brien, Celtica 3, 1956, 182 ff.
7
See AcS 2. 1433, Dottin 285, W.-P. 2. 483 ff., IEW 884 ff., KGP 265.
8
See also Holder, AcS 2. 1428 ff., Mayer, Spr. alt, Illyr, 1. 2Q7.
254 THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
Oswald 290, DAG 136; Sedatia DAG 182, 237, -ius DAG 182, 237,
244j 1 Sedatinae (dat.) CIL 3. 5065; Sedalini (gen.) EE 4, p. 341,
no. 9 2 1 ; Sedauo DAG 224, 237; Sedecennis (f.) AcS 2. 1432; Sedianus
DAG 182; Sedicius DAG 224; &ώ'ώ ZX4G 244 ;2 Sedia, -ius DAG 182;
?Sedila CIL 3. 6 i i 5 a ; 2 Sedillus AE 1959. 113; ?&Λκ DAG 176; & ώ -
form ZX4G 2 3 1 ; Sedulat[us] DAG 250; Sedule DAG 2 3 1 ; ΛώΖώ DAG
182, -iaj 151, 237 ; 3 Sedulix DAG 157 ; 4 Sedul(l)os DAG 157,* Sedullus
DAG 151 ;3 SWa/itf D^4G 83, 182, 224, 228 (iv), p . 1358. 6
L E N N : Coriossedens\es~\ (Gollias?) DAG 8 0 ; Manduessedo (v.L -esedo),
v. s. MANDU-; Metlosedum, -dunum (or Metio-) Meudon or Melun
(Meclo-) ? Ζλ4<3 179 ; 7 Sidoloco, -louco, Sedelaucum, Sauiieu (Cote-dOr)
DAG 179; Sediarum (gen.) C/L 7. 1262; Sedibouiates? DAG 84; Seduni,
Sedunensis DAG 15; Sedusii (for Eudusi?) DAG 234; Tarvessedo TP3
Tarvesede IA ZL4G 241. 8
D N : Λ ώ ^ τ Ζλ4<? 17, 243, A E 1958, i. 9
GLOSSES : asseda 'sella quadriiugis' DAG 207 ; 10 canecosedlon DAG 162 ; n
essedum 'chariot' PIDy it. 34ου, iX4G 207. 12
SEGO-
An element sego- is well attested in a n u m b e r of Celtic names. I t
seems to be cognate with Ir. seg, sed m. 'strength, vigour, etc.' (v.
RIAContr. S. 138)" and W. hy 'daring, bold' (v. Jackson, LHEB 446,
1
See also Holder, AcS 2. 1428.
2
See Detschew, 77ir. Spr. 428.
3
See also Holder, AcS 2. 1433 f. and Appendix s.n. Sedulius.
4
See Appendix s.n. Sedulius,
s See Gourvest, Og. 11, 1959, 227 f., Colbert de Beaulieu, RAE 10, 1959, 213 fF.5
Homm. Gren. 439 if.
6
See also AcS 2. 1434 f., ILTG 340.
7
See also DAG 80 s.n. Metlosedum, 179 s.n. Meclodunum. Concerning these names
see de Jubainville (after Mommsen), RC 16, 1895, 115, (after Sieglerschmidt) RC
27, 1906, 121 f., Vendryes, MSL 13, 1903-5, 225 fF. (RC 25, 1904, 370, LEIA M -
45), A. Dauzat, La Toponymie frangaise (Paris, i960), 169 f.
8
See also PID XXVB.
9
See Mayer, Spr. alt. lllyr. 1. 297 f.
10
See further s.v .AD·.
11
See Chabouillet, BSAF 1867, 114 ff., Vendryes, RC 47, 1930, 200 f., Gray,
EC 6, 1953-4, 68, Whatmough, DAG, pp. 494 f., Guyonuarc'h, Og. 14, 1962,
340 ff., Tovar, Celticum vi. 397.
12
It is not clear whether the following items belong here: monomalesedlin(?)
CIL 6. 2844 (AcS 2. 625); ussedati(?) DAG, Note (xxxi), Remark (ii); uxedia (uxs,
ux) in the graffiti of La Graufesenque (see Loth, RC 41, 1924, 39-42; Oxe, ΒJ 130,
1925, 70, 77; Weisgerber, SprFK 212; Hermet, pp. 309 f.; Thurneysen, £CP 20,
1936, 368; Whatmough, DAG, pp. 286 f.).
13
The doubt expressed, for example, by Stokes, Urk. Spr. 297 and Weisgerber
(after Thurneysen), SprFK 209 concerning the authenticity of this form seems to
be ill-founded. ComDare Weisererber. Rh. Mm. 8A. TOCI*. Q20 (with n. 2).
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 255
I45°5 OPL 96 f., SSVH 34 f.; Segorix DAG 83 ;x Segovax 214; 2 Segovesus
151 ;3 Segovetis (gen.) CIL 2. 2855; Segndia DAG 8 3 ; Segunion 244;
Segusiaua 8 7 ; Segasians 245. 4
LENN: Σ€γίδα Str., Z e y ^ a App., Segidenses Flor., etc. in Celtiberia
yfoS1 2. 1437 f.,5 & £ ϊ ώ Restitnta Mia Plin., Σεγίδα (v.l. ZeriSa) Ptol.,
Segedensis insc., in Hisp. Baetica ^aS 2. 1438 f., Segida (Augurina
Turdulorum) Plin., Σ€γίδα (v.l. Ζβτι'δα) ^cS 2. 1439 ; 6 Segeduno ND,
Serduno Rav. BSRC 4 5 ; Σςγηία €ίσχυσις (v.l. Σζγψατίς χυσις) fl., Ptol.
A S 2. 1439; Segelociy Ageloco IA, S{egelocum) insc, now Littleborough
^aS 2. 1439; Segessera TP, now Bar-sur-Aube Z)^4G 234; Σζγςστική
Str., Segesta Plin., Σ€γ€στιχή, Σεγαστανοί App., now Sisak A S 2. 1439 f.,7
&£*yta (Tigulliorum) Plin., now Sestri Levante AcS 2. 1439 f., PZD
xiiic, Segestica (ciuitas) Liv., in Hisp. ult. AcS 2. 1440 ; 8 Segnstero(n),
Segesterii, Segestericus, Sistaricensis, etc., Sisteron (Basses-Alpes) AcS 2.
1458 ff., DAG 80 ; 9 Segestrum (-us-) monasterium, now Saint-Seine (Cote-
dOr) AcS 2. 1459, i^4G 1 7 9 ^ aquae Segetae TP, Rav. DAG 179; 10
Segienses Plin., Σζγία (v.l. Σζτία) Ptol., Seglam. Rav., Secia i n s c , etc.,
in Hisp. Tarrac. AcS 2. 1 4 4 1 ; " Σίγισα (v.l. Σέγηδα) Ptol., now Cieza
A S 2. 1442 ; 12 Segisama Iulia Str., Plut., Plin., Flor., etc., in Hisp.
Tarrac. A S 2. 1442, Segisama Brasaca CIL 2.4157 ; 13 Segisamo Sasamon
(Burgos) AcS 2. 1442 f. ; 14 Segisamonculum among the Autrigones in
Hisp. Tarrac. AcS 2. 1443; Segobodium Seveux DAG 234; Segobriga
Segorbe (Castillon) AcS 2. 1444 if. ; I S Segobrigii (-es) AcS 2. 1446, DAG
80;Segodunum DAG 148, ΣςγοδοΰνονDAG 241 ; 16 Segolmettius (or -ttsus?)
DAG 153 ; 17 ??Σ€ργονντία Str., Saguntia Liv., Secontia Plin., Σ^γοντία
Ptol, Σαγοντία App., Segontia IA, etc., Sigueza (Guadalajara) A S 2.
1448 f.,18 Segontia IA now R u e d a (between Saragossa and Nertobriga)
AS 2. 1449, Σζγοντία ΠαραμΙκα Ptol. among the Vaccaei or Varduli
2
1 Compare PN &«>r£* Ιλ4<? 203. See section (B) s.n.
3 Compare PN Secoveso (dat.) CZL 2. 2871.
* PN? Cf. Segisu above and see Og. 16, 1964, 399 ff., EC 11. 51 ff.
5 See also Madnder Mitteilungen 5, 1964, 141.
6 See also Untermann, SSVH 19, 35 (with Map 19).
7 See Pokorny, Urg. 79, Mayer, Spr. alt. lllyr. 1. 308, Whatmough, DAG 241
s.n. ?Σ€γαστίκη [sic]. For the Sicel LN "Εγ€στα see PID, it. 581 A (p. 484) and
Whatmough, CPh. 48, 1953, 255.
8
See Untermann, SSVH, p. 20, n. 24. Cf. Schmoll, Btr. z. JV. 13, 1962, 296.
9 Compare LN Segessera above and perhaps the item σ4γ€στρον 'blanket'
DAG 240.
ω Cf. DN &?£*/a. " See also Untermann, SSVH 19.
12 See also Untermann, SSVH 19, 35.
13 See also Madrider Mitteilungen 5, 1964, i n , 141.
14 Note also Segis. CL 45. See Palomar Lapesa, ELH 362.
15 See also Madrider Mitteilungen 5, 1964, 101, 141.
16 Cf. LN Segeduno above.
π Also listed in DAG 156 as PN.
ι» ΡΓ TTntiM-manri. SSVH IQ. n. 22.
THE M A T E R I A L : AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY 257
AcS 2. 1449, Secontia FYm., Segonlinens(is) insc. AcS 2. 1450; Segoniiaci
BG in Britain AcS 2. 1450 ;l Segontio I A, Seguntio Rav. BSRC 4 5 ;
Segora DAG 153; Segorigienses DAG 2 2 1 ; Segosa DAG 84; Segossoq\_
CIL 2. 5790; Segouellauni DAG 80; Segoaia (Arevacorum) Liv., Plin.,
etc., Segovia AcS 2. 1452 f., Segovia BAlex., Segoviensis insc. in Hisp.
Baet. AcS 2. 1453 ; 2 Segouiorum (gen.) CZL 5. 7231; Segusiaui DAG 179 ; 3
Segusio DAG 7, 80, PZD ixA.*
D N N : &g*ta ZX4G 181; Segomanna DAG 8 2 ; SV^mo DAG 181, 243.
SU-
Gaulish 5!i- 'good' is cognate v/ith O l r . Λί-, JS-, M o d l r . JS-, O W . Ai-,
Λ*-, /zo-, hu-, M1W., ModW. Ay-, OCorn. he-, MIGorn. he-, hy-, OBret.
ho-, he-, hu-, ModBret. he-: Skt. sa-, Gk. o-yi^s- 'sound, healthy', etc.
See Gluck, KN 48, Stokes, Urk. Spr. 304, Ernault, GMB s.v. hu-jho-,
Rhys, i/ztt. 25 f., Holder, AcS 2. 1641 f., Pedersen, VKG 1. 284, Dottin
289, W.-P. 2. 512, Thurneysen, GO/ 231, Jackson, LHEB 659,
Schmidt, KGP 272 f., &κώα Hibernica 3, 1963, 173 ff., Pokorny, IEW
1037 f, Fleuriot, FB 380 f. Some names m a y show a variant so- for
su-. See below s.nn. Eposognatus, Socondannossus, Solatius. In view of the
great uncertainty concerning the correct analysis of a number of
forms which may contain Gaulish su-, it should be stressed that no
attempt has been made to see to it that the lists of examples compiled
here are complete. Indeed, a number of the forms that have been
included may not belong here at all. P N N Sucinius and Suconius, for
example, should perhaps be analysed Suc-inius and Suc-onius rather
than Su-cinius and Su-conius.
P N N : Cassis\uratos DAG 177; 5 Έποσόγνατος Polyb. 21. 37. 1 fF.,
Eposognatus Livy 38. 18. 1 ff. ; 6 Socondannossus DAG 87 ; 7 Solatius DAG
250 ; 8 Suagria, -ius (Sy-) DAG 83, 159, 182, Note (xlv) C ;9 Suausia DAG
1
Compare the British coin legend sego. See Mack, pp. 53, 55, IASB 219, 222 f.
2
See also AcS 2. 1453 s.nn. Segovia (3) and (4) and DAG 221 and 241 s.n.
Σζτουία.
3
See Renaud, Celticum ix. 318 ff.
4
Compare the item segusius, iyovaia (a kind of dog for hunting) PID 340c (see
also Whatmough, HSCP 42, 1931, 145, CPh., loc. cit., Gray, Lg. 20, 1944, 228,
beside Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 254 f.) and see Lebel, PMHF, §§ 588 f., 629.
s See s.v. CASSI-.
6
?Epo-so-gnatus 'well accustomed to horses'. See Pictet ad Holder, AcS 1. 1453,
Pedersen, VKG 1. 35 (cf. LP 6), Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 170 f., Pokorny, MSS, Heft
7» *955J 56. Cf. Schmidt, KGP 68, 103, 210.
7
See Schmidt, KGP 51, 94, 183, 270. But the inscription in question here (CIL
13. 324) contains perhaps Condannossi (gen.) rather than Socondannossi (.. . Anderexso
Condannossi f. uxor p.).
8
See Schmidt, KGP 229, 273.
9
See Holder, AcS 2. 1644 ff·* Schmidt, KGP 272, Whatmough, Celtica 3, 1956,
253.
258 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
1
237; Subarum (ace.) CIL 11. 1147, ii. 4; Subilus DAG 194, 224;
Subroni DAG, Note (ix) (pp. 111 if.) ;2 names in sucar-, v. s. CARO-;
Sucinius DAG 203; Sucomus 204, 244 ;3 ?Sudecentus CIL 5. 900 ;4 ?Sude-
cronis (gen.) CIL 2. 2183 ; 5 ?Sueta DAG 9, -ZWJ* CZL 13. 7911 ;6 Sugasis
CIL 5. 4927 ;7 Sugent[ DAG 237; Sum(m)aco(s) (La Graufesenque) ;8
names in sumar-, v. s. MARO-; Sumatrius DAG 224; Sumelae (dat. f.)
C/Z 5. 6640; «SK/W*/Z ZL4G, Note (ix) (pp. i n f.) ;9 Sumelio DAG 214;
Sumeliu, -melo 244; Sumenu 151; Sumotus 244 ;10 Suobnedo 136, 176,
Suobnus 136, Suobnillus 136, Suobnilliniis 176;11 Suratus 244 ;12 Vitoiisurix
83.13
LENN: Suc(c)asses 84 ■ ?i?7w Sugnutia Breves (Nievre) 179; Sumslocenna,
-ensis, etc., 241.
DN: Sucellus 82, 211, 213, 236, 243, 249.14
Note also the gloss .n/fl/>te 'fittingly' JD^IG 158 (hybrid).
SUADU-
Gaulish suadu- 'sweet', cognate with Skt. svddu-, Gk. ήδνς, Lat.
,τ^ζζώ, etc. (see AcS 2. 1643, VKG 1. 74, iTGP 273 f., IEW 1039 f.), is
attested in a number of personal names: Consuadullia DAG 83.;
Suadeuillus or Suadullius 228 (iii), (iv), 237; Suadinus 244; Suaduanus
224; Suaducco 83, 244; Suaducia 244; Suadugena 156, -gtf/Ktf 182, -gtf/zz
Note (lii) (a); 15 Suaduilla 83; Suadulius 83; Suadulla 151, 237, 244;
Suadurigius8$,Suadur(i)x 182 = Suadurx (for-n#?) 237 ;16 Suadutio 151.
1
P'schon-ohrig' Stokes, ZM. £/>r. 4. See also ikS 2. 1650, 7A*G 1. 51 (LP 9),
A*GP 58, 142, 272, IEW 785, Z,£L4 A-103.
2
See section (A) (i) s.n.
3
See Schmidt, KGP 182, 272.
4
?Su-decenttis, not Sude-centus (so Schmidt, A"GP 171, 274). See Whatmough, Lg.
33> J957> 594? Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958, 431.
5
?For *Su-derconis teste Scherer, Anglia 76, 1958,431. Cf. Schmidt, KGP 185, 274.
6
See Schmidt, KGP 203 n. 1, 211, 272.
7
Whence PID viiic (Ven.). See Schmidt, KGP 215, 273.
8
See Appendix s.n.
9
See section (A) (i) s.n.
10
See Schmidt, KGP 246, 273.
11
See Schmidt, KGP 57, 250, 273, and 294 (s.n. Vesomnius).
12
See Pedersen, VKG 2. 9, Thurneysen, GOI 231, Schmidt, KGP 58, 257, 273,
id., Studia Hibernica 3, 1963, 176, n. 13.
13
See Schmidt, KGP 53 f., 273, 298.
14
See Keune, P.-W.2 iv. 1932, s.n.; P. Lambrechts, Contributions a VStude des
divinite's celtiques (Bruges, 1942), chap, vi; M. F. Heichelheim and J. E. Housman,
UAntiquiU classique 1948, 305 ff.; Duval, DG 60 ff.; Pokorny, IEW 546; Schmidt,
KGP 272; M. Chassaing, Analecta Archaeologica. Festschrift Fritz Fremersdorf (1961),
133 ff. [REA 64, 1962, 364 f.); de Vries, KR 91 ff.
15
See section (A) (i) s.n. Suadugenu
16
See Thomas, EANC 153, Schmidt, KGP 59, n. 1, 92, 274.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 259
TALO-
A number of the names listed below 1 contain a Gaulish cognate of
Ir. tul, tanl n. (orig. w-stem) ca protuberance, projecting part, swelling,
e.g., boss (of a shield), forehead, crest of a wave, e t c ' (see RIAContr.
to-tu cols. 374 ff.),2 W. tal 'forehead, front, edge, end, boss (of a
shield), etc.', Corn. Bret. tal. These forms may be cognate with Ir.
talam (gen. talman) m. 'the earth, the world; earth, ground' (see
RIAContr. T-tnuthaigid cols. 6 0 - 6 2 ) : Skt. tala- n. 'flat surface, etc.'.
See Urk. Spr. 124; VKG 1. 132; AcS 2. 1707 s.v. *tala-mo-, 2. 1711
s.v. *talo-s; J . Vendryes, Miscellany presented to Kuno Meyer, ed. Osborn
Bergin and Carl Marstrander (Halle, 1912), 286 if.; Dottin, p . 290:
W.-P. 1. 710, 740; W.-H. 2. 6 5 5 ; SprFK 210; Vendryes, EC 5,
1950-1, 2 4 5 ; Pokorny, IEW 1061, 1081-2; Schmidt, KGP 274. See
also Whatmough, DAG 158 s.w. ?talamasca 'larua de cortice arboris
facta', talutium (w.ll. talutatium, alutatium) 'gold-bearing earth' Pliny
JVH33. 6 7 ; Hubschmid, Praeromanica 69-89 (esp. 81 f.), Pyrendenworter
22 ; 3 Flutre, REPL 257 f. s.v. *tala 'terre; surface plane'.
A cognate element is attested in Insular Celtic personal names as in
W. Talan, Talyrth, Talhaearn, and Taliesin, OCorn. Talan, OBret.
Talan, (Saint·)Dalouarn. See, for example, Loth, Chr. bret. 231, Wil
liams, CLIH 96, 243, Forster, FT 851. For Pictish Talorc, Talorg,
Talorgan, -gen, Talorgg, Talorggan, etc., see Stokes, TPhS 1888-90,
413-14, MacNeill, Yorkshire Celtic Studies 2, 1938-9, 16,23, Jackson The
Problem ofthePicts, ed. F. T . Wainwright (Edinburgh, 1955), 145, 164.
P N N : Aegiotalus AcS 2. 1711. 5 (without ref. to source); 4 Am-
bilotali L a m b r i n o , Euphrosyne 1, 1957, 142; Axrotalus DAG
214; 5 Argiotalus DAG 182 (also 237); Arrotala (or Anotia) DAG
237; 6 Assutalus DAG 176 (not Talass-, Taluss-?), 182, 214; Attalio
DAG 83, Attalus DAG 224, 237, Atta(lus?) DAG 194; 7 Canotala DAG
237; Car(r)otalus DAG 198, Carrotalus 196, 237, ?Carotalus 132;
Κασσιταλος 68, 8 Cassitalus 237; Cottalus 214, 9 228 (iv), Cottal{i)
1
It is quite impossible to tell which of the uncompounded forms in tal- which
have been listed contain this element. Moreover, not all compounded names in
-talus are easily explained by assuming that they contain Gaulish -talus 'brow,
forehead, front' or the like. See Rhys, Insc. 5. In Gaulish compounded personal
names -talus is attested, apparendy without exception, as a second element.
2
See also VKG 1. 132; GOI52; Dinneen 1276.
3
See now Thes. Praerom. 2. 121 f.
4 s
See Schmidt, KGP 117 f. See section (B) s.n. Acco.
6 = CIL 13. 5647. Cf. KGP 135.
7
See also AcS 1. 273, 3. 732. Holder suggested that some instances of the name
Attalus might be Celtic. See further KGP 141, OPL 44 f.
8
See section (A) (i) s.n.
9
This name was listed by Weisgerber with other names of the Mediomatrici
which, he thought, may be Celtic. See Rh. V. 18, 1953, 266.
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262 THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
Stokes (Urk. Spr. 123)1 related it to Ir. tara c tatig, lebhaft' (quoted
from E. O'Reilly's Irish-English Dictionary).2 But this Irish form ap
pears to be a ghost word, and Gaulish taro- 'swift' has been rightly
condemned as a figment by Weisgerber (SprFK 182).3
It is unlikely that Celt, taruo- or Lat. taurus or elements cognate
with these are involved in all the names in taur- and tar(u)~ listed
below. 4 For an alleged (??) Mediterranean *taura- c montagne (arron-
die) 5 see Flutre, REPL 265 ff.s
See further section (A) (i) s.n. Donnotaurns.
PNN:BrogitaruSyBpoyiTapos AcS 1. 620f. ; 6 Con[t]ari(gen.) CIL2.2497;?
Αειεταρος, Deiotarus, Αηιόταρος, Ληιοταρίανος, Δηιοτηρίανος, Deiotanana,
v. s. DEVO-; Donnotanrus, see section (A) (i) s.n.; Γησοτα[ρ]ου AcS
I. 2016; ?Tarbelionios, see Appendix s.n.; Τάρβον (ace.) Dio 71.
I I . ι ; 8 ?Ταρβούλα AcS ι. 1731; Tarbunis (gen.) CIL 3. 2053; 9
Taruacus (-£-) DAG 204, 238 (iv), 244; Taruco DAG 214; Taruenus AE
1950, 117; Taruiacus PID xiic; Taruillus DAG 215, 224; Tarns DAG
89, 204; TarnsinsPID xiic; Taruti[JRS47, 1957, 233; 1 0 TarunsAcS2.
1743; Tauratis DAG 156; Taure 8 7 ; Tauren(i)us, ?Taurentius (L-?) 182;
Taun[ 182; Tauri 194; Tauria 182; Taur(io?) (dat.), Tflw[r(w) (gen.)
Gfl/Ζώ 19, 1961, 413 ( = ILTG 174); Taurianus DAG 136, 156, 182,
Gallia, loc. cit.; Taurica DAG 156, -&y 87 (also p. 1375 and ILTG 17),
x
36, 156, 182, 214, 237; Tauricianus 182; Tauricius 182, 224, JV.-L.
2 2 1 ; Taurilla DAG 151; Taurina DAG 83, ZLTG 530, PZD xiic, -WJ
ZL4G 83, 87 (also p. 1375 and ILTG 17), 136, 182, 224, 237, 244,
Note (xlv) C, AE 1951, 116; Tauriscus DAG 6; Taurocutius CIL 2.
5556; Taurou (?Tavpov) DAG 250; Tlwztf ZL4G 83, 87, 136, 151, 182,
224, 228 (iv), 237, 244, ILTG 168, PID xiiB.11
L E N N : ?Ambitaruius uicus (v.l. Ambiatinus) DAG 209 (also 212, 234);
nXevravpovs (ace.) Str. 3. 3. 7; 1 2 Tarba, Tama (-lua), ?Turba, now
1
See also A S 2. 1738 s.n. Tarns, Dottin, p. 291.
2
See E. O'Reilly, Sanas-Gaodhilge-Sagsbhearla: an Irish-English Dictionary (Dublin,
1817) s.v. tara.
3
See also Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 173, Whatmough, DAG, p. 1367, Schmidt,
KGP 275 f., Krahe, IF 65, i960, 119, n. 22. For an alleged Mediterranean *tar(o)-
'eau rapide* (?) see Flutre, REPL 262 ff. See also Pokorny, IEW 1074 f., Mayer,
Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 328 f., 2. i n f . , Krahe, IF 65, i960, 113 if. (s.n. Autariatae), id.,
Strukt. alteur. Hydr. 53.
4
See, for example, Whatmough, DAG 79 (s.v. taurus 'carduelis').
5
See also W.-H. 2. 651 f., Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 331 f., 2. 112 f.
6
See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 154.
7 8
See Holder, AcS 1. 1107 s.n. Cf. Mayer, op. cit. 1. 329.
9
See M. Falkner in Fruhgeschichte und Sprachwissenschaft, hrsg. v. W. Branden-
stein (Wien, 1948), 46.
10
?Cf. PN Tarutia PID viic add. " See AcS 2. 1772 f.
12
See Schmidt, KGP 256, 276. Compare Pokorny, FM-sgribhinn Eoin Mhic
Ndill (Dublin, 1Q40), 239, id-> VR 10, 1948-9, 227.
THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY 263
TASCO-, TASGO-
There is no means of telling whether forms in tasco- are different in
origin from forms in tasgo-, and whether in that case they should be
kept apart, as suggested by Schmidt, KGP 276. I have listed them
separately below, although it is possible that in some cases if not in
every one the difference is merely graphic. For the tendency to con
fuse voiced and unvoiced consonants in Gaulish forms see C. Watkins,
Lg. 31, 1955, 18 who remarked that ' I n the case of the velars, where
the confusion is most frequent, careless writing also plays a p a r t : the
stonecutter forgot or neglected to a d d the little hook that distinguishes
G from C See further Chapter I I I (A) (ii) (c).
A Gaulish or Galatian τασκός c peg' is deduced from the explanation
of the name of the Galatian Christian sect Τασκο8ρουγΐται given by
Epiphan. resp. adepist Acacii etPauli 2/1, 14 (A.D. 374-5): καλούνται 81
δια τοιαυτην αιτίαν Τασκοδρουγΐται. Τασκος παρ9 αύτοΐς πάσσαλος
καλείται, οροΰγγος δέ μ,υκτήρ, €ΐτουν ρύγχος καλείται. Και άπο του
1
See d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 24, 1903, 212 f. (^4^ 2. 1736).
2
See d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 21, 1900, 254; 26, 1905, 194 (AcS 2. 1741).
3
Also PID XXVB (p. 451). See d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 21, 1900, 254 (AcS
2. 1741).
4
See Pokorny, Urg. 41, IEW 1083; Krahe, Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 221, Spr. Illyr.
109; Porzig 106.
5
See Krahe, IF 65, i960, 115, Strukt. alteur. Hydr. 53.
6
See Flutre, REPL 269.
7
To Whatmough's bibliography add Maugard, Og. 11, 1959, 427 ff.; Duval,
Insc. Par. no. 2; Ross, EC 9, 1960-1, 405 ff.; de Vries, KR 177 ff.
8
For tauropolium CIL 12. 4323, 4328 f. see Whatmough, Orbis 1, 1952, 431.
Q
See also J. Andr£, Lexique des termes de botanique en Latin (Paris, 1956), 311.
[Page Missing]
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2ββ THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
1
question is not attested in Celtic at all. Finally, Schmidt (KGP 277)
connected ter.to- with Ir. techt 'possession(s), property', which may be
a shortened form of techtad m. 'possessing, taking possession o f (v.n.
of techtaid 'has, possesses', see RIAContr. T-tnuthaigid 100 fF.). For the
etymology of these forms see W.-P. 1. 715, IEW 1057 f.
Of all these suggestions the most satisfactory, I think, is still that of
Gliick and Stokes relating tecto- to IE. *teg- 'to cover'. However,
Schmidt's interpretation of the ethnic name Tectosages as 'die auf den
Besitz losgehen' may well be correct. See further section (A) (i) s.nn.
Contexts, Epadatextorigi.
TEUTO-
This is one of the most common name elements in Gaulish. I t is
cognate with Ir. tuath (α-stem) f. 'people, tribe, nation, country,
territory, etc.', 2 W. tud 'country', 3 Corn, tus, Bret, tud4 : Osc. τωρτο,
touto, Umbr. totam ( a c e ) , Goth, piuda, OHG diot(a), OLith. tauta, etc.
See Holder, AcS 2. 1804; Pedersen, VKG 1. 54 {LP 8 ) ; Dottin 292,
293; W.-P. 1. 706 fF.; Schmidt, KGP 277 fF.; Pokorny, IEW 1084f.
Concerning the development of Gaulish /eu/ exemplified in forms
containing this element, which appears as teuto-, touto-, toto-, and tuto->
see the references quoted by Schmidt, KGP 100, 277. See also Dottin,
p· 97> Whatmough, DAG, p . 1367, Watkins Lg. 31, 1955, 13, Beeler,
Collection Latomus 23, 1956, 42. For names in taut- such as P N N
Τάνταλος and Tautius5 in the Hispanic peninsula see Palomar
Lapesa, OPL 137 and Schmoll, SVIHK 89 f.6 For a cognate element in
Welsh and Breton P N N see Lloyd, Cy. 9, 1888, 52 f., Loth, Chr. bret.
169 f, 235, Lloyd-Jones, Τ Geninen 44, 1926, 11. T h e element is so well
attested in other West-Indo-European dialects that it is often difficult
to distinguish Celtic from non-Celtic forms. 7 Thus in the lists pre
sented below some of the names may not be Celtic at all. T h e element
occurs, for example, in forms claimed as Illyrian (see Krahe, PJVLex.
113 f., Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 181, Spr. Illyr. 60 f., Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1.
1
Pinault (Og. 14, 1962, 622) suggests that Ir. techtmar, an epithet of Tuathal,
king of Ireland (see RIAContr. T-tnuthaigid 104), and W. teth 'teat', Br. tezh,
belong here. But it is not clear how exactly he would derive the Welsh and Breton
forms from IE. *tek-. There are obvious phonological difficulties here.
2 See RIAContr. to-tu 348 f.
3 For M1W. tut 'tribe' see Ifor Williams, CAn. 210, id., Canu Taliesin (Caerdydd,
i960), 80.
* ModBret. tud (also tudou 'groupe de gens', tudennou 'quelques personnes') is
the plu. of den 'man'. See P. Trepos, AB 63/2, 1956, 72.
5 Note also PNN Tautinnus DAG 87 and Tautissa DAG 182.
6 Cf. Tovar, ^/>Ayntf 1, 1950, 33 ff. See also id., Kratylos 3, 1958, 12, Emerita 28,
i960, 339» ALSP 99> n o .
7 It should be remembered that the term is not exclusively or even typically
Western Indo-European. See, for example, Szemerenyi, Fachtagung Innsbruck 195.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 267
334 ίΓ., 337; 2. 115 f.), as Thracian (see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 495), as
Germanic (see Schonfeld 225 ff.),1 and as Venetic (see Lejeune,
Revue de Philologie 78 (3, ser. 26), 1952, 211). 2 See also H. Krahe,
Sprache und Vorzeit (Heidelberg, 1954), 65 if.·, id., Saeculum 8, 1957, 8 f.,
id., Spr. Aufgl. 21 ff., Porzig 200, Ipsen, Zis-f- die gesamte Siaatswissen-
schaft 114, 1958, 374, F. Lochner-Huttenbach, Die Pelasger (Wien,
ιφ0)> J 53 5 d e Simone, IF 69, 1964, 27 ff. Loth (RC 33, 1912, 258)3
interpreted DN Virotatis (Apollo) as ccelui qui guerit les hommes 5 ,
comparing Ir. tuath 'northern, left, wicked' 4 and a M1W. form tut,
tud, which he claimed could be rendered as 'magicien' or 'medecin'. 5
This interpretation received the full commendation of Vendryes in his
discussion of the name Teutomatos in CRAI 1939, 466 ff.,6 where he
sought to show that Ir. tuath 'northern, left, wicked' a n d tuath 'people,
tribe' have a common origin. 7 But Schmidt (KGP 297 f.) rightly
criticized and rejected Loth's treatment of this divine name. The
meaning 'good' claimed for Celtic teuto- cannot be established by
appealing either to Ir. tuath with the opposite meaning or to the
fictitious W. *tud 'magician'. 8
P N N : Ambitoutos DAG 19, -totus, -toutus 204, Ambitoutus 214 ( = Am[bi]-
toutus 2 O 8 A ) , Gal. Spr. 154; Cigetoutus DAG 136, 176, 203; Contoutos
157; Cotutos (La Graufesenque) ;9Dacotoutus, Dagot[ou]ti, v. s. DAGO·;
Helvitutiae (dat.) CIL 6. 19282 ; 10 Ilateuta CIL 5. 8 7 4 0 ; " Σνγο. ουτιορ€ΐξ
(leg. Σιγο\τ\ουτιορ€ΐξ) DAG 35 ; 12 Teuta DAG 244; Teutagonus 250 ; 13
Teutalus, Teutamatos 250; ?Teutana 244; Teutius 244; Teuto 214, C£,
p. 3 0 ; TeutoboduusDAG224 ; 14 Teutomalius8^; Teutomatus 156 ;12 Teutomus
1
Cf. Scherer 208, n. 19.
2
Cf. BSL 49, 1953, 52, Pellegrini, Studi Etruschi 23, 1954, 281 if.
3
Whence Dottin 294. See also Rhys ad Holder, AcS 3. 396 s.n.
4
See RIAContr. to-tu 349 f.
5
He recognized this form especially in the name Morgan Tut of the medieval
Welsh romance Gereint ac Enid (RM 261, 286 f.). But this is perhaps the least
satisfactory of a number of attempts to interpret this name. Cf. Rhys, Studies in the
Arthurian Legend (Oxford, 1891), 391; Loth RC 13, 1892, 496 f.; Lot, Romania 28,
1899, 3 2 2 ff· 9 R· S. Loomis, Wales and the Arthurian Legend (Cardiff, 1956), 155, n.
126; I. LI. Foster, Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages, ed. R. S. Loomis (Oxford,
6
1959), 195. See also Vendryes, Rel. Celt. 273.
7
Cf. Stokes, Urk. Spr. 131 and for tuath 'northern, left, wicked* see W.-P. 1.
705 f., IEW 1079 f., AJwyn Rees and Brinley Rees, Celtic Heritage (London, 1961),
381 ff. See also Fleuriot, DGVB 325.
8
No more convincing than Loth's interpretation of Virotutis is Scherer's sugges
tion (Anglia 76, 1958, 434) that it is a derivative in -tut' of Gaulish uiro-, and that it
corresponds to Lat. Virtus. See now Guyonuarc'h, Og. 18, 1966, 311-23.
9 10
See section (B) s.n. See Schmidt, KGP 205, 282.
11
See Schmidt, KGP 225, 278.
12
See section (A) (i) s.n.
13
See Scherer 203, 208, n. 19, Schmidt, KGP 277, n. 4.
14
See Scherer 200 ff., 208, n. 19. Cf. Schmidt, KGP 277.
268 THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
244; Tota 151; Tota[, Tolates Gallia 19, 1961, 365 f.; Totatigen[u]s
CIL 6. 2407, col. i, 1. 3 ; Totavali (gen.) ECMW 166; Totia DAG 208B
(also 214), CIL 3. 8337, -ins Val. Max. 3. 8. 7; Totulo DAG 244; Totus
224; Touta 8 7 ; Toutannorigis (gen.) 87 ;x Toutaronia 87; Toutedo 182;
Toutilla 83, 151, 182; Toutillus 83, 176; Toutio 237; Toutiopovo Bull.
soc.fr. de num., oct. 1960, 462 ff.; Toutissa DAG 136, Remark 2, 140,
151 Remark B, 156, 176, 182, 4a 214; Toutissicnos 163 ; 2 Tbwfo 83,
Zephyrus 1, 1950, 34; 7cwfo[ Z)^4G 250; Toutobocio(s) 177; Touto-
diuicis (gen.) 8 3 ; Toutodiuicus 8 3 ; 71?wii?w[ 244, Toutona 182, Toutoni
(gen.) C7L 2. 440, / M E 930, 1063, 1082, 1344, -iusDAG 182, -us HAE
927, 1113 ;3 Toutos, -us DAG 136, 214, Tbwiz (gen.) C/L 3. 4906, ^4
History of the County of Somerset, ed. W. Page (in Tfo Victoria History of
the Counties of England), vol. 1 (London, 1906), 271, no. 17; 4 Tritoutus
DAG 244; ? 7irf[ 244; Tutano CIL 2. 5745; ? Tutellus DAG 182; ? Tufewz
ZLTG435; TutiaDAG 208B, 214, -ZWJ· 2445 s Tutiani (gen.) C/L 7. 1315;
Tuticanius DAG 244, -z^ 237 ; 6 Tuticius, -ia AcS 2. 2022 ; 7 Tutinatia DAG
182; ?Tutinus 237; Tz/ft'o 244; Tutuia CIL 3. 5664 ( = 11807); Tutula
DAG 244, -WJ JV.-L. 1 0 9 ; T t t t o Ζ λ 4 £ 6, 156, l 8 2 , -a 83 ; 8 Oveviroovra
26 ; 3 Virotouta 83, 244; Virotutus 182; Vogitoutus 244.
L E N N : Ambitouti Plin. JV/f 5. 146 ;* Corionototarum (gen. pi.) C/L
7. 481 ; 10 Teutoburgiensis saltus DAG 221, 241 ; H Teutones or -i 221,
Toutoni 2 4 1 ; Teutoniciani laeti 234; Tevrovodpoc (-ουάριοι?) 241 ; Τωυ-
yeW 241 ; 12 Tout[iacus'] />0£Μ5- Toucy (Yonne) 179; Toutobodiaci Plin.
Λ Ϊ / 5 . Ι46. 1 *
D N N : Crougintoudadigoe (dat.) C/L 2. 2565; 1 4 Ollototae matres AcS
2. 8 4 7 ; ^ feutates DAG 181 (withrefs.), Toutati (dat.) CIL 3. 532ο, 16
1
See Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 306.
2
See section (A) (i) s.n.
3 See also OPL 105.
4
See also AcS 2. 1898 f., DAG 83, 182 for Towft'wj, -i*.
5
See also A;S 2. 1898, 2022.
6
See also AcS 2. 2022.
7
?Cf. Tu(o)ticius DAG 176, 182. With the latter compare PN Tuoata HAE 1172.
8
See also AcS 2. 2023.
9
See Weisgerber, Gfl/. S/>r. 158.
10
See RC 44, 1927, 498; Jackson, Z,//E£ 307; Schmidt, KGP 184, 280.
11
Compare LN Τβυτοβούργιον Ptol., Teutiburgio IA, Teutiborgio (?v.l. 7Vw/z-
barcio) ND, Tittoburgio TP, Clautiburgium Rav. in Pannonia Inferior, for which see
Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 336 who claims it as Illyrian.
12
?For *Τωυτο-γ€νοι. See also DAG 244 and Schmidt, KGP 93, 279. Cf. E.
Howald and E. Meyer, Die romische Schweiz (Zurich, 1940), 356 f.
13
See Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 158; Schmidt, KGP 152, 280.
14
See Tovar, Estudios 137, 206, Blazquez Martinez, RPH 77.
15
See Dottin 292, n. 1, Gutenbrunner 154, DAG, Note (xlv) B, Jackson, LHEB
307, Schmidt, KGP 251.
16
Whence DN T(i)outatis DAG 243 (see also DAG 211 s.n. Sinquas).
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 269
VAL-, VALL-
A name element which points to a Celtic root ual- 'to be strong,
powerful' is well attested in both Continental and Insular Celtic
names, e.g. Gaulish P N N such as Atevalus, Κατοναλος, and Nertovalus
listed below, Old Welsh P N N such as Congual, Catgual, and Dumngual
(see, for example, Lloyd, Cy. 9, 1888, 46 f., Lloyd-Jones, G. 607 s.v.
gwal1), OBret. P N N such as Butgual, Clutuual, and Conuual (see VB
41, 344), and Irish P N N such as Cathal and Tuathal (see Woulfe
174, 203). 9 This Celtic root is cognate with Lat. valeo, Gothic waldan,
etc. (see Urk. Spr. 262; AcS 3. 97; Dottin 295; W.-P. 1. 219; W.-H.
2. 727 f.; KGP 284; IEW 1111 f.; Porzig 200 f.). T h e following
Insular Celtic forms are related to it: Ir. follnaithir 'rules, reigns, holds
sway' (RIADict., fasc. iv. 271 f.); Ir.faith f. (f-stem; < *ulati-) 'lordship,
1
See DAG 236 s.n. ?Medru.
2
See DAG 213 s.n. Cocidius. Cf. perhaps LN Tutatione I A {Totastione TP) in
Noricum AcS 2. 2021 (see Kenner, Og. 9, 1957, 197). See also AE 1961, 1. To the
references concerning DN Teutates given by Whatmough add the following:
d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 1. 451-5, 14. 249-53; Loth, RA 1925, 222 (SprFK
211); Vendryes, Rel. Celt. 264 f.; Duval, DG 25 fT.; id., EC 8, 1958-9, 41 ff. (REA
60, 1958, 358 f.); de Vries, KR 45 ff.; RPH 30 f.
3 See RPH 82 f.
4
See Holder, AcS 2. 1897, Schmidt, KGP 280 and compare Vendryes, Rel.
Celt. 273 (also Le Roux, Og. 11, 1959, 223), whose suggestion is not convincing in
view of the doubt concerning Loth's interpretation of DN Virotutis (see above).
Compare PN Σιγο.ουτιορειξ DAG 35.
5
See commentary preceding these name lists.
6
See Dottin, p. 293, Thurneysen, GOI197, Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 64, Schmidt,
MSS, Heft 12, 1958, 57.
7
See section (B) s.n. ?Βφακο.
8
See also PID, vol. 2, p. 556, 3, p. 47 and compare Lep. toutioio(?) PID, it.
324c (see vol. 3, p. 47). M. Lejeune (Hommages . . . Niedermann, Coll. Latomus xxiii,
Bruxelles, 1956, 207 ff.) read toutas[ in the insc. of Briona. This he would interpret
as touta (nom.) s[ or toutas (gen.).
9
Rhys (LWPh2 379 f., 406) suggested that names such as Cunovali in a Cornwall
inscription (CIIC 468), W. Cynwal, and Ir. Conall contained in their second element
a cognate of Eng. wolf. But this interpretation must be rejected, as Rhys himself
conceded later on (Hibbert Lectures 1886, (London, 1888), 539 with η. ι ; see also
Loth, Chr. bret. 171, n. 2, Dottin 295, n. 3).
270 THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
sovereignty, rule; a ruler, prince' (op. cit. iii. 160), W. gwlad 'country,
land' (see G. 689), OCorn. gulat, MCorn. gidas, MBret. gloat,
ModBret. glad 'fortune, biens; territoire, pays; fief; Ir. flaithem
( < *ulatiamo-, cf. ulatiami CIIC 185) 'a ruler, prince' (see RIADict. iii.
161), MIW. gwledic (see G. 690) ;x MIW. gwalad(y)r 'chief, lord, leader'
(see G. 608),2 which Lloyd-Jones (G., loc. cit.) suggested to be a
derivative of MIW. gwdl 'leader, ruler'. See Lloyd-Jones's remarks in
G. 607 concerning other forms which may be related, including the
second element of Welsh PNN such as Bydwal, Kadval, Kynwal, etc.
I have included in the lists below examples of names in ual(l)-,
chiefly from Ancient Gaul, which may be Celtic. It is extremely diffi
cult to tell how many of these, especially of the uncompounded forms,
contain Celtic ual- meaning 'to be strong, mighty; a ruler, leader' or
the like. In compounded names ual- is certainly attested only as
a second element. It is also quite uncertain whether names in uall-
belong here. For PNN Vallaunus and Vallaunius beside OW. -guallaun,
Ml. and ModW. -(g)wallawnl-(g)wallonyi etc., see section (A) (ii) s.v.
VELLAUNO-. It seems unlikely that account should be taken of the
form uallus 'reaper' Pliny NH 18. 296 (in Gaul, see AcS 3. 96), which is
probably the same as Latin uallus 'a pole, stake': Goth, walus 'staff,
etc. Compare, however, Ir. fdl m. (o-stem, < ualo-) 'a fence, hedge,
enclosure' (see RIADicL, fasc. iii. 35 f.) and its Welsh counterpart
gwawl f. 'wall, fence, hedge, circle, rim, region' (see Lloyd-Jones, G.
636).4 See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 275 f., ACL 3. 192; Loth, RC 41, 1924,
1
See also Bromwich, TTP 453 f., Chadwick, BBCS 19, 1962, 225 ff. Some
Gaulish names in ulat(t)- probably belong here. Note, for example, the following:
PNN Ateula (num.) DAG 177, 206 (for Ateula{tos) ?, see AcS 1. 261; 3. 420, 719 f.,
KGP 141, Colbert de Beaulieu, Cat. Besangon, nos. 106 ff., Cat. Montbiliard, no. 100,
Cat. Jura, nos. 33 f., EC 10/1, 1962, 207; see also DAG 156); Vlatcani DAG 151;
Vlatos (num.) DAG 177, 206 (see refs. quoted above s.n. Ateula; cf. Vlati CIL
13. 10027. 127 whence Vlatos/'-us DAG 228 (vii), 237 and Vlati DAG 182); Vlatti
AE 1956, 164, Vlattia DAG 8, 156, 182, -ius 5, 6, 83, 151, 156, 182; ulattu 177 (see
also AcS 3. 21); Vlactucnij-ugni CIL 13. 10010. 2073 (whence Vlatucnos DAG 151,
Remark B, 156, Remark); Vlatuna DAG 6 ; EN TriulattiAcSo.. 1961 (see KGP 281 f.,
298). Note also ulaten DAG, Note (xv) (b) and Holder, AcS 3. 20 ff. s.nn. in
vlat{t)-.
2
Compare the MIW. PN Kadwalad(y)r (see G. 92) and OBret. PNN in -uualatr,
-uualart (see Chr. bret. 171, RC 15, 1894, 224 ff, DGVB 193, VB 218, 344).
3
In Τ Geninen 44, 1926, 9 ff. Lloyd-Jones rendered the Welsh PN Cadwallon as
4
yn rheoli mewn brwydr', Caswallon as 'a reola ei gas, ei elynion' or '[a reola]
mewn cas', Dyfnwallawn as *a reola fyd', Idwallawn as 'a reola fel tywysog* and
Rhiwallawn as *yn rheoli fel brenin', as if -wallon (-awn) was cognate with -wal in
PNN such as Cynwal, Dyfnwal, and Idwal and derived from Celtic ualo- 'to be
strong, etc.* See also now Fleuriot, VB 41.
4
Gwawl is also attested in Welsh as the name of Hadrian's Wall and as a per
sonal name. See Lloyd-Jones, G., loc. cit; s.nn. Gwawl1, Gwawl2; Ifor Williams,
Armes Prydein (Caerdydd, 1955), 61, Canu Taliesin (Caerdydd, i960), 103. Beside
W. gwawl 'wall, fence, etc.' note gwawl 'light' (G. 635 f.). O'Rahilly (EIHM
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 271
380 ff.; W.-P. 1. 3 0 1 ; W.-H. 2. 730; DAG 246 s.v. uallas; IEW
1142.
See further section (A) (i) s.n. Κατουαλος, (Β) s.nn. Valetiacus and
OVCLXLKLO.
164 f., 178 ff.) a number of forms in uell- (e.g. PN Vellocatus and E N
Vellates) and uellauno-, and compared with the latter Insular Celtic
names which he considered to contain a cognate element (e.g. the
Welsh P N Cas{s)wallawn beside Cassivellaunus) ,l Rhys (LWPh1 197 f.,
LWPh2 187, 194) also related Gaul, uellauno- to the element -wallawnj
-wallon in Welsh P N N and to the divine name Vallaunius of Caerleon.
Moreover, he claimed that the E N N Vellates and Vellauii and velio- in
E N Veliocasses might belong here. I n Celtic Britain (London, 1882)
281-2 Rhys suggested that forms in vel(l)aun- and vallaun- contained
a root *ual- also found in W. gwlad, Iv.flaith, Lat. valere, etc. 2
D'Arbois de Jubainville (NG 27-28) treated uellauno- as a derivative
of uellauno-, whence uellauio- (as in EN Vellavii). I n these forms he
recognized a root uell-, which he claimed also underlay Welsh and
Breton gwell 'better'. 3 Stokes (Urk. Spr. 276) quoted forms in uellauno-,
E N Vellavi, D N Vallaunius together with OBret. -uuallon beside Gaul.
velio- (as in E N Veliocasses). H e assumed that velio- developed to
velio-, and that this was the source of W. gwell, etc. All these forms
were quoted s.v. *vel- 'wahlen, wunschen' as cognates of Lat. volo,
Eng. will, etc. J . Leite de Vasconcellos, in his discussion of D N En-
douellicus (RC 21, 1900, 309), linked uelle- ( < *uel-no-) in this name
and in others with Gaul, uellauno-, and again related these forms to
W . gwell.
Pedersen, on the other hand (VKG 1. 54), analysed uellauno- as
ue-llauno- and compared OBret. P N N such as Cat-uallon and Hael-
uuallon.4 H e related -llauno- to Ir. log, luach 'price, value, wages, pur
chasing' 5 and W. golud 'wealth': Gk. απολαύω, etc. (v. IEW655).6
together below for convenience of reference, although they are probably of multiple
origin, as the commentary which precedes them shows clearly.
1
See also Zeuss, GCl 102-3, GC2 &7> w ^ ° a ^ 0 regarded Welsh and Breton names
in -guallaun, -guallon, -wallon, etc., as cognates of Gaul, vellauno-. See further Lloyd,
Cy. 9, 1888, 47, Loth, Chr. bret. 171 f., Baudis, Grammar of Early Welsh, pt. i
(Oxford, 1924), 15-16.
2
He did concede that -aun- in uellaun- may be different in origin from -awn/On
in W. -wallawnj-wallon. See further E. Zupitza, £CP 3, 1901, 594; Loth, RC 51,
I934> 11; Jackson, LHEB 306; Watkins, Lg. 30, 1954, 517; 31, 1955, 13. His
attempt to connect uellauno- with Og. Walamni ( = Valamni CIIC 125) is not con
vincing (see also de Jubainville, NG 29, n. 1).
3
In NG 211 he claimed that Gaul, uerno- sometimes meant 'bon' and was cog
nate with IT. fern, positive of IT. ferr 'better' beside W. gwell. He did not account for
the difference between the final -rr of IT. ferr and the final -// of W. gwell. He seems
to be suggesting, however, that these forms point to earlier *uel-no-. See also J.
Leite de Vasconcellos, RC 21, 1900, 309, Pedersen, VKG 2. 121. Cf. Strachan, IF
2, 1893, 370, Morris-Jones, WG 153, Thurneysen, GOI 236.
4
He claimed that these forms arose through analogical change. He did not,
however, explain the nature or the cause of this analogical change.
5 See RIAContr. L. 182 ft0.
6
Pedersen quoted the forms Ue-llauno-dunum, Cassi-ue-llaunus, and Cata-launi. As
[Page Missing]
[Page Missing]
276 THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
fell 'deceit, treachery' see IEW 1140, and for W. gweli 'wound'
(subst.), Corn, goly, Bret, gouli (: Lat. vulnus) see IEW 1144-5. l
See further section (A) (i) s.nn. Cassivellaunus and Vercassivellaunus.
P N N : Cassivellaunus BG;2 ?Catuellaunus DAG 237; Cenoveli (gen.) CIL
12. 25 ;3 Dubnovellaunos, Dumnovellaunos, Dubnovellaun, Dubnov, Dubn,
Dumnove, num. Mack, pp. 81 f., 87 f., 127 (nos. 275-8, 282-91, 466 f.), 4
Dumnobella[unus~\ and Αομ[νο]ο[υ€]λλαΰνος CIL 3, pp. 798, 799 (Mon.
Ancyr. c. 32. 6. 2, (Greek) 17. 2) ; 5 Nic\t]ovelius CIL 7. 1091; Vel[
DAG 83; Velabel[Fjius 5, Velabellius 83; 6 Velacena PID xiic; Velacosta
PID xvic (Lig. ?) ; 7 Veladus DAG 8 3 ; Velagenus 6 (see also p . 480), 9, 83,
PID xiic; 8 Velagostius CIL 5. 7729^ 7<?to[ I M G 244; Velaunis CIL 2.
1589, 1590; Velenius DAG 237; Velidaen[2^\ Velideatus 244; Velidoreti
214; Velignio? 194; 10 Velitas CIIC 251 ;n Velitius, -ia DAG 182; Vellaco
8 3 ; ?Vellango 214 (also 224); Vellau[ 214; Vellaunus 224; Vellauus 182;
Vellecia 244; F*ZZ«;i (gen.) C/L 3. 1247; Velleco C/L 3. 5425; Velleius
DAG 182; Frf/iWfl D ^ G , Note (xlv) G ; VellicusEEg. 5; 1 2 Velio DAG
244; Vellocatus 214; Velloudius 83 ;13 Velorius^ Velu[ 237; F<?/M05 Note
(xlv) C; Velucnio 202, Remark; Veludius 5; Velugni 228 (ix), Velugnius
214, 15 Velugnus 237; ?Veluonius 203; ?Veluor[ia] ECMW 121 ; 16 Vercas
sivellaunus BG;2 ]uellicus DAG 237.
L E N N : Bolvelaunio Rav. in Dorset BSRC 25; Catu(u)ellauni, Catalauni
(Cate-) Chalons-sur-Marne (Marne) and ίίατουβλλαυνοί, Catuvel-
launi, Catvallauna in Britain, y. s. CATU-; Segouellauni DAG 8 0 ;
Velabri (Oros.), Velaburi (Aethicus Ister), ΟύζΧλάβοροι (w.U. -ejSopot,
-ίβοροί, etc.) (Ptol.) in Ireland, see ^GS 1 3. 140, 148; Velatudoro IA,
1
Cf. Loth, /2C4i, 1924, 208.
2 3
See section (A) (i) s.n. Not Cenovilins as in Z)^4G 5.
4
See also Allen, Archaeology 90, 1944, 30 ff., id., L4££ 215 f., 261; 5J5L4,
Maps 4, 6.
5
See also Atf 1. 1361, 7XL Onom. vol. 3, fasc. 2, col. 270.
6
For compounded names in z/*/fl- see Schmidt, A*GP 287 f. Compare Scherer,
Anglia 76, 1958, 431 f. Perhaps the gloss uela listed below should not be overlooked
in a study of such names.
7
Compare PN Velagostius below with n. 9.
8
Compare PN Veiagenus CIL 13. 6240 which should be read Vela-, perhaps.
See DAG 237 and 244 s.n., KGP 287.
9
Listed in PID xvc as Velagostia (Lig.) See Scherer 209, Schmidt, KGP 184,
287 f. Compare PN Vilagosti (?dat.) CIL 5. 7837 ( = Vihgostes PID xvic Lig.).
10
Whatmough suggested reading [&]w*[nAr] and Lic(i)nus of Lezoux.
11
See Thurneysen, Die insche Helden- und Konigsage 1 (Halle, 1921), 66, n. 4, id.,
GOI 58, Pokorny, IEW 1136. Possibly a common noun. ?Cf. Veleda above.
12
See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 109.
13
See Vendryes, LEI A A-14. Cf. PN Veludius. See also p. 146 above.
14
Not Vellorius as in DAG 214. ?Cf. PN Veluor\ia\
15
See Weisgerber, AHVN 155-6, 1954, 45 f.
16
?Cf. PN Velorius above.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 277
T 2
see AcS 3. 141 ; Velauni CIL 5. 7817. 45 ; (σνμβοΧον προς) OveXav-
νίους IG 14. 2432 ; 3 Veliocasses, etc., v. s. CASSI-; Ον€ΧΧαδίς (Ptol.) in
Lusitania AcS 3. 148; Vellates DAG 84; Vellaui, OveXXaCoL, -orum ciuitas,
Vellauensis, Vellauus, mod. Velay DAG 148 ; 4 Vellaunodunum BG, per
haps Ghateau-Landon (Seine-et-Marne) ? DAG 179 ; 5 Vellau(u)us pagus
Veluwe DAG 221 (also 212); Well-ica AcS 3. 151; Velunia Rav., a fort
on the Antonine wall BSRC 48.6
D N N : Endovellicus, Endovelicus, Endovollico, etc., v. s. ANDE-; Icovel-
launa DAG 211 (also 213); Macniaco Vellauno (corr. for ueil-) DAG 8 2 ;
Ocelo Vellaun\o\ (dat.) EE 9. 1009. 7
VENI-
A name element vent-, as in P N N such as Venicarus, Venimara, Veni-
marus, and OVCVITOOVTOL, has been related to IT. fin- mfingal f. 'wound
ing or slaying a relative' and Ir. fine (ία-stem, f.) 'family, kindred;
progeny, descendants, clan, tribe, race' (v. RIADict., fasc. 3 s.w.),
OBret. coguenou gl. indegena (v. VVB 77), ModBret. gouenn 'race',
'espece' (v. H e m o n 1005). See d'Arbois de Jubainville, MSL 7,
1892, 294f, id., CRAI 1903, n o ; Holder, AcS 3. 160, 168; Dottin,
p. 297; Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 328; Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 6 4 ;
Scherer 210; Schmidt, KGP 289 f.;« Pokorny, ZEJ>K 1147; Fleuriot,
DGVB 112. Concerning Irish fine and other forms claimed as cognates
see also Loth, RC 13, 1892, 506 fF.,10 Stokes, Urk. Spr. 270,11 Pedersen,
1
Whence Velatudurum [sic] DAG 234.
2
See AcS 3. 141; PID xiiiB (p. 364); Vendryes, CRAI 1957, 207 f.
3
See AcS, loc. cit.; Whatmough, DAG 80; Vendryes, loc. cit.
4
See Gaidoz, RC 6, 1883-5, 116 f. Compare the Breton local name Go'elo, for
which see Smith, Top. bret. 54 (whence Whatmough DAG 180, Remark, p. 622).
See also ILTG 216.
5
See Bull. arch. 1921, 39-51 (RC41, 1924, 286 f.), Bull. soc. arch, de Sens 40, 1937,
123-8 (VAnnie philologique 15, 1940-1, 355). Cf. Vendryes, CRAI 1957, 208.
6
Also Veluniate (loc.) JAS 47, 1957, 229 f. (no. 18); 50, 1960, 85 (fig., p. 93)
(AE 1958, 105, 1962, 249).
7
See Whatmough, DAG, Note (xlv) Β and it. 223. For a recent notice of the
inscription see Nash Williams, BBCS 15, 1954, 83 ff.
8
See Whatmough, DAG 178 and 246, J. Andro, Lexique des termes de botanique en
latin (Paris, 1956), 325 f.
9
Schmidt claimed {KGP 289, 296) that veno-, with -0- for -i- (as in PN Veno-cari
CIL 7. 693), vini-, with vowel assimilation (as in PN Vinivalliae (dat.) CIL 12. 4022
and Vervini (gen.) CIL 12. 1680) and vino- (as in PNN Vinomathus EE 3, p. 316, n. 193
and Vinovaleius CIL 12. 4007) also belonged here.
10
Loth related fine to Ir. fian (a-stem, f.) *a band of hunters or warriors' (v.
RIADict., fasc. 3 s.v.) and Bret, gouenn *race, semence, extraction' ( < *uein~na,
*vein-da). Concerning IT. fian see also Zimmer, JZts.f. deutsches Altertum 1891, 1 ff.,
Stokes, Urk. Spr. 265, de Jubainville, RC 28, 1907, 249, n. 3, Thurneysen, £CP 15,
1925, 262.
11
Stokes and other scholars after him (e.g. van Hamel and Pokorny) have
278 THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
claimed that W. gwen 'a smile, a laugh' is cognate with IT.fine.However, concern
ing this Welsh form see above s.v. GEN- where a different etymology is mentioned.
Distinguish W. gwen P'prayer, supplication, wish, song' (see G. 659), which could
perhaps be related to the root *uen- 's'efforcer, aspirer' postulated by van Hamel.
1
For other instances of PN Venetus, claimed as Illyrian, see Mayer, Spr. alt.
Illyr. 1. 357. See also note s. EN Veneti below.
2
See also AcS 3. 168 s.n. Veni. . .; Gallia 19, 1961, 382 (?Venus).
3
See also AcS 3. 168 s.n., Oswald 328.
4
See also AcS 3. 169 s.n. Gliick (KN 167, n.) suggested that ueni- in this name
might be cognate with W. gwen 'a smile, a laugh'. Other scholars related it to Ir.
fingalyfine, etc. De Jubainville, for example (MSL 7, 1892, 295), rendered the name
as 'cher a ses parents' (see also AcS 3. 169, KGP 289). Whatmough {DAG, Note (lii)
(q), p. 993) stated that in this name ueni- 'friend' is either Celtic or Germanic, and
interpreted it as a hybrid compound of Celtic or Germanic ueni- and Latin -cams.
In Studies presented to David M. Robinson ii (Saint Louis, 1953), 482, on the other
hand, he regarded the name as a hybrid compound of Germanic and Celtic.
Finally, in CPh. 50, 1955, 284 he treated it as a binominal intensive compound
"dear, dear", i.e. "very dear" '. Thurneysen (ZCP 14, 1923, 10, see Weisgerber,
SprFK 155, 212, 217, Schmidt, KGP 147, n. 3) suggested 'nur mit aller Reserve'
that an alleged uen[a] in a stamp of Lezoux (CIL 13. 10012, 19, cf. Dottin, nos. 43
and 43 bis, Whatmough, DAG, Note (xxi) (pp. 330 f.)) might be a lenited form of
Celtic *bena (: Ir. ben 'woman'). Whatmough's mention (DAG, p. 993) of the
possibility that we have a similar element ueni- 'woman' in Venicarus need not be
taken seriously. Cf. PN Vinicarus DAG 237. A number of interesting forms in vin-
have been omitted from this list. s See section (A) (i) s.n.
THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY 279
VER-
Gaulish ^ r - corresponds to IT. for, for- 'on, over', O W . guor, M o d W .
gor-y ar, Corn, gor-, war, Bret, gour-, war : Skt. updri, Gk. υπέρ, Lat.
.rajter, Goth, z{/ar. See Pedersen, VKG 1. 35, 246, Holder, AcS 3. 179,
Dottin 297, Baudis 16, W.-P. 1. 192, Thurneysen, Hdb. 465, id.,
GO/513 f., Fleuriot, DGVB 181 f., 198, VB 211, 386. Pedersen assumed
that Gaul, ver- developed from vor- ( < *upor) by dissimilation.
Thurneysen, on the other hand, suggested that the influence of Celtic
vo- 'under' ( < *upo-) was responsible for the changing of a Common
Celtic ver- ( < *uper) to vor- in Insular Celtic. Finally Hamp (BBCS 15,
pt. 2, M a y 1953, 124) preferred to recognize in Continental Celtic
ver- ( < *uper) and Insular Celtic vor- ( < *upor) an old Indo-European
ablaut variation. T h e use of ver- as an intensive prefix in Gaulish is
well exemplified in the form iiernemetis (abl. plu.) 'fanum ingens' of
Venantius Fortunatus, carm. 1. 9. 9 f, concerning which see W h a t -
mough's full discussion s.v. in DAG 158. Note also uertragus, uertraha
1
See now P. Merlat, P.-W.2 viii, A. 1 (1955), 705-84. Note also mod. La Vendue
(*Veneto-) DAG 154 (p. 404) and compare Veneti, Venetia PID v, Intro, (pp. 230 f.),
VA (p. 235), Venetus lacus XXVA (p. 447, also DAG 241), luenetus 'blue* PID 340D
(also W.-H. 2. 747), * Venetus mons PID XXVD (p. 455), Venetuliani (in Latium)
Krahe, Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 221, Spr. Illyr. 109, Venethi DAG 241. See further Mayer,
Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 356 f., 2. 123 f.; Merlat, Μέτη. de la soc. d'hist. et d'arch. de Bretagne
39, 1959, 5-40 (REA 62, i960, 388); Pokorny, IEW 1146, id., VI. Internationaler
Kongrefi fur Namenforschung, Munchen 24.-28 August 1958, Kongrefibenchte, Bd. Ill,
hrsg. Karl Puchner (Munchen, 1961), 604 f.; Kuhn, Westfalische Forschungen 12,
1959, 41 fF.; G. Devoto, Origine indeuropee (Firenze, 1962), 316 f. (cf. Lejeune,
REA 64, 1962, 415 f.).
2
See also AE 1959, 129.
3
?Raetic. See PID XXVA (p. 446), vol. 2, p. 56, and compare perhaps uennu{n)-
cula (uitis or uua) DAG 240.
28θ THE MATERIAL! AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
VERTO-, VORTO-
This element is probably cognate with the Irish verbal root fert-f
fort- (e.g. Olr. adferta gl. auersatur, adbartaib gl. aduersariis, andyor£-+
<ώ- 'pour, pour out'): Skt. udrtati 'turns', Lat. i^rfo (IE. *uer-t-\*uor-t-
'turn', see FTG2.526, W.-P. 1.274 f., W.-i/. 2. 763 ff., IEW1156 ff.).*
1
Gomez-Moreno (Misc. 207 f., 327, n. 5) read uoramos in one of the rock
inscriptions of Penalba de Villastar, and Tovar accepted this reading. See further
Tovar, Emfrita 27, 1959, 355, no. 5; 28, i960, 339. Concerning PN Vramus CIL
2. 364 (?*ueramos) see Palomar Lapesa, OPL 112.
2
For other collections of examples see Zeuss-Ebel, GC2 859 f., Holder, AcS 3.
179, Schmidt, KGP 290 ff.
3 4
See also Whatmough, DAG, p. 477. See section (A) (i) s.n.
6
s See Fleuriot, EC 10/1, 1962, 182 ff. Cf. PN Verticissa (leg. -tec-) 136.
7
See KGP 93, 290, Og. 17, 1965, 149 ff, and section (B) s.n. Agio.
8
W. gwerthyd Spindle' (G. 672), OCorn. gurhthit gl. fusus (OCV 361), OBret.
£ΗΓ/ΝΖ# (FFJ5 148, cf. DGK5 201),guirtitou gl. fusis (DGVB 193), ModBret. gwerzhid,
Ir. /*rfcw 'shaft, spindle' (RIADict., fasc. 3. 95 f.) are also cognate and point to
Celtic uerU. For Ir. fri (preverb frith-), W. (g)wrth, Corn. or/Λ, Bret. 0 ^ (: IE.
*&rf-) see LP 5, GOI 515, ZHEB 337, DGVB 203 beside Hamp, ,Β^Ο^ 15, 1954,
124 f-> Pokorny, £CP 27, 1958-9, 317. W. gwerth 'worth, price, value', Bret, gwerzh,
and W. gwerthu 'sell', Corn. gwerthey Bret, gwerzhan may also belong here. See
Pedersen, F7TG 2. 526. But these forms have been explained as loan words from
Germanic. See Thurneysen, Keltorom. 82, Holder, AcS 3. 247, Dottin 298, W.-P.
I. 275, Pokorny, IEW 1157. Compare Stokes, Urk. Spr. 273 f., Fleuriot, DGVB 329.
T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 281
Most, if not all, of the examples which follow belong here.
PNN: Ateuorti (gen.) CIL 3. 5272; Couerthi DAG 202, Remark;
?Co]uertina DAG 83; Couertomotul Blanchet, Mnl. 124 ;x Exuertini DAG
188 ;2 Vert[CIL 13. 10010. 2016; Vertacus DAG 250; Vertano DAG 182;
?farterZX4G 83, 156; VertiaDAG 176; farfrco ZL4G 83, 214; 3 Vertiscus
DAG 214; 3 Verto CIL 13. 10010. 2018,4 Vertoni (dat.) C/L 12. 1234;
Vertos DAG, Note (liii) (p. 1077); Vertougus DAG 139 ;5 F^rircij· CIL
13. 10003. ^ 7 · 6
VIC-, V I C T - , VEC-, V E C T -
I have listed together a number of examples of forms in wV-, vict-
(also wyt- and -vix), vec~, and zwtf- in this section, in spite of the fact
that they are certain to be of multiple origin. Owing to early con
fusion of the various name elements it is all the more difficult to deter
mine the origin of most of these forms and to list them under
the appropriate name element. Some of these may well be non-
Celtic.
Olr. fichid 'fights' (DictRIA., fasc. 3. 123-4),9 do-fich 'punishes,
1
Compare DAG 245, where Whatmough's Counertomotul must be wrong.
2
See section (A) (i) s.n.
3
See section (B) s.n.
4
For Vertougus?
5
See Holder, AcS 3. 247 (whence Schmidt, KGP 279, 292). Cf. AcS 2. 891. 36.
6
See DAG 176, 182.
7
See Holder, AcS 2. 1961.
8
Compare Verterae I A, Veneris ND, Valteris Rav., now Brough-under-Stainmore,
Westmorland, and the interpretation suggested by Sir Ifor Williams in BSRC
48 s.n.
9
Distinguish Olr. fichid (ί-stem) *boils, seethes, bubbles; ?bursts, explodes'
(DictRIA., fasc. iii. I24f.; see Pedersen, VKG 2. 521, Vendryes in Mil, ling,
offerts a M. Holger Petersen (Kobenhavn, 1937), 289). Stokes (Urk. Spr. 279 s.v.
viko *ich kampfe') also quoted OW. guichr and guichir (see VVB 137), later gwychr
'courageous, fierce' (G. 728 f.), and W. gwych 'strong, fine, splendid, brilliant'
(G. 727 f.). See also RC 38, 1920-1, 299, IEW 1129, DGVB 190. For a different
etymology of these Welsh forms see VKG 1. 75, 122 f. {LP 3, 18) (cf. Zupitza, KZ
35, 1899, 258), GOI 316, and Lloyd-Jones, G. 727b. 2 ff., 728b. 7. For other W.
forms which may be cognate with IT. fichid 'fights' see Loth, RC 41, 1924, 390;
K.Jackson, Early Welsh Gnomic Poems2 (Cardiff, 1961), 51 f.; Williams, CAn. 348;
Lloyd-Jones, G. 679 s.w. gwic2 and guigiat.
282 THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
avenges' 1 are cognate with Lat. uineo, Goth, weihan, etc. (: IE. *ueik-
v. IEW 1128-9) and point to Celtic uic-. Whitley Stokes, for example,
claimed {Urk. Spr. 279) that Gaulish -vix and -vices (as in ζλκζσοονιξ,
Viridovix, Brannovices, and Ebarovices) are also cognate. 2 A number of
other forms in vic(c)- (for example, Βλανΰοονικουνιαι, Vicatus, Viccia,
-ius, Vicio and Vico) m a y belong here.
Ir.fecht (DictRIA., fasc. 3. 53-55) and M1W. gweith (G. 651-2) in the
meaning 'a raid, fight, attack, battle' probably derive from the same
root as fichid 'fights' and therefore point to Celtic *uikta. See, for
example, Urk. Spr., loc. cit., where Stokes also quoted as forms point
ing to earlier *uikt- O W . guith and guithlaun3 and OBret. uueith- and
uueth- in personal names. 4 Some Gaulish names in met- and, with
spirantization of -c-, in υίχί- probably belong here, for example
Convictolitavis, Mediuixta, Victimaria,-ius, Victum[arius], Vixtu[, and names
in diuict- and diuixt-.
It is not clear whether there are any Celtic cognates of Lat. vicus,
Greek οΐκος, etc. (: I E . *ueik-, *uik-, *uoiko- v. IEW 1131); for Iv.fich
'a village, a rural district, an indefinite stretch of land' (DictRIA.,
fasc. 3. 122), W. gwig 'wood', etc. (G. 678), have been explained as
loan words from Latin vicus (see Loth, Mots latins 175; Stokes, Urk.
Spr. 279 ; 5 V. Henry, Lexique etymologique des termes les plus usuels du
breton moderne (Rennes, 1900), 153; J . Vendryes, De hibernicis vocabulis
quae a latina lingua originem duxerunt (Lutetiae Parisiorum, 1902), 142;
Holder, AcS 3. 281 s.v. *vico-; Loth, RC 4 1 , 1924, 390-3 ; 6 W.-P. 1.
231). Some instances of -vie- in names listed below, especially -vicus]
-vici, if not -vices, in local and ethnic names, may belong here.
Ir.fecht and M1W. gweith (ModW. gwaith)7 also mean 'turn, time,
1
Names in diuic{t)-\diui\t- in particular (for uict-Juixt- see below) may be com
pared with Ir. do-fich. See SprFK 199 and section (A) (i) s.nn. Diviciacus and Divico.
2
See also Holder, AcS 3. 281 s.v. vico-, 3. 419 s.v. -vix; Dottin p. 299 s.w. -vie-,
-vico-, p. 300 s.v. -vix; W.-H. 2. 792; KGP 286; IEW 1129.
3 See GC1 1088 ( = GC2 1058), KN 89-90, VVB 141, 142-3. Compare the
etymology proposed for W. gwyth *anger, wrath' by Morris-Jones (WG 144).
4
See Loth, Chr. bret. 173-4, a l s o Fleuriot, DGVB 189 f. For the W. personal
name Gweith see G. 652. Note also the following Welsh names: Gweithvoed G. 652,
Gweithen ibid., Catgueithen, Congueithen, Marchweithian (listed in G. s.v. gweithen {-yen),
where the Cornish name Cantgueithen (-gethen, CangueSen) is compared). In addition
to Stokes, loc. cit. see A S 3. 283 s.v. uicto-, Dottin 296 s.v. vecti-, 299 s.v. victo-,
W.-H. 2. 792, IEW 1129. See also VB 61, 353.
5
He quoted the names Borco-vicus, Lato-vici, and Cambo-vicenses s.v. viko-s,
viku-s Dorf.
6
With Loth's treatment of M1W. gwyhwic compare that of Ifor Williams,
Pedeir Keincy Mabinogi (Caerdydd, 1930), 210-11.
7
This W. form should be distinguished from M1W. gweith (ModW. gwaith)
'work, act, deed' (v. G. 650-1). For the etymology of the latter see Morris-Jones,
WG 156, 367. The two forms are confused or treated as one by Gluck, KN 88 fF.,
PA^AI-CATI VKCl τ. τ99 (cL LP Δ.2). Holder, AcS 3. 132, Pokorny, IEW 1119
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 283
various elements were derived (witness the case oilr.fecht and M1W.
gweith),1 or, on the other hand, perhaps in the blurring or eventually
in the complete loss of their meaning.
P N N : ?[Ad]uecti (gen.) ECMW 215 ; 2 Βλαν^οουικουνιαι DAG 4 6 ^
Bravecci ECMW 122; Brigovicis (gen.) CIL 5. 4710; 4 Calunovic\a\
CIIC 273; Catuviq[qd] CIIC 184; ?Cexauicti DAG 237 (also 244) ; s
Convictolitavis BG;3 Convictus CIL 3. 3 i 6 6 b ; Cunovicodu AcS 1. 1196;
Degovexus DAG 214; Denavec\a CIIC 279; Diovicus CIL 7. 1017; Diueca
DAG 244; Diuica DAG 156; Diuicatus DAG 136; 6 Diuicia, -ius DAG
214; 7 DiuiciacusDAG 182, 214, 237 ; 3 Diuiciana DAG 214, 8 -us DAG 19,
237, Diuicianu(s) CIL 6. 2407; Diuico BG;3 Diuitta PID xiic; Diuicus
DAG 136, 182, 237 (see also AcS 1. 1290); Diuixta DAG 156, 182, 214,
237, AE 1963, 1 2 0 , - ^ 1 3 6 , 1 5 1 , 156,182, ΐ 9 5 , 2 θ 8 ( Ζ ) ^ ζ χ [ ί ] ^ ) , 2 ΐ 4 , 2 2 4
(Di[ui]xtus)y 228 (iv), 237, 244; 9 ?Diuixtianns 156; Diuixtilla 214;
Diuixtius 237; Diuixtui 215; Diuixtullus 215, 244; Diuixxtus 151;
Ελκεσοουιξ (-ζ) DAG 177 ; 10 Ercaviccas CIIC 196; Icouicus DAG 228 (iv);
JzVzflw^^) 157; Luguvvec CIIC 221; Luguvvecca CIIC 140; Mediuixta (or
J9z#-) ZX4G 214; Megaravico (abl.) Flor. 1. 34, 4 ; Ollovico BG ; 3 Ragavvecc
CIIC 257; IRanuici CIL 13. 11036. 6 7 ; Rittuvvecc CIIC 2 1 1 ; Rituvvecas
CIIC 250; Roueca, Ροουικα DAG 78, 177 (see also 2 3 9 ) ; " ?Rouicus 83 ; 12
Sollouico AcS 3. 2 8 1 ; Spiruiconis (gen.) CZL 3. 4909; Toutodiuicus, -is
DAG 8 3 ; ?F«ra P / D , Note xvii (6) ; « F ^ t o P/D XUB ; Veccinius DAG
237; F<?££0 83, 244, PID XUB; Vecconius DAG 224; Fi?^wj 208c; Vecilius
237; ?[Vek]isoni PID 272 i (c) ; 14 Ffojz/j ZMG 244; Vecius CIL 2. 2584,
?F|Y|« (gen.) EE 8, p . 370, no. 3 9 ; Veco DAG 244; Vecorix 204 ; IS
Vecr[ec] CIIC 227 ; I S Vecticia, -ins DAG 8 3 ; Vectic(us) Wagner 7; %rfi-
1
For other examples in Celtic of what Vendryes has termed 'etymologie
croisee' see BSL 51/1, 1955, 1 ff., EC 8, 1958-9, 298 if.
2
Compare PN Avectius DAG 214 and see s. name element AD-.
3
See section (A) (i) s.n.
4
= PN Brigouix PID viiic. See also AcS 1. 544 s.n.
s = CIL'13. 5222. See also DAG, Note (lvi) (p. 1164).
6
Note also PN Diuicatus PID xiic and see AcS 1. 1289.
7
Compare PNN Diucia, Diucius DAG 208B, 214.
8
Compare PN Diuciana DAG 214.
9
See also AcS 1. 1294 f-> DAG, Note (xlv), Remark (p. 842), and CGP, pp. 207-
I0
10, plates 115-16. See Blanchet, Traite 119, Manuel p. 82, no. 160.
11
Compare anna roueci DAG 206 (see AcS 1. 156, 2. 1236, 3. 138, 628) and see
Colbert de Beaulieu, RAE 10, 1959, 67-71, 92, n. 58, EC 9, 1960-1, 121 f.
12
?Cf. PN Roucius DAG 83.
I4
*3 See PID, vol. 3, p. 49. See P/D, vol. 2, p. 553.
15
Pokorny {IEW 1129) claimed that PNN Vectirix and Vecorix contained a form
of the normal grade of the IE. root *ueik-. With Vecorix he equated the Old Irish
PN Fiachrai (gen. Fiachrach) and the Og. form Pfora [jfc]. For the latter see
Macalister, Studies 2, p. 123, no. 117. Compare Og. Veqreq (Macalister, Studies 3,
pp. 140 f., no. 189). See further Stokes, BB 23, 1898, 61 s.n. Fiacha. Compare
names in veic- such as PNN Veico DAG 244, Veicus 196, Veicius CIL 2. 5670.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 285
VIRO-
Here again I have listed together a number of examples of names
which are bound to be of multiple origin. It would be extremely
difficult to arrange these forms in vir- under the appropriate name
element, as the etymology of so many of them is not known. Forms
are quoted below which may be cognate with the elements in ques
tion here, but it is not implied that all the names listed may be
explained by reference to one or other of these forms. Indeed, some of
the names may well be non-Celtic.
A number of them probably contain an element viro~ 'man' cognate
with Ir.ferm. 'a man', W. gwr : Skt. νϊτά-, Lat. vir, etc. See JVG 137 f.,
AcS 3. 387, VKG 1. 41 f. (LP 4), W.-P. 1. 314 f., KGP 296 ff., IEW
ii77f. A common noun viros 'man5 seems to be attested in an in
scription of Pefialba de Villastar.1 See Tovar, Estudios 55 f., 126,
Kratylos 3, 1958, 12, Cahiers d'histoire mondiale 4, 1958, 302. For a cog
nate element in Welsh and Breton names see Lloyd-Jones, Τ Geninen
44, 1926, 10, Loth, Chr. bret. 178 f., 180, Fleuriot, DGVB 201.
Others may contain an element viro- 'true' cognate with Ir. fir
'true', W. gwir: Lat. vents, OHG. war. See NG 1388*., AcS 3. 388,
VKG 1. 50 (LP 7), KGP, loc. cit, IEW 1165 f.
It is doubtful whether account should also be taken of viriae (Celti-
berice), viriolae (Celtice) 'bracelets' Plin. NH 33. 39 f., etc. See, for
sources and etymology, AcS 3. 362 f., W.-P. 1. 226, SprFK 213, DAG
158, IEW 1122, OPL nof., Delgado, Actes et Me'moires, Vime Congr.
int. de top. et d'anthr. Salamanca 12-15 avril ig$5 (Acta Salmanticensia.
Filosofiay Letras ix/2) (Salamanca, 1958), 181 ff., Hubschmid, RPh.
15, 1961-2, 251 ff., Tovar, Celticum vi. 400.2
PNN: Agedouirus DAG 182; Allouira 151; ?Aruiragns (Schol. Arbiragus)
Juv. AcS 1. 244; Atuirus DAG 151; Canuviris (?gen.) CIL 13. 4484;
CatvvirrCIIC 221 ;3 Covirius DAG 2O8B (also 214), Covirus 202, Remark,
208B (also 214) ; 4 Dattovir 83; ?Dumviranns CIL 3. 5111; Sacrouir DAG
1
For a correction of the reading of this inscription see Tovar, Emerita 27, 1959,
356, num. 6.
2
Gliick (KN 186 s.n. Viromandui) thought that a name element viro-, with short
-i-, could be related to a Welsh form gwyr 'recens, vigens, validus, luxuriosus,
viridis', which presumably derives from the entry gwyr 'a. (gwy-yr) that is pure,
fresh; lively, vigorous, luxuriant, verdant* in W. Owen[-Pughe]'s A Welsh and
English Dictionary. Compare guyr 'neat, handsome' in Edward Lhuyd, Archaeologia
Britannica (Oxford, 1707), 217. Note also gwyra 'kroyw ne ir, fresshe' in A Die-
tionary in Englyshe and Welshe by Wyllyam Salesbury (1547) ([reprinted for the
Cymmrodorion Society, 1877). Gliick's equation is untenable, as W. gwyr 'pure,
fresh, new' should probably be connected with W. gwyry(f), gwyrf, for which see
3
Lloyd-Jones, G. 751. See also CIIC 250, 268.
4
Compare the coin legends dubnocou, dumno-, -coueros, -couiru listed s.v. DUBNO-.
Concerning Gaul, couiro-jcouero- see Pedersen, VKG 1. 50, 64, 166, 533 {LP 7,
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 287
83, 182, 214, 237, Sacronini[, Sacrouinis 136, 237 ;l Senoidr 83, 214, 237;*
Sunnovira 182; Viva 176, PID xiic; Viradius DAG 216, R e m a r k ;
Viragni CIIC 70; ?Viralira (Viraria?) DAG 237; ?Viramis 132; Virate
244; Viratia CIL 3. 5 4 8 4 = 11752, 9155; Viratilus 228 (iv); Virato
202; Viratus PID xiic; Virauus DAG 228 (ii); names in vir(i)d-, vired-,
and urid-y see section (A) (i) s.nn. Viridomarus and Viridovix; Vire[DAG
237; Virecus 139; FiraVz 83, 182, -sky 13, 83, 237; Viretios 157; Firatf
244; Viriacius CIL 2. 601; ?Viriaemo (dat.) 2. 2547; ViriaicusDAG 214;
Viriana PID XUB, -&$· P / D XUB ;3 ?Virianto Gallia 20, 1962, 655; Viriassiu
DAG 203, 214; Viriata PID xiic; Viriatis HAE 239, 240; Viriatius
DAG24.,4 Viriatus, Viriathiis, Ούιρίαθος, Ούιρίατθος, Ύρίατθος, Βορίανθος
AcS 3. 365 **·> £ * ^ I I 0 5 -C^4G 25, 244; 5 Viriaucus DAG 237; ?Viriciu,
Virici, Viricio n u m . ^ 4 ^ 3. 378 f. ; 6 Virico, Vir(r)i, Vir, etc. (also Veric(a),
Veri), num. ΛΛ? 3. 215, 379, 397 ; 7 ΡίηΤώ J D ^ G 8 3 ; Virico CIL 5. 4594;
?Viricorb CIIC 3 0 3 ; names in viril(l)~, ουιριλλ-, see Appendix s.n.
Virillios; Viri. Jo[DAG 182; Virinius CIL 2. 1251; Virino (dat.) CZL 13.
588*; Virio CIL 2. 5994; 8 Viriodacus DAG 176,203, 224, 228 (vii);
Viriodu[ 182; Viriola 250; Viriondagicane (dat. f.) CZL 3. 4996;
(?) FirwrK ZL4G176; Viriota\li ?] C7L 4 . 2 4 5 1 ; ? Virion DAG 151, R e m a r k ;
Viris[i)mi DAG 2 0 5 ; Viritus 244; FznVz, -ins DAG 83, 156, Remark,
208, 208B, 237, 244, PID xiA, XUB and c, 9 AE i960, 283, CIL 2. 5250,
5748, HAE 1185 ; 10 FirZwj i ) ^ G 176; Virocantus PID xiic; ? Virodu[ DAG
78; Virolo 244; Viromarus DAG. 214.; Vironianus, Vironic.ui 244; Fzro-
nin(i)? (gen.) C/L 7. 1336. 1187, Vironiiis BRAH 61, 1912, 138,
Vironus AcS 3. 395, Z>^4G 176, OPZ, 111, / M E 1344; ?Virosbicrius DAG
8 3 ; Virodu 203, 214; names in virotal-, v. s. TALO-; Virotius 237;
names in virotout-lvirotut-, v. s. TEUTO-; Virotus DAG 214; Viruico
215 ; ! I Fi'rar n u m . A S 3. 388, 12 Fzntf Z)^4G 83, 224, J A S 50, i960,
237, no. 8. 13
i3),Pokorny 3 £CP 11. i6,ZEH/6i3, 1165, Williams, £ £ 0 £ 3 , 1927, 55 f., Thurney-
sen, GOI123, Schmidt, KGP 177.
1
See Schmidt, A"GP 59, n. 1, 263, 298, MSS, Heft 12, 1958, 59, 60.
2
?Cf. Senourus DAG 83. See Schmidt, KGP 59, n. 1, 267, 298, MSS, locc. citt.
3
See also PID viiiB.
4
From C/L 12. 1514 also containing PN Viriatia. Compare PN Viriatius CIL 5.
3842, whence PN Viriatia PID viic.
s See Delgado, loc. cit. (p. 286 above), also EAAHA 189 f. The Welsh PN Gwriad
(see Bromwich, 7ΎΡ 396, Lloyd-Jones, G. 710) may reflect an earlier Vinatus.
6
See also DAG 206. Cf. Vericiu, -to AcS 3. 215.
7
See also DAG 206, Remark, Mack, nos. 109-32, IASB, pp. 211 f., SBIA,
Map 5.
8
See Albertos Firmat, Emdrita 26, 1958, 239.
9
Also PID VUA, viiic, XVA, xxiiic.
10
See also AcS 3. 386 f., OPL n o , £^L4i£4 189 f.
11
Compare names in veruic(c)-\veruecc- listed s.w. VER- and VIC-.
12
Whence wfro(j) DAG 206.
" See also AcS 3. 387 f.
288 THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
VO-
Gaulish z/o- 'under 5 9 is cognate with Ir.fo-,fu- (fa-), O W . guo-,
gu-, M1W. £zw-, gwa-, go-, ModW. go-, gwa-, Corn, go-, gwa-, Bret.
£0M-, gwa-: Gk. υπό, Goth, M/*, Skt. upa, etc. See Holder, AcS 3. 421,
Pedersen, P7TG 1. 92, 2. 295 (LP 26, 262 f.), Thurneysen, GO/511 ff.,
Schmidt, A"GP 63, 299 f., Pokorny, IEW 1106 £, Fleuriot, VB 385 f.
T h e analysis of several of the names listed below is doubtful. Not all
these forms can be shown certainly to contain vo-. Moreover, a num
ber of other names in which one could recognize (less certainly,
perhaps) the prefix vo- are not mentioned at all. For possible instances
of Gaul, vo- 'two' or 'double' see footnote below s.n. Vocontii.
P N N : Advocisus and Advorix, v. s. AD-; names in vocar-,10 v. s. CARO-;
Voconi (gen. ?) CIL 7. 554, Voconius DAG 244; Bocontia (i.e. Voc-) 87,
Vocontius (B-) 83, 244; ?Voconus HAE 14, BEP 20, 1957, 101 ff.;"
1
See also AcS 3. 360 f.
2
See also AcS 3. 363 f.
3 See also AcS 3. 389 ff.
4
Cf. PN Virolo above and see also Weisgerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 40.
6
s See Thomas, EANC 27. See also AcS 3. 392 ff.
7
See Gutenbrunner 104f., i n , n. 1, Schmidt, KGP 297.
8
See Gutenbrunner i n , n. 1.
9
In paraueredus 'palfrey' and ueredus 'a post-horse* (for these v. s. REDO-), ue-
may have arisen from Gaul, vo- 'under', through analogy with ver- or through
vowel assimilation. See Pedersen, VKG 1. 35, 438; Holder, AcS 3. 129 (cf. 3. 206
s.v. ve-redo-s); Dottin, p. 296; Schmidt, KGP 285 (he assumed that PN Vesmeri
(gen.) CIL 12. 2923 and DN Vegnio (dat.) CIL 13. 4049 show Gaul, ve- 'under'; his
analysis of the latter, if not of the former, is hardly correct); Pokorny, IEW ι ιο6;
id., Kratylos 3, 1958, 174. The British local name Bereda Rav. (Voreda IA), now
Plumpton or Old Penrith, Cumberland, may also contain be- (for ve-), < vo-
'under'. See, however, BSRC 24 f. s.n.
10
Cf. PN Vacarus DAG 244 and see Schmidt, KGP 94, 299.
11
See Blazquez Martinez, RPH 138.
THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY '2U(J
Vocorix(?) EC 9, 1960-1, 112, n. 1; Vocula DAG 214, 224, 237;
Vocunilios 177;1 ?Vocurtum (ace.) CIL 6. 9349; Vogene., v. s. GEN-\
Volatei (?gen.) AE 1937, 54 ;2 Volatia PID xic; Vonatorix DAG 224;
?Vopiscns PID viiic (Lig. ?) ;3 Voretouirius Note (ix) ; 4 Vorvodisius CIL 5.
4547;s VosecunnusCILy. 1336. 1220, 13. 10010. 2085; 6 VosegusDAG8%,
237; Vose(nos) DAG 206, Remark; 7 ?Vosonicus 237; Votecongas ((?£.),
Voteporigis (Lat.) £CMW 138.8
LENN: Vobergensis iuuentus DAG 234 (also 241) ;9 Vocara 234; Vocetius
mans 241 ;10 VocladumASS, Vogladensis Greg. Tur., Vouille-sur-Auzance
(Vienne) A S 3. 435 ; n Voclannionum uicus DAG 209 (also 212) ;9 Vocontii
DAG 80: 12 Volitanio, a fort on the Antonine Wall JSSBC 5c; Vosagensis
pagus DAG 148; Vosegusmons (v.l. Fflg^Kj), Vosagus, Vogesen, Wasgau,
Vosges ZL4G 234 (also 212); Voseto Vrouzay?DAG 149, Remark; Fiw0-
luia, Vosouia Oberwesel DAG 234; 9 Vosugones DAG 209 (also 211).13
DNN: Vosegus DAG 2361 Votecuet[DAG 181.
I 2
See also A. Philippon, Og. 8, 1956, 327. Cf. CIL 9, 1592.
3
Note also PN Fo[/?waty] ZL4G 237. Vendryes tried to explain the name as
vo-piscus 'qui a deux ames'. See Misceldnea scientifica e literdria . . . J. L·^ de Vas-
concellos (Coimbra, 1934), 430 f. (EC 1, 1936, 367, DAG, p. 1359).
4
See section (A) (i) s.n.
5
Listed as Venetic in PID viiic. See Schmidt, KGP 194, 299, 300.
6
Whence PN Vosecunnus DAG 214. Compare Vosecun(n)us DAG 176. See Schmidt,
KGP 265, 299.
7 See Schmidt, KGP 63, 300, Mack, pp. 88, 93, SBIA, Map 4, IASB, p. 214.
8
See s.v. REG-, Compare PN Vortipori (voc.) DEB, chap. 31, probably the same
name. See, for example, Jackson, LHEB 625, n. 1. Compare also DN Votecuet[
9
below. See Weisgerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 41.
10
See AcS 3. 425, VKG 1. 57 (LP 10).
II
See Vendryes, EC 1, 1936, 367, id., Recueil de travaux qffert a Clovis Brunei, vol.
2 (Paris, 1955), 647.
12
It has been claimed that vo- in this form (also in PN Vopiscus and LN Vocla-
dum) should be interpreted as an element meaning 'two' or 'double'. Vocontii
has been related to W. ugain (M1W. ugein(i)) '20* and compared with Gallo-Latin
tricontis in the phrase omnibus tricontis (abl. pi.) 'in all the months with thirty days'
in a Latin inscription of Geligneux (or -ieux) CIL 13. 2494 (see Loth, CRAI1909,
24). Further an alleged Vocorio (see AcS 3. 433, DAG 206, Remark; recte corio,
see Mack, pp. 107, 112, Allen, Bagendon 93, id., IASB, p. 255, SBIA, Map 6) has
been compared with the ethnic names Tricorii DAG 80 and Petruconi DAG 153.
See, inter alios, Loth, AB 20, 1904-5, 542; Jullian, REA 9, 1907, 172 ff.; Holder,
AcS*.
422> 433 > Dottin, p. 300; Pedersen, Le Groupement des dialectes indo~europe'ens
(Kobenhavn, 1925), 22 f.; Vendryes, RC 40, 1923, 172, id., Recueil de travaux offert
a Clovis Brunei vol. 2, 647; Whatmough, DAG 80 s.n. Vocontii-, Pokorny, IEW 229
(cf. Whatmough, Lg. 26, 1950, 301 f.); Schmidt, KGP 299, id., IF 67, 1962, 84 f.
Oswald Szemerenyi in Studies in the Indo-European System of Numerals (Heidelberg,
1961), 55, n. 70 (see also 170, 171) now casts some doubt on this interpretation of
Gaul. Vocontii. He remarks that, if the name has been correctly derived from a form
*uo-kont- '20', then '-kont- for Celt, -kant- is strange, quite apart from the semantics'.
13
See, for instance, Schmidt, KG? 219, 273, 300, Weisgerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958,
23 f.
290 THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
REMARK
Classification of name elements with regard to
meaning
It may be interesting to consider here the lexical characteristics of the
name elements. For not many attempts have been m a d e to examine
systematically Continental Celtic personal names with regard to the
meaning of the elements contained in them. 1 Dottin is the scholar
who appears to have paid most attention to this matter. See Mnl.1
95 f.? Mnl.2 120 f., La Langue gauloise 91 ff. See also Weisgerber, Rh.
Mus. 84, 1935, 328 f.5 Rh. V. 18, 1953, 267 f., Meven Mordiern,
Notennou diwar-benn ar Gelted koz (Brest, 1944), 286 ff., and the works
of Schmidt and Milewski already referred to (pp. 13, 14, 40 f.). As
one would expect, discussion of the contents of Gaulish names is often
included in work dealing with Insular Celtic names. See, for example,
the following: A. Pictet, 'Comparison of Irish and Gaulish personal
names', OUter Journal of Archaeology 7, 1859, 73 ff.; A. Macbain, O l d
Gaelic system of personal names', Trans, of the Gaelic Soc. of Inverness
20, 1894-6 [1897], 279 ff., 'Early Highland personal names', op. cit.
*22, 1900, 152 ff., 'The Study of Highland personal names', The Celtic
Review 2, 1905, 60 ff., Etymology of the Principal Gaelic National Names,
Personal Names and Surnames (Stirling, 1911); J. E. Lloyd, 'The per
sonal name system in Old Welsh', Cy. 9, 1888, 39 ff.; E. McClure,
'Early Welsh in relation to other Aryan personal names', Arch. Camb.
(5th ser.), 7,,1890, 257 ff. ^ .
As one might expect, the list of elements is fairly comprehensive,
and covers a wide variety of details and a great number of semantic
variations. 2 My list is, of course, confined to the elements attested in
- l I do not attempt to deal here with the function of the name elements in com
pounded names. This is discussed in sections (A) (i) and (A) (ii) above. In any
case it does not appear that the distinction between first and second elements is as
important in Celtic as it is for instance in Germanic names.
2
For a useful survey of some attempts to classify the sources of PNN in other
languages such as Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, German, and English, see pp. 155 if.
of Ernst Pulgram's monograph 'Theory of Names' first published in Btr. z. N.
5, 1954, 149-96 (also published separately by the American Name Soc. in Berke
ley (Calif.) 1954) and reviewed by Hamp in RPh., vol. 9,1955-6, 346 ff., by New
man in Lg. 31, 1955, 247 ff., and by De Witt in Names 3, 1955, 52 ff. Concerning
the fragmentary record of personal names of peoples of ancient civilizations
(chiefly Near Eastern, Egyptian, Greek, and Roman) see also the remarks of
Huntington Harris in The Theory of Personal Names (a Columbia University Dis
sertation) (Ann Arbor, University Microfilms 1950 [1951], Publication No. 2111),
pp. 38-47. Harris's dissertation tries to relate the human behaviour involved in
the practice of naming to human behaviour in general. He formulates and tests
a general sociological theory of personal names and of the process of naming.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 291
the sources selected for investigation in this book. I n many cases the
meaning is obscure, e.g. in P N N Catamantaloedis (A), 1 Mandubracius
(A), Verucloetius (A), Viridomaras (Α), Καβφος (Β), Cacudia (Β), Com-
mius (B), etc. W i t h other name elements, e.g. CAMBO-, OLLO-,
TASCO-, TECTO-, it is difficult to decide exactly where they should
be included in the scheme. I have tried to refrain from making it too
complicated, and have attempted only to offer a brief survey of the
possibilities. T h e decision concerning the classification of a number of
the name elements is, therefore, bound to appear somewhat arbitrary.
Several of them have been placed under tv/o or more headings where
two or more different interpretations are possible.
? VV. llwyth 'tribe, lineage, stock'. For teuto- 'people, tribe' see section
(A) (ii) s.v.
6. Geographical features
lano- 'level, even, flat', v. s. LANO-.
nantu- (nanto-) 'valley, water-course, stream', v. s. JVAJVTU-.
See also s.w. BROG- 'border, territory', CUMB-, LITANO-, and
LIT AVI-.
7. Physical characteristics and parts of the body
?agedo- 'face', v. s. AGED-, AGES-, etc.
hallo- 'a limb, member', v. s. BAL-, BALL-,
cassi- 'eye'(?) and/or perhaps 'curly' (?), v. s. CASSI-. See also PNN
Casticus (B), Crispos (App.).
?lam- 'hand', v. s. ?Λαμι or Λαμιεινουι (App.).
mot- 'voice', v. s. MOT-. See also *Gutuater (Α), ?Γαρμα (App.).
talo- 'forehead, front', v. s. TALO-.
See also s.nn. Cauarillus (B) (: W . cawr?); Correus (B) (: W. corr or
Ir. corr); Criciro (B) (: W. cry^); Dercillus (B) (: O l r . derc, Bret. ώπτ'λ);
Gfl/ia (B) 'very fat'(?); JVammeius (B) 'qui a un defaut physique';
Tecci (App.) (: W. teg?).
8. Man and the human mind
(a) viro- 'man', v. s. VIRO-.
(b) Intelligence
?cato- 'wise, intelligent, clear-sighted', v. s. CATU-.
?condo-/conno- 'sense, reason', v. s. PN Κονδιλλζος (Β).
?mandu- : Gk. μανθάνω, etc., z>. s. MANDU-.
meddu-, meddu-, etc.: Olr. m^tt, 0. s. PNN Μεθθίλοσ, [M]e9eilos (B). 1
(c) Character; temperament
condari- (condario-) 'rage, anger, fury', z;. s. .απο (App.).
dago- (daco-) 'good, noble', v. s. DAGO-,
donno- cnoble'(?), v. s. DONNO-.
druto- 'brave, proud, fierce, angry'(?), v. s. PN Druto (App.).
ia(n)t-, ie(n)t-y iot- 'jealous, jealousy', 'lust, lustful' or the like, v. s.
IANT-.
matt- (mato-, matu) 'good, excellent', v. s. MATU-.
melis(s)o- (-iddo-) 'sweet', v. s. PN Sumeli (A).
?samo- 'calm, peaceful, peace, tranquillity' v. s. SAMO-.
suadu- 'sweet', v. s. SUADU-.
veil-: Ir.ferr, W. gwell, etc., v. s. VELLAUNO-.
See also 12 {Battle) below.
1
Compare perhaps druto-: Ir. druth 'mad, foolhardy, furious', etc. But see (c)
below.
[Page Missing]
[Page Missing]
296 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
MARO- 'great'.
OLLO- 'all, ample, great5.
rato-: Ir. rath, W. rhad, rati- (rato~): Ir. ra(i)th, v. s. RATO-.
RECTU- 'law, order, arrangement, etc.'.
-REDO- 'smooth, easy, fast' or the like..
ret- 'to run', v. s. RET{T)-, REDS-, etc.
SED- 'to sit'.
too?- cpeg'(?), v. s. TASCO-, TASGO-. Cf. 10 above.
TECTO-, of multiple origin.
VERTO-, VORTO- 'to turn'.
FZKO- 'true'. Cf. 8 (a) above.
Β U N C O M P O U N D E D NAMES
A G E D I L I O S , [ A ] G E D I L L I L a Graufesenque graffiti
casidani tri ?non[tanos] \ agedilio(s) mater (nos) in 11. 2-3, there occur the
three names mon[tanos],1 agedilio(s), and mater (nos), who were three
cassidanni,2 while in gr. Oxe 30 ( = DAG g2) 3 and 3 i ( = DAG 102) 4
there are two, Montanos and Agedilli(os) [sic]. He remarked (op. cit.
89) that the three cassidanni m a y have gained independence and
marked pottery with their own names. T h e marks of pottery-owners
tends to confirm this view. T h u s Agedillus, for example, in CIL 13.
10010. 59 may be identical with Agedilio(s)5 in the graffiti of La
Graufesenque. Loth (RC 41, 1924, 57) a n d H e r m e t (pp. 313, 315) also
treated the forms as one name, Agedilios or Agedillus, although nothing
is said of the difference in the suffixes.
If Agedilio(s) is distinct from [A]gedillib it is a name confined to
La Graufesenque graffiti alone. Compare, however, Agedilici CIL 7.
1336. 25 (London and Colchester) and Agedilu CIL 13. 10010. 59 b,e -s·
(Poitiers, Heeraple, Vechten). 7 Age(e)dillus is attested elsewhere.
Oswald (Index y)s distinguished two potters of this name, one at La
Graufesenque and one at Lezoux. Compare also P N N Acedillus DAG
83 (Boutae), Agidillus CIL 2. 4456 (Iborra), and (?)Acodillus DAG 139
(Potters' Names of 'South Gaul'), 9 and see Holder AcS 1. 55 f., 3. 519.
Agedilios and \A\gedilli appear to be derivatives of an uncompounded
name Agedns. For Gaulish aged- see section (A) (ii) s.v. AGED-,
A G I L L I U S L a Graufesenque graffito
For this graffito see section (A) (i) s.n. Matug[. In 1. 3 Balsan read
Agillius. T h e name is not otherwise attested at La Graufesenque. Cf.
perhaps P N N Agileius DAG 83, 1 0 Agilio 203, 215, Agillito 228 (ix), Agilo
237, and D N ?Acilus (or Aciludeus) 82.
See further s.n. Agio below.
1
mor[ Hermet, mor[ Whatmough.
2
Oxe interpreted cassidannos as 'Aufseher, Verwalter, Procurator'. See further
section (A) (ii) s.v. CASSI-.
3
]allos: casidano[ | ]ontano* agedilios DAG 92 (b), 11. 2-3.
4
tuflos-sextametos | cassidanno montanos | a]gedilli canastri s= cccxx DAG
102 (b), 11. 1-3.
5
For the lack of-J in Agedilio see Chapter III (A) (ii) (a).
6
This form is either an abbreviated form of *Agedillios or an o-^'o-stem genitive
in -ι. Compare cosoi DAG 99 (b), 1. 16, ~\psagi 92 (b), 1. 14, deprosagi 99 (b), 1. 10,
104 {b), 1. I I , 109 (c), 1. 11, i n (b), 11. 4, 5, 113 (b), 1. 12, dejprosagi i n (b), 1. 3,
?sioxti 114 (c), 1. 1, tecci 106 (b), 1. 9, t]riti 105 (b), 1. 10, .erti i n (b), 1. 14, terti 94,
1. 17 (all from La Graufesenque graffiti), and potters' names in -i (gen.) in the
graffito of Blickweiler {DAG 229. See Bohn, Germania 7, 1923, 65, Loth, CRAI
1924, 68 f.).
7
Whatmough has Acedilu {-g~) in DAG 156, Remark (B).
8
So also Oxe, BJ 140-1, 1936, 365. See further DAG 132, 136, 156, 228 (i).
9
Hardly compare the potter's name Acadillus [sic] DAG 156, Remark B.
10
Compare PN Acilius DAG 83 and see Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 17.
300 THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
(B) A L P -
P N N : Alpicus DAG 208, 214; ilZjpwie 9, 83, 87, 151, 237, -us 83, 87,
151, 182, 202, 228 (ii), 228 (ix), 237, 244, ILTG 4 8 ; Alpinia DAG 244,
-iztf 136, 202, 214, 237, 244; Alpinula, -us 244; Alpius (v. s. Vlpius) 224;
Alpnius 244; ?^4λπρου[ ZL4G, Note (xii) (p. 118) ; 8 Alpuni 156; ^4//?MJ· 244.
1 2
See p. 304. See p. 245, n. 5.
3 y
See Barruol, Rev. d etudes ligures 24, 1958 [i960], 228-56.
«■ See Negre, RIO 13, 1961, 121 ff. (REA 63, 1961, 384 f.).
5
See Krahe, Btr. z. JV. 13, 1962, 271, 276.
6
See RPH 71 f. * See also Flutre, REPL 313 ff.
8
See Appendix s.n.
304 THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
A L I B A N O S L a Graufesenque graffito
alibanos DAG 100 (b), 1. 7. no are damaged owing to a break in the
sherd. 2 I n DAG 109 (c), 1. 6 W h a t m o u g h read alibanos with the fol
lowing comment: 'a clear i, short as usual, after al; possibly to be
read al.banos'.3
Hermet listed Alibanos as a n a m e distinct and separate from Albanos,
but it may be merely a graphic variant 4 of the latter. 5 It is, therefore,
highly unlikely that it should be treated as a compounded form
rather than as an uncompounded one. However, compare P N Ali-
bill[us] DAG 182 beside P N N Albilla, Albillius, and Albillus.6 Note also
PN Alibletus DAG 2047 and E N ?Άλίβωκοι (-οίκοι?) DAG 80 (beside
1
See Hermet, Grqffites, no. 23.
2 3
Loth here gives albanos. Hermet, Loth, and Oxe here read albanos.
4
Other noteworthy variant forms from La Graufesenque are ?Corntos DAG 115
beside Cornuto 90 and Cornutos 113, 114, 129 (see this section s.n. Cornutos) and
Masclos 98 beside Masculus 132. See Whatmough, DAG, p. 290.
5
See above s.n. Albano.
6
For sources see above s.n. Albano. Holder (AcS 3. 564) compared PN Alibill\us'\
7
with Ir. Ailbhel See KGP 121.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 305
Albic(c)i ibid, and Alebece (Alaebaece) DAG21). For aliberga CIL 12. 2404
(A.D. 523) see DAG 78, Remark (iv). 1
such as these brig- may be cognate with W., Corn., Br. bre 'hill', 1 Ir.
bri (gen. breg) f. 'hill', 2 and Germ. Berg (IE. *bheregh- 'high, exalted',
etc., IEW 140 f.). Compare also W. bri 'honour, esteem, fame, dis
tinction', Corn, bry Value', Bret, bry 'egard', Ir. brig 'power, strength,
vigour, virtue' which may be cognate with brig- in some Celtic forms,
e.g. P N N such as Brigo DAG 237, Brigomarus CIL 3. 13975, Brigovix
BID viiic, and Brigomaglos CIIC 498 in which, if the equation is cor
rect, we must assume that -i- in brig- is long. See Gluck, KN 126 f.,
Stokes. Urk. Spr. 185. Holder, AcS 1. 534, 543. 3. 942, Dottin. p . 237,
Pokorny, IEW 477, Schmidt, KGP 155 f., Tovar, Celticum vi. 389,
Fleuriot, DGVB 89, 90.
I t is impossible to tell whether Brigindoni continues Gaul, brig- 'high,
exalted' or brig- 'power, strength, honour' or is derived from some root
such as I E . *bherdg- 'brilliant, white' {IEW 139 f.). Rhys 3 compared it
with the divine name Brigantia (see above) and the Irish Saint Brigit
of Kildare, whose name m a y also ultimately be that of a goddess. 4
R. A. Fowkes 5 suggested that the name should be read as Brindoni (i.e.
with internal mutation of -g-), making the text 'perfectly octosyllabic'!
But attempts to treat the text as verse 6 are not at all convincing.
1886, 137, no. 25), claimed that it was a diminutive 'from a root the
same as that of Lat. fiiscus'. But fuscus probably points to an earlier
initial dft-, not bh-. See W.-H. 1. 572 s.v.
Whatmough suggested (Die Sprache 1, 1949, 124) that metathesis of
-cs~ to -sc- has occurred in Buscilla, and that the name can be con
nected with forms in box- and bux- from Ancient Gaul 1 which he
claimed pointed to a form *bosco- 'wood', 2 the precursor of Fr. bois.
He pointed out that P N N meaning 'wood' are common enough (e.g.
Eng. Wood, Germ. Wald, Fr. Du Bois), and that the Busciacus uilla
listed by Holder (AcS 1. 643, 3. 1009) implies a personal name
*Buscins.*
Whatmough's explanation of Buscilla is the only one which oc
casions no great difficulty. If it is correct the name is a diminutive in
-ilia of a stem *box-j*bux- (*bosc-\*busc-) 'wood'. However, it is im
possible to declare whether this stem is Celtic, as there are no satis
factory cognates in either neo-Celtic or non-Celtic languages.
Rhys {Addit. 7) suggested that Καβιρος was the singular of the non-
Hellenic, probably Phrygian or Thracian, deities Κάβειροι or Κάβιροι,
for which see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 220. l However, the evidence ad
duced by Rhys concerning the spread to Gaul of the cult of the
Cabiri and the Dioscuri (with which the Cabiri were confused) is very
slight. Καβφος is followed by Ουι,νδιακος, a name which is probably
Celtic (see below), but Καβφος itself is not easily explained as Celtic.
We could compare the form caballus, the name of the horse, especially
the heavy draught- or pack-horse (also caballa, with numerous deriva
tives). But this form is itself an old puzzle. 2 Compare also perhaps
cabarus, the name of an insect or reptile, listed in DAG 246 (q.v.).
Whatmough compared with this form Celtic *cabrosj*gabros 'goat' and
Gallo-Latin *cabrostos 'honeysuckle, privet' postulated by Bertoldi,
RC47, i93°> 184-96.3
however, the potter's name Vtrianus DAG 156 Remark, (Vet-?) 176. Camulatia is,
of course, attested elsewhere.
1
H. Rolland (Gallia, loc. cit.) compared the form καμουλα in a graffito of
Vertault. For this graffito see Lorimy, Bull. arch, du Comite des travaux historiques et
scientifiques 1926 [1927], 139 (whence Whatmough, DAG, Note (liii), p. 1076). If
we recognize καμονλαηα here the form is an fl-/fi-stem nominative or dative.
2
See also (after Cravayat) R. Louis, BSAF 1950-1, 30 f., id., Gallia 8, 1950,
174 f. (with figs. 6, 7 a and b), also AE 1952, no. 77, 1954, n o · 3^5 Duval, REA 58,
1956, 298 and ILTG 170. Louis pointed out that this insc. was difficult to read
because the vase was broken by the workmen and had to be repaired in several
places. There are no interpuncts.
3 For masculine a-stems see section (A) (i) s.n. Adepicca.
THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY 325
1
W. car, etc., see section (A) (ii) s.v. CARO-. Compare PNN such as
the following:
O W . Carantocas (with Lat. termination) VSB 142-6, Carantauc and
Karantoc VSB 148, later Carannawc, Carannog,2 beside the Gaulish
personal name Carantacus; Cerentiri (gen., with Lat. termination) LL
184, Cerennhiro (dat., with Lat. termination) 200, Cerenkir 212-17,
Cherenir 239, Cerennhir 240, beside PN Carantorius ECMW 198 ; 3 OBret.
P N N from Cart. Red.: Carantcar 53, 215, Carantnou 155, Carantoer 9, 16,
27, etc., Caranton 131, Kerentin 103, Kerenin 104.
Concerning the suffix -nt- in Celtic forms see most recently Vendryes,
Corolla Linguistica. Festschrift F. Sommer 229 ff.: A. Heiermeier, Indo-
germanische Etymologien des Keltischen ii (Wurzburg, 1956), 23 ff. ; 4 G. R.
Solta, Gedanken iiber das nt-Suffix (Osterreichische Akad. d. Wissenschqften,
Philos.-hist. Klasse, Sitzungsberichte, 232 Bd., 1. Abhandlung) (Wien,
1958), 27 ff.; Pokorny, MSS, Heft 14, 1959, 5 ff.s
C A R I L O S , C A R I L Ο L a Graufesenque graffiti
Hermet, Loth, and Oxe read carilos in both lines 1 and 5 of graffito
H. 28. But Whatmough {DAG 121) here read catilos, in line 1 with the
comment V (for i) appears to be an error', in line 5 with the comment
'an carilos?'. Similarly where Hermet, Loth, and Oxe read carilo in
graffito H . 29 Whatmough read catilo in DAG 123 I I (iv) with the
comment c not carilo\ But in these three instances Hermet's Plates
show r, not t.5 As for ca[ in DAG 120 {c) (i), it is impossible for us to
say for certain whether it belongs here.
T h e potter's stamp Carilli (gen.) attested at La Graufesenque 6 may
be the same as the name Carilos/Carilo in the graffiti.7 For instances of
the name Carillus see the following: CIL 7. 1336. 242; 12. 5686. 364;
13. 10010. 456; 13. 11386; AcS 3. 1104. 13-15. Note also Caril[ CIL
13. 10027. n o ; 8 ?Carilic[ CIL 13. 10010. 3279°; 9 Carilla CIL 2. 2865;
Carill{a) 12. 1616, Carillae (dat.) 12. 1679, 2286. 10 Note also L E N N
Cariliacenses and Cariliacus AcS 1. 787, 3. 1103 f.
1
Holder {AcS 1. 765. 10 ff.) treated Caraditonu as a divine name (dat. sg.).
Stokes (BB 11, 1886, 134, no. 21) and Gray {TPhS 1951, 160) also regard it as
a dative form. In CIL 13. 3204 the name is restored as Caraditonu]/] [sic] (whence
Holder, AcS 3. 1090. 44).
2
See ILTG 388.
4
3 See section (A) (i) s.n. See section (A) (ii) s.v.
5
Concerning the letter r in La Graufesenque graffiti see Petrucci 109 f.
6
See Hermet 202, no. 26; Oxe, Β J 140-1, 1936, 382, no. 47 (also p. 91).
7
In DAG 132 (Potters of La Graufesenque) Whatmough lists the name as
Caril(l)us. Although he preferred to read catilos and catilo in DAG 121 and 123 he
still included Carilo(s) [sic] in a list of noteworthy' names from the graffiti. See
DAG, p. 290. See also Οχέ, Β J 130, 1925, 91, Oswald 61, 367.
8
Whence DAG 214.
9 Whence DAG 224.
i° Whence DAG 83.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 327
1
Carilo(s) is probably a Celtic name, one of the many derivatives of
Celtic caro- listed in section (A) (ii) s.v. For the lack of -s in Carilo see
Chapter I I I (A) (ii) (a).
I saw the inscription in July 1953 and read line 1 as follows: .~\αρταρ-
[. . .]λλανουιακ·ρσδ€δ€. I could trace only the perpendicular of p, the
sixth letter. [Κ]αρταρ[ος] (or [Κ]αρτα[ρος]) is therefore a very doubtful
conjecture, and Duval was right in insisting (EC 8, 1958-9, 232) that
it should be recognized as such.
Speculation concerning the etymology of the various readings that
have been proposed would be idle. If the restoration of -o? is correct,
the name is an 0-stem nominative like the (?) patronymic [Γ\λλανουιακος
which immediately follows it. For forms in cart-\carst- which may be
Celtic see section (A) (ii) s.v. CART-. See also section (A) (i) s.n.
ΚαρθιΧίτανιος.
Castinus 182, 244; Castius 83, 237; Castoniiis 237; Κάστος 244; Castus
132, 197 {Cas(s)tus), 228 (iv); 1 L E N N Tricastini, Tricassini, -stiniensis,
Tricastrina (Tricastin, St Paul-Trois-Chateaux?) 80. 2
PN Castas is probably Celtic as well as Latin. 3 For possible Celtic
cognates such as Ir. cas(s) 'curly, crooked, e t c ' and Ir. cais(s) (com
pared by Holder, AcS 1. 835 s.n. Casti-co-s) see section (A) (ii) s.v.
CASSI-.
28, 1940, 241, n. 1; Jackson, LHEB 266; IEW 593 f.1 See also now
Guyonuarc'h, Og. 17, 1965, 147 fif., Schmidt, Og. 18, 1966, 100.
Recently Heinrich Wagner (K£ 75, 1958, 72, n. 2) hinted at the
possibility that PN Καΰαρος and E N Καούαροι might point to I E .
*kapero- (: Lat. caper, etc.), but conceded that this was uncertain in
view of the interpretation of the forms as cognates of Skt. sdvlra-, etc.
H e also claimed that W. cawr could derive from earlier *kapros. But
the development of IE. -pr- in Celtic is far from certain. Cf. Thurney-
sen, ZCP 13, 1921, 106 f, GOI139.
C A U A R I N U S K i n g of the Senones in Lugdunensis. His ancestors
had reigned before him. H e was set on the throne by Caesar in
succession to his brother, Moritasgus. I n 54 B.C. he was con
demned to death by his own people and, as he contrived to
escape, declared an exile. I n 53 B.C. Caesar, after forcing the
submission of the Senones, b a d e him accompany him with a con
tingent of cavalry
BG 5. 54. 2 cauarinum ω (ace.); 6. 5. 2 cauarinum xBMSj3, cauironum
L, cauirinum Ν ( a c e ) .
T h e manuscript evidence clearly favours a form Cauarinns. For the
interpretation of names in cauar- see above s.n. Cauarillus.
C E L T I L L U S Father of Vercingetorix. H e held suzerainty over
all Gaul and was p u t to death by his countrymen because he aimed
at seizing royal power
BG 7. 4. 1 celtilli (gen.).
T h e name is a derivative (Pdiminutive) in -illus of an uncompounded
name Celtus or Celta or the like. Compare P N N Celtilli (gen.) 13. 5260
(Kaiser-Augst), 2 Celtilla 12. 646 (Miramas, Bouches-du-Rhone), and
Celtiliu(s) ILG 156 (Cadenet).
Many names in celt- have been listed by Holder in AcS 1. 888 fF., 3.
1182 ff.3 Several attempts have been made to explain the form celt-,
but none of these can be said to be quite conclusive. Perhaps the most
satisfactory is still that of Gliick (KSB 5, 1868, 97 f.), who explained
the ethnic name Celtae as 'die erhabenen, hervorragenden', 4 a parti
cipial form in -to- of a root *kel- 'to exalt' seen in Lat. celsus 'high,
1
In Notennou diwar-benn ar Gelted koz (Brest, 1944), 114, n. 10, 312, n. 73 bis,
318, n. 2 Meven Mordiern claimed that Bret, keureug m. 'saumon-coureur, pois-
son* (see Le Gonidec, Dictionnaire breton-frangais (Saint-Brieuc, 1850), 192) and
kerluz m. 'loche de mer, sorte de poisson de la grandeur et de la figure d'un hareng,
mais un peu moins plat' (see Le Gonidec, op. cit. 191) contained a form cognate
2
with W. cawr, etc. Note also PN Ciltillus (Celt·?) DAG 237.
3
A lot of other names in celt- have, of course, come to light after Holder com
piled these lists.
4
He added the remark 'Da indefs aus dem begriffe der erhebung leicht der des
muthes hervorgeht, so kann Celtae auch die muthigen, tapferen (fortes) bedeuten.'
THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY 333
1
eminent', etc. To the same root he would relate the form celicnon
found in the inscription of Alise-Sainte-Reine (Dottin 33, DAG 169). 2
Rhys {Celtic Britain (London, 1882), 2, 283) favoured comparison
with O N . hilar f. 'war, a war-goddess', Lat. (per)cello 'beat down,
strike', etc. (: IE. *kel- 'strike, hew', v. W.-P. 1. 436 if., IEW 545 ff.,
A. Johannesson, Islandisches Worterbuch, Lief. 2-3 (Bern, 1952), 24s). 3
Holder (AcS 3. 1182. 18 f.) recorded an etymology which he attri
buted to Zimmer, 4 connecting Celtae (rendered as 'die mantel . . .
tragenden') with Ir. celt 'a cover, dress, raiment, hair' (see Meyer
336; id., Zur keltischen Wortkunde i, no. 16 Sitz. d. kgl. preufi. Akad. d.
Wissenschqften 38, 1912, 797; Hessen 1. 143).
H u b e r t (loc. cit.) suggested that celt- might be related to the root
seen in Ir. immcella 'surrounds' (v. RIAContr. I, fasc. 1, 134) and
timchell 'the act of going round, surrounding, e t c ' (v. RIAContr.
T-tnuthaigid 169 ff.), Skt. carati 'goes, wanders', Lat. ihcola 'inhabi
tant', etc. (: IE *kuel- 'turn', see VKG 2. 485, W.-P. 1. 514 f., IEW
639 f-)·5
C E R V E S A La Graufesenque graffiti
ceruesa DAG 99 (i), 1. 13, 114 (i), 1. 11. ce[ (or ci[ or cu[?) A.-A. 14,
1. 4 may also belong here. See Aymard, REA 55, 1953, 127.
Loth (RC 41, 1924, 54) claimed that this form was Celtic, either
a potter's name or simply a common noun, 'la cervoise', indicating
the content of the pottery. Hermet listed it as a Gaulish potter's
name (p. 317). See also Fraser, -RC42, 1925, 94, Oxe, Β J 130, 1925,
90, Bertoldi, EC 2, 1937, 30, n. 1.
T h e form may be compared with the Gallo-Latin cerues {i) a, ceruis (i) a,
etc., 'beer' AcS 1. 995 if., 3. 1207 f, TLL s.v. cemesia, and its deriva
tive ceruesarius CIL 13. 597*, 10012, 7 a - b ·,* 11319, 11360, Finke 4 1 . 7
* See W.-P. i.433f.,/£W/ 5 44.
2
See also de Jubainville, Introduction a Vetude de la litte'rature celtique (Paris, 1883),
4, n. 1; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 83; Holder, AcS 1. 888; H. Hubert, Les Celtes et Vexpansion
celtique jusqu'a Vipoque de La Tene (Paris, 1950), 27, n. 3; Palomar Lapesa, OPL 63;
Albertos, Emerita 28, i960, 295. On celicnon see further section (A) (ii) s.v. -CNO-.
3
See further d'Arbois de Jubainville, BSL 5, 1881-4, 100 ff.; id.,L·sPremiers
Habitants de VEurope, vol. 2, 396; Holder, AcS 3. 1182. 14 η0.; Meven Mordiern,
Notennou diwar-benn ar Gelted koz 53, 265.
4
See also Rhys, Celtic Bntain2 (London, 1884) 287; P. W. Joyce, A Social
History of Ancient Ireland, vol. 2 (London, 1903), 203; Hubert, loc. cit.
5
See also Supplement to Og. nos. 24-25 (N.S.), 32-33 (nov.-dec. 1952),
pp. iff.
6
Whatmough has included Ceruesarius from this source with the comment *as
pers. name?' in DAG 151 (PNN of Aquitania Prima). The reading given in CIL
is a · ceruesar[y b · ]esar[. See now Whatmough, DAG, p. 559, Duval, Insc. Par., no. 49
{a) (esp. p. 129).
7
See Rostovtseff, CRAI 1933, 250-6. Note also cer]uesa[ri(?) DAG 230 bis
(Rheinzabern) and see DAG3 pp. 559, 759 f.
T H E
334 MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
For the etymology of these forms see VKG i. 168 {LP 55), W.-P. 1.
419, W.-H. 1. 207, 287 f., Gray, Lg. 20, 1944, 228, Whatmough, DAG
178. They are usually thought to be cognate with the undoubtedly
Celtic κοΰρμι 'beer' (Diosc), κόρμα (Posid. ap. Athen.), curmi (gen.,
Marcell.), for which see AcS 1. 1202 f., VKG, loc. cit. {LP, loc. cit.),
Gray, loc. cit., Whatmough, DAG 158, Pokorny, IEW 572. x -ru- in
ceruesia, etc., beside -rm- in κοΰρμι, curmi, etc., has been regarded (e.g.
by Pedersen, Gray, and Whatmough) as a possible case of Celtic
lenition. A. Mayer, on the other hand (Κίζ 66, 1939, 79), suggested
that ceruesia might be related to Lat. ceruus, and his suggestion has
received high commendation from Pokorny in his attempt to explain
away forms which have been quoted as evidence for lenition in Gaulish
(VR 10, 1948-9, 259, IEW576). Pokorny maintained that ceruisa was
the 'hirschfarbenes, braunes Getrank', and that Marcellus' potionem
cervisae aut curmi (see AcS 1. 1203), where ceruisae and curmi occur
together, suggested that the former could hardly be a derivative of the
latter. 2 I do not find this particular argument convincing. T h e view
that ceruisa is related to ceruus also may be wrong.
Ceruesa at La Graufesenque, therefore, may be a Celtic form to be
connected with ceruesia, etc. There is no means of proving whether it is
a potter's name, but it may well be such. It may be a nickname or
a comic name as suggested by Loth, loc. cit. (see also Fraser, loc. cit.).
It may be that such a name would be applied to persons of low rather
than of high status in the factory, although-they need not necessarily
have been slaves, as Loth seems to have thought.
For masculine names in -a see section (A) (i) s.n. Adepicca.
C I N T U S M U S L a Graufesenque graffiti
cintusmus A-A. i, 1. 4, 2,1. 8. For ci[ (or ce[ or cu[?) A.-A. 14,1. 4 see
above s.n. Cervesa.
For this name see Albenque, REA 53, 1951, 75 together with the
references quoted in section (A) (ii) s.v. CINTU-. Whether Cintusmus
at La Graufesenque should be distinguished from the East Gaulish
and Central Gaulish potter of the same name I cannot tell. The name
is not otherwise attested at the site.3 It is an 0-stem nominative show
ing the Latinized termination -us. H. d'Arbois de Jubainville (teste
Holder, AcS 3. 1224) interpreted the name as a superlative (*cintu-is-
amo-s) of*cintos. See also Pedersen (VKG 1. 87, 2. 123 (LP 185)) and
Thurneysen (ZCP 16, 1927, 298), who both suggested that Cintusmus
was a superlative form cognate with W. cyntqf* and that it contained
a Celtic superlative suffix -samo-s, with -a- lost in the penult. Such an
interpretation seems to be consistent with a Gaulish antepenultimate
accent. 5 T h e name may, therefore, mean c the swiftest, quickest, first,
foremost, chief or the like. 6
C O R N U T O S La Graufesenque graffiti
cornutos DAG 113 (έ), 1. 2 (the sherd is defaced after the first 0 and r
is slightly blurred; at the second 0 there is a break in the sherd);
cornutos 114 (£), 1. 3 ; Hermet, Loth, and Oxe read corntos, explained
as corn(u)tos, in gr. H. 39 where Whatmough (in DAG 115, I I , 1. 3)
hesitated between corntos a n d cornutos;1 cornuto DAG 90 (b), 1. 3 ;
cornutus DAG 129, 1. 10 (u is damaged by a break in the sherd, b u t the
reading is certain); (?)]nutos DAG n o , I (c), 1. 6. 2 Where Hermet,
Loth, and Whatmough read com[ in gr. H . 32, 1. 2. Oxe read
cor[nutos]. For the potter's stamp Cornuti see Oxe, Β J 140-1, 1936, 383.
T h e name can be explained as Gaulish or as Latin. It is an o-stem
nominative showing both the Gaulish termination -os (once -0, with
-s lacking) 3 and the Latin -us. Compare the following forms: P N N
Cornaiius DAG 8 3 ; ?Corneola 156; Corni (gen.) OIL 3. 5485; Cornicus
DAG 156; ?Cornuir 203, R e m a r k ; Cornutus AE 1954, 102, Gallia 20,
1962, 6 2 8 ; L E N N Cornac[, Cornacates, Cornacenses (-iens-) DAG 234,
241 ; 4 KopvaovLOL, KopvavLoi, Cornovii, Cornovia, Cornubia, etc. AcS 1.
1130 f. ; 5 Cornutius uicus DAG 179; Durocornovio IA, Purocoronavis Rav.,
in Cornwall BSRC 44. Note also perhaps the item κόρνα 'argimonia'
DAG 178.
If Cornutos is Celtic then corn- may be the Gaulish equivalent of Ir.
corn ca horn, a musical instrument; a roll', 6 W . corn 'horn, antler;
corn, callus; drinking-horn, horn, etc.', 7 Corn. Bret, corn, beside Lat.
cornu, Eng. horn. But these Insular Celtic forms have been explained as
loan words from Latin. See Loth, Mots latins 152; Vendryes, De
hibernicis vocabulis quae a Latina lingua originem duxerunt 131; Pedersen,
VKG 1. 194 (LP 56); Morris-Jones, WG 87. Compare, however, Urk.
Spr. 79, W.-P. 1. 407, IEW 576, and see Fleuriot, DGVB 118 f. s.v.
corn. For the suffix -uto- see AcS 3. 56.
C O R O S La Graufesenque graffito
coros DAG 120 (V) iv.
This name, attested once only in the graffiti, was claimed as Celtic
by Loth {RC 41, 1924, 55). H e compared the root *kor- 'to place, put,
1
He remarked on the one hand (DAG 115) that conjoint letters occur elsewhere
in La Graufesenque graffiti and on the other hand (DAG, p. 290) that Corntos
[sic] beside Cornutus is 'perhaps a merely graphic variant'. See also this section s.n.
2
Alibanos. ]eutos Hermet, Loth, Οχέ.
3 See Chapter III (A) (ii) (a).
4
Cf. Holder, AcS 1. 1129; Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. ig6f.
s See also Atkinson, CR 38, 1924, 146 (JRS 14, 1924, 244, no. 5, RC 43, 1926,
250). For discussion of the various forms, with bibliography, see Jackson, LHEB
376 fF. See further now I. A. Richmond in Culture arid Environment: Essays in honour
of Sir Cynl Fox, ed. I. LI. Foster and L. Alcock (London, 1963), 251 ff.
6
See Meyer 490, Dinneen 248.
^ See BBCS 1, 1923, 109 f., 2, 1925, 48, GPC 561 f.
THE M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 339
throw' which is well represented in Insular Celtic (see VKG 2. 498 ff.,
LP 354ff.), 1 and suggested for Coros the meaning c qui place ou lance?'.
Fraser, on the other hand (RC 42, 1925, 94), claimed that it may be
a Greek name meaning 'glutton, one who always eats to satiety'
(: Gk. κόρος).
We can only state that the name, an o-stem nominative in -os, may
be Celtic and compare a few other P N N in cor- such as the following:
Cora (?) DAG 182; Coradus 228 (iv); Corai (gen.) CIL 2. 861 ;*
Coralus 2. 5629; Coranus DAG 237; Corasia 8 3 ; Corellius 244; Corentius
156; Coresus (?) 244; Coria OPL 6 8 ; ICoriaca OPL 6 8 ; Corin[DAG 156;
Corio 214; 3 ICoriro 204; Corisula 182, 237, -us 137; Koptovos Jfhb. des
bernischen hist. Mus. 34, 1954, 2 2 1 ; Coris(s)o, -isus DAG 202, 204;
Corius 8 9 ; Cow 156, R e m a r k ; Corobilius 237, 244; Corobilla 156,
-zztf 208 D ; Corobus 214; Κοροκόττα Dio Cassius 56. 43. 3 ; 4 Corocuta
CIL 2. 550 ; 4 Corolamus Liv. 33. 36. 4 ; Coromarae (dat.) CZE, 3. 10783;
Coroneri (gen.) C/L 2. 5595; Corotures DAG 237; Cantf 194.
the text by adding the form concitati after a gutuatro. This emendation
was accepted by Rice Holmes. Dorminger emends the text to read
cotuato.
I n showing preference for the forms gutiiatrum and gutuatro at BG
8. 38, the editors were influenced by the following forms of what
appears to be the title of a certain class of priests in Gaul, attested in
Latin inscriptions of Aquitania and Lugdunensis: gutuater (nom.)
CIL 13. 1577 (Le Puy-en-Velais, Haute-Loire) ;l gutuatri (gen.) CIL 13.
2585 (Macon, Saone-et-Loire) ; 2 gutuater (nom.) CIL 13. 11225-6
(Autun). 2 Much has been written concerning these forms. An etymo
logy attributed to Zeuss by Holder 3 would connect gutu- with Ir.
guth Voice, sound',4 Loth 5 suggested that the second element -aterj-atr-
pointed to IE. *pdte(r) 'father', and that the title meant 'pere de
l'invocation'. It has been claimed inter alia that the gutuater had some
of the functions of the famines or fetial priests at Rome. J a n de Vries 6
now suggests that the name may be related to Goth, gudja and Skt.
hotar.
I n addition to the works already referred to note the following:
E. Desjardins, Geographie historique et administrative de la Gaule romaine 1
(Paris, 1876), 415, n. 2, 2 (Paris, 1878), 511 with n. 3 ; Mowat, Revue
de philologie, N.S. I , 1887, 274 f.; Hirschfeld, Sitz. der phil.-hist. Klasse
der Akad. der Wissenschaften (Wien) 103, 1883, 313, n. 7, id., Sitz. der
BerL Akad. 9 Dez. 1897, 1117; 7 d'Arbois de Jubainville, Les Celtes
depuis les temps les plus anciens jusqu'en Van 100 avant notre ere (Paris,
1904), 32 f, id., RC 26, 1905, 359, id., Les Druides et les dieux celtiques a
forme d'animaux (Paris, 1906), 2 - 6 ; G. Dottin, La Religion des Celtes
(Paris, 1904), 41, id., Mnl. 82, 365, id., La Langue gauloise (Paris,
1920), 229, 261; Rice Holmes, Ancient Britain and the Invasions of Julius
Caesar (Oxford, 1907), 293, n. 2, id., CG 831 f.; Jullian, HG 2. 108,
n. 12 (RC 29, 1908, 8 2 ) ; Pokorny, The Celtic Review 5, 1908-9, 2 (RC
30, 1909, 106), id., IEW413, 829; Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 242, 3. 54,
112; Weisgerber, SprFK 2 0 1 ; Vendryes, Rel. Celt. 304 f.; Whatmough,
DAG 134, Remark (i), 178, CPh. 46, 1951, 248; Og. 8, 1956, 350;
Schmidt, KGP 141, 2 2 1 ; Guyonuarc'h, Og. 18, 1966, 104 ff.
T h u s at BG 8. 38 it does look as though Hirtius has recorded
1
See DAG, Note (xxiv) {d) (p. 358).
2
See DAG, Note (xxix) (d) (pp. 488 f.).
3
AcS 1. 2046 s.v. gutu-atro-s.
♦ See RIADicL, G. 177 f., IEW 413.
s AB 20, 1904-5, 550, RC 28, 1907, 119-21, RA 20, 1924, 59 with n. 3, 21, 1925,
221. Cf. Vendryes, MSL 20, 1918, 268 f., Jullian, REA 6, 1904, 256, n. 3, What
mough, DAG 178 s.v. gutuater, Guyonuarc'h, Og. 18, 1966, 109.
6
KR 213 ff. {Celtica 6, 1963, 280).
7
= O. Hirschfeld, Kleine Schnften (Berlin, 1913), 82, n. 7, 206.
342 THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
C O T U T O S L a Graufesenque graffiti
cotutos DAG 98 (b), 1. 4 ; cot.[ ibid., 1. 2 (with comment 'perhaps
cotu9; Hermet and Loth gave cotu. and Oxe cotuitos)); cotutos DAG 99
(b), 1. 12; 100 (b), 1. 4 and 1. 1 1 ; 103 (c), 1. 4 ; 104 (b), 1. 9 ; cotuto 114
(b), 1. 12 (Hermet and Loth gave cotutos, Oxe cotuto (s)); cotu 114 (i),
1. 18 (Hermet and Loth gave cotu, Oxe cotutos; Hermet's plate shows
a damaged c followed by otu only). In gr. H . 14 Hermet a n d Loth read
1
F. de Saulcy {Annuaire de la soc.fr. de num. et d'arch. 2, 1867, i5f.; see also
Holder, AcS 1. 848, whence κατυατ DAG 177) thought that a coin legend which he
read as katu referred to the same person as Caesar's Cotuatus. But the reading katu
x
s erroneous. See Mur.-Chab., no. 6337; Blanchet, Traitd 83 f.; Holder, AcS 3.
1x
46; Changarnier, Memoires de Vacademic de Dijon 19125-6, 270 f.
z
See Kraner-Dittenberger 2. 590.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 343
cotutos where Oxe (no 17, 1. 11) read [?nasu]eto(s) and Whatmough
(DAG 112 (b), 1. 11) ...eto.
This is a name peculiar to La Graufesenque. 1 It is an 0-stem nomina
tive showing regularly the termination -os (perhaps once with -o).2
Loth (RC 41, 1924, 53) thought that it was probably identical with
P N Contoutos DAG 157,2 which he explained as 'qui est du meme pays,
compatriote'. 4 If this is right, then Cotutos is a compounded name. For
co- and -tut- see section (A) (ii) s.w. COM- and TEUTO-. However,
I think it more likely that it is uncompounded, a derivative of cotu-j
coto- seen in names such as Cotuatus, Cotuconi, Cotus, and Κωτουάντιοι.
See Fraser, RC 4.2, 1925, 95 and section (A) (ii) s.v. COT-.
C R I G I R O L a Graufesenque graffito
criciro A-A. i, 1. 13.
T h e name is also attested on the pottery of Banassac, Lezoux, and
Treves.* Moreover, note Criciro, Criciru, Crigiru DAG 182, Cricirus 237,
and the coin legends crier, cricru, criciro, cricuro (-u), criciru DAG 206
(usually attributed to the Suessiones). 6 Compare the name Crucuro,
which is well attested on La Graufesenque pottery, 7 and perhaps PN
Cricconia DAG 208D (also 214).
Criciro is an η-stem nominative showing the Latin or Latinized
termination -0 rather than the Gaulish -u found in some other in
stances of the name referred to above. For other instances of-fro com
pare P N N Saciro DAG 132, 136, 151, Remark B, 182, etc., Vaciro CIL
7. 1336, 1142, Vaci\f]o CIL 3. 4558. The name is probably Celtic,
although it has no reliable etymology. I can compare only W. cryg
'hoarse, harsh, raucous, stammering 5 (G. 182, GPC 621) 8 and OCorn.
creg gl. balbus (OCV i68).o
1
Compare Cotto DAG 132 (La Graufesenque) and see Oxe, ΒJ 140-1. 383, no.
69 beside Hermet, p. 202, nos. 38-39.
2
For loss of -s see Chapter III (A) (ii) (a). Cotu in DAG 114 (b), 1. 18 is probably
an abbreviation for Cotutos.
3
See also Mur.-Chab. 4316-24, Blanchet, Traite 112, id., Manuel p. 80, no.
119, Holder, AcS 3. 1277.
4
See also Gluck ap. Holder, AcS 1. 1109, and compare Schmidt, KGP 57.
5
See Oswald, Index 96, 97, 378, Whatmough, DAG 134, 136, 202. See also now
CGP2iof. (pi. H7f.).
6
See Blanchet, Traiti 114, etc.; Vauville, Rev. num. 1906, 117-31 (RC 28,
1907, 75 f.); Colbert de BeauHeu, Cat. Besangon, p. 43, no. 119 (with bibliography).
7
See Hermet, p. 202 (no. 46), Οχέ, ΒJ 140-1, 1936, 393 (no. 8). To the forms
listed by Hermet and Oxe add now the one recorded by Aymard in REA 54, 1952,
98 (no. 10). Albenque (REA 53, 1951, 75, n. 2) and Aymard (REA 54, 1952, 98,
n. 6) insisted that Crucuro and Criciro are the names of two distinct potters. See also
Holder, AcS 1. 1178, Oswald, Index 98 f., 379.
8
See Thomas Parry, Gwaith Dafydd ap Gwilym (Caerdydd, 1952), 549 f. This
form is well attested as an epithet in Welsh PNN. For the etymology of cryg see
Morris-Jones, WG 156, Loth, RC 43, 1926, 153, W.-P. 1. 414, Pokorny, IEW 570.
9
Holder, AcS i, 1166 s.n. Criciro compared an Irish personal name Crich-idh.
T H E
344 MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
Lat. dims, Gk. Sewos, Avest. dvaetha (: IE. *duei- 'fear' IEW 22η L).
But there are no certain Celtic cognates of this name at all.1 More
satisfactory, perhaps, is Rhys's comparison (Insc. 10) with an Irish
personal name Doir, Dair, Dair (nom. and gen.) in Irish annals. But
we should concede that Doiros has no certain etymology.
cit., the latter suggestion is the more satisfactory. For elu- see above
s.n. Ελουισσα. For the suffix -nt- see this section s.n. Carantanae.
-itio- and -ino- are common in Celtic PNN. But the consensus of
evidence in α manuscripts perhaps favours the form Gobannitio (w-stem).
In any case the name is a derivative of a Gaulish stem gobann-, cognate
with O l r . , M l l r . goba(e) 'smith' (gen. gobann), M o d l r . gabha, W. gof,
OGorn. gof gl. faber uel cudo, Bret, gof, gov (Vannes go). See Holder,
AcS 1. 2030; Stokes, Urk. Spr. 114; de Jubainville, RC 23, 1902, 162;
Pedersen, VKG 1. 86, 2. 112 (LP 176, 180); Dottin 93, 260; T h u m e y
sen, GOI209; Og. 7, 1955, 282 f.1 Note also PN (or DN?) Goban[(?)
in a fragmentary inscription found at Ford, nr. Canterbury. 2 T h e
form gobedbi in a Gaulish inscription of Alise-Sainte-Reine {DAG 169)
has sometimes been quite arbitrarily connected with Ir. goba, etc. See
Foisson, RC 33, 1912, 101 fF. (also id., Bull, de la soc. de geogr. de
Rochefort 30, 1908, 263 (RC 32, 1911, 119 f.)), Dottin 260. 3
An element cognate with Gaul, gobann- is well attested in Insular
Celtic names. Beside the Welsh local and river name Gafenni, Gefenni
(also Abergafenni, Eng. Abergavenny mentioned above), 4 note also the
Welsh river name Gafenni (Carms.) {EANC 143) and the personal
name Gofannon (G. 545), s the Cornish L N N Trengoff, Trengove,6 Ros-
gothe, Rosgof7 Castle-goff* the Old Breton P N N Rangof Riuuorgou,
Uuorgouan* MlBret. and ModBret. Goff, (Le) Goff, Le Gouff™ and the
local name Rosgo.11 Note also Ir. Gob(b)dn, Gobban Saer,12 and Goibniu.13
I C C A U O S DAG 160 (inscription of Auxey-le-Grand, nr. Volnay,
Cote-d'Or)
T h e name is an 0-stem nominative in -os, subject of ieuru. Compare
1
There are no certain cognates outside Celtic. See Fleuriot, DGVB 177. The
remarks of Henry {Lexique etymologique des termes les plus usuels du Breton moderne
(Rennes, 1900), 136), of Morris-Jones (WG 160), and of Macbain (An Etym. Diet,
of the Gaelic Language (Stirling, 1911), 200) are not convincing.
2
JRS 24, 1934, 219 f., no. 4.
3
But opinion concerning this form has varied greatly. See, intei dlios, Ebel,
KSB 5, 1868, 79; Pictet, RA 15, 1867, 325 f.; Stokes, BB 11, 1886, 132; Lejay,
Inscriptions antiques de la Cote-d'Or 20; Zimmer ap. GIL 13. 2880; Rhys, Insc. 8 f.;
Jullian, REA 10, 1908, 353 (also 11, 1909, 258; 13, 1911, 467); Thurneysen, %CP
6, 1908, 558; Haas, £CP 23, 1943, 289 f.; Schmidt, MSS 12, 1958, 56, n. 41, IF
66, 1961, 271, n. 11; van Tassel Graves, Og. 15, 1963, 227.
4
Prof. I. LI. Foster has kindly drawn my attention to another local name
Gqfilon, also in Monmouthshire.
5
See W. J. Gruffydd, Math vab Mathonwy (Cardiff, 1928), 145 ff., Williams,
6
PKM 272. See T. F. G. Dexter, Cornish Names (London, 1926), 25, 68.
7 8
See Dexter, op. cit. 35. See Dexter, op. cit. 47.
9 I0
See Loth, Chr. bret. 133. See GMB 278, Og., loc. cit.
11
See Smith, TB 115.
12
See RIADict. G. 128, also Gruffydd, op. cit. 146, O'Rahilly, EIHM 526, T. P.
Cross, Motif-Index of Early Irish Literature (Bloomington, Indiana s.a.), p. 6, A 143.
13
See RIADict., G. 129, also C. Plummer, Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae (Oxonii,
1910), 1. clxiv, n. 7, Gruffydd, loc. cit., O'Rahilly, op. cit. 314 ff., 525 f., Cross,
op. cit., p. 6, A 142.
352 THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
1
especially PN ?Icca{u)us DAG 83 and the following names: P N N
Iccalus DAG 140; Iccia, -ius, see below s.n. Iccius; Iccianus 8 3 ; Iccinus 8 3 ;
Iccnus 156, R e m a r k ; Icco 156, 192; Icconius CIL 3. 6417; L E N N
*Icciacus mod. Issy-1'Eveque (Seine-et-Loire), etc., AcS 2. 17; Icidmago
TP, Icutmageon Rav., for Ic{c)iomagus? Usson? DAG 148 ; 2 Ic{c)iodurus
{-durum) Greg. T u r . Yzeures-sur-Creuse (Indre-et-Loire) 179. 3 T h e
local distribution of these names makes it probable that at least some
of them are Celtic. See Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 320. T h e
etymology of these names is obscure. 4 Iccauos seems to be a derivative
in -auos5 of an uncompounded n a m e in ice- showing the consonantal
gemination which is characteristic of pet-names.
I t may be worth comparing here also some other names, chiefly
from Ancient Gaul. References to various attempts to interpret some
of them are given in footnotes:
P N N : Ic[ DAG 136; lea (masc.) 156; Icarus 83, 244; 6 Icelus 83, 2 0 3 ;
Iclius 182; Icnus (?for Lic(i)nus) 192; 7 Icomius 182 ; ?Icoppi 224; Icorigas
(gen.), Icon (nom. or gen.) ECMW 84; ?icot DAG 2 0 5 ; Icotasgus
182 ; 8 Icovicus 228 (iv) ; 9 Icuco 176; Icum[ 214; Icurisi, ?Icusisi 176;
Icurm[ or Icurn[ 214, Icurnus 228 (ix); Icurori 194; Icus 244. 10
L E N N : Icara Rav. {AcS 2. 16) for Incara (Anger)? DAG 148; Icarus,
trib. of the Rhone, now Aygues AcS 2. 16 ; n Icauna {-g-) fl., Yonne
DAG 179; 12 Iceni in Britain AcS 2. 19 f.;» *Iciacus (fundus) Yssac-la-
Tourette en Auvergne (Puy-de-Dome), etc., AcS 2. 20 f.; Iciniqcum
TP, now Itzing Z)^4G 2 4 1 ; Iciodorensis uicus Issoire DAG 148; Iconii 8 0 ;
Icorigium {Ego-) nr. Trier (Iunkerath) 209 (also 212); νίκοταριου
(gen.) Gal. Spr. 159; Iculisna, Ecolisnenses, Aquil- Angouleme DAG 153. 13
I
Whatmough listed this form after C. Marteaux and M. Le Roux, Boutae
2
(Annecy, 1913), 322. See also Holder, AcS 2. 18.
3 See Holder, AcS 2. I7f.
4
The alleged Gaul. ico~ 'water' is dismissed by Vendryes (RC 46, 1929, 362) as
a form without basis in Celtic. The etymology proposed for PNN Iccius and
Iccauos and EN Iceni by Pokorny in Urg. 161 is purely hypothetical. He has failed
to quote any certain Celtic cognates.
5
See Holder, AcS 1. 316, 3. 777 f.; Daville, REA 26, 1924, 230 ff.; Marchot,
Rev. beige de phil. et d'hist. 1, 1922, 641 ff.; Palomar Lapesa, OPL 118 f.
6
See also Holder, AcS 2. 16, Lejeune, Celtiberica 104, 123.
7
Cf. Iccnus above.
8
Whatmough added in parenthesis the remark 'or two words'. See Schmidt,
9
KGP 225, 276. See Schmidt, op. cit. 225, 295.
10
See Pokorny, Urg. 161; Krahe, Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 201, Spr. Illyr. 83; Mayer,
Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 164, 2. 52 f. (cf. Scherer, Kratylos 8, 1963, 51).
II
See Pokorny, loc. cit.
12
See Pokorny, loc. cit.; Og. 8, 1956, 437; Vendryes in Recueil de travaux qffert a
M. Clovis Brunei 2. 643.
13
See Vendryes, loc. cit.; Chastang, Bull, et τηέπι. de la soc. arch, et hist, de la
Charente i960, 97-107 (REA 64, 1962, 332).
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 353
l 2
D N N : Icae (dat.) CIL 3. 3031 ; Icauna (or -is) DAG 181 ; Ucotiis 8 2 ;
Icouellauna 211 (also 213). 3
193; Illio 151, Remark Ε ; Illius 156, 156, Remark B, -ia 158; Ilio 151;
Illos 203, -us 132,1 244; ?Illusus 224. For PN [Ι]λλανονιακος 67 and
other P N N in Ulan- see above. Note also perhaps EN ?Ambiliatos (ace.)
BG3. 9, ίο.*
Gaulish il{l)io- in some of these names (e.g. in P N N Il(l)ius, Hiatus,
Il(l)iomarus, and in EN ?Ambiliati) has been treated as a cognate of
W. ζ7ώ 'to ferment 5 and iliad 'fermentation'. These Welsh forms have
in turn been related to Lat. ilia 'part of the body between the ribs and
thighs', Gk. ΐλια- μόρια (δώρα ms.) γυναικβΐα, ΐλιον το της γυναικός
εφήβαιον δηλοΐ. και κόσμον γυναικεΐον παρά Κωοις Hesych., and to
a n u m b e r of Germanic forms such as AS. He 'sole of the foot', ON. il.
See first Gluck, KM 21 s.n. Ambiliati, then Stokes-Bezzenberger, Urk.
Spr. 46 s.w. ilio-, illio-, Holder, AcS 2. 31 f. s.w. il-io-, illio-, Dottin,
p. 262 s.v. Mo-, See further F . C. Diack, RC 39, 1922, 152; W. J .
Watson, The History of the Celtic Place-Names of Scotland (Edinburgh,
1926), 8 7 ; W.-P. 1. 163 f.; W.-H. 1. 678; W 4 9 9 ; Og. 8, 1956,439;
Schmidt, KGP 225. However, I am not satisfied about the comparison
with W . Mo and iliad. They appear to be late forms. II and ilio occur in
W. glossaries and dictionaries as follows : 3 HI [il] New ale' in E. Lhuyd,
Archaeologia Britannica (Oxford, 1707), 218; '//, [il] Diod yn yr il, new
ale, while it is working' in Thomas Richards, Antiquae Linguae Britan-
nicae Thesaurus (Bristol, 1753); 'diod yn yr IV s.v. new ale, or ale
in the kive in J o h n Walters, An English and Welsh Dictionary (London,
1770-94); 'il s. f.—pi. t. -ion that is in motion; progression or state of
producing; a ferment, cwrwynyril ale in the fermentation' Pughe; 'ilio:
rhoi kwickyn' in a Peniarth glossary (c. 1588), see BBCS 2, 1925, 146;
'Uestr ilio* s.v. lacus in D.; 'Maw v.a. (il) to put in motion, to ferment.
llestyr Maw a fermenting vessel' in Pughe. 3 Instances of these forms
in texts are rare. 4 Note the following:
'MaVv mor ο lawer m a n ' Gwaith Tudur Penllyn ac Ieuan ap Penllyn,
gol. T h o m a s Roberts (Gaerdydd, 1958), no. 48, 1. 44 (see apparatus
criticus and note ad loc.); Welsh Leech Book, ed. Timothy Lewis
(Liverpool, 1914), 3 3 ; 'dilio ag ilio galwyn' (Edward Morris) Mostyn
M S . 96. 5 8 ; Gwaith Prydyddawl y diweddar Rice Jones ό*τ Blaenau, gol.
R . J o n e s Owen (Dolgelleu, 1818) 310; 'mynd i'r il a barilo / nes
yfed y cwbl drwbl dro' ( i 6 t h - i 7 t h centuries) Cefn Coch MSS, ed.
J . Fisher (Liverpool, 1899), 227; c fe droe'n Iuddew, drwyn eiddil, /
1
See Oxe, ΒJ 140-1, 1936, 385, no. 104.
2
ambiliatos a, ambianos β, ambiuaritos Oros. 6. 8. 8. See Rice Holmes, CG 367;
Kraner-Dittenberger 1. 417.
3
I am much indebted to Mr. R. J. Thomas, editor of GPC, for supplying
references to most of these examples.
4
Pughe also gave the forms iliad 'a fermenting, fermentation' and iliawg 'being
fermenting, fermented'. I have not seen any examples of these forms in a Welsh
text.
356 THE MATERIAL: AN ETYMOLOGICAL SURVEY
ar Air, ond cael Cwrw o'r iV (Lewis Morris) Diddanwch Teuluaidd, gol.
Hugh Jones (Llundain, 1763); £Ac i fwlch y Stwnt il j Ac i Nant y
BariP Dafydd Jones, Cydymaith Diddan (Chester, 1766), 80.
II appears to mean 'vat' or 'brew'. I t is not an old word in Welsh,
judging from the instances of the form known to me. 1 Therefore, com
parison of Gaulish forms with W. ilio and iliad is not satisfactory. 2
I think that we must accept the view that il(l)io- is one of a number of
well attested Gaulish n a m e elements which have no certain counter
parts in Insular Celtic at all. 3
arises concerning the function of the suffix -(ι)ακος here as with the
name in the Nimes inscription. It may well be patronymic in both
cases.1 Ιουγιλλιακος is, therefore, probably an o-stem nominative in
-os· in agreement with a P N in -ρ€ΐξ (nom., subject of δεδβ) which
precedes it. 2
T h e name is not known elsewhere, and it is hard to see how it is to
be explained. Perhaps it is a derivative of Gaulish iougo-jiugo- (iouco-j
iuco~) 'a yoke' (: W. iau, Bret, ieo, cognate with Lat. iugum, etc.) 3 seen
in a number of Gaulish names. Note the following: P N N Ateioucus
DAG 83;* Atioucius, Atiougo (-onis) 244; Ricoveriugus 156 ; 5 Veriucus 8^,6
Veriugus 136, 2O8A, 244; 7 D N Veriugodumnus 213 (or PN, see 214). 8
See further Appendix s.n. ?Ixutiou.
L E U C U L L O DAG 141 (inscription of Neris-les-Bains, Allier)
T h e inscription is probably funerary. But some authorities have
treated it as votive. Stokes 9 claimed t h a t there was in 11. 4-5 a D N
Leucullosu followed by a verbal form iorebe from the same root as
ieuru.10 Holder, following Stokes, listed a D N Leucullosos in AcS 2. 196.
Mowat 1 1 thought that the name in 1. 4 was Leucullo, a divine name, dat.
sg., and confessed t h a t 11. 5-6 were to him obscure. Rhys 1 2 treated
Leucullo as a PN, dat. sg., and claimed t h a t it was followed in 1. 5 by
a form suiorebe 'to or for two sisters' (dat. dual).
T h e word-division favoured by M o w a t and Rhys should be pre
ferred. We probably have to deal here with a name Leucullo, a per
sonal name rather than a divine name. I t is an 0-stem dative showing
1 2
See Sicardi, locc. citt. See Appendix s.n. Ίττοραξ.
3 See Stokes, Urk. Spr. 224; Holder, AcS 2. 66; Dottin 263; Pedersen, VKG 1.
98 (LP 29); Morris-Jones, WG 109; W-H. 1. 728; Pokorny, IEW 508 f.; Jackson,
LHEB 441; Schmidt, KGP 227; Og. 10, 1958, 436 f.
4
See Schmidt, KGP 139, 227.
s See de Jubainville, NG 61, Schmidt, KGP 69, 71, 258.
6
See Schmidt, KGP 227, 291.
7
See Oswald, Index 331 and, for the interpretation of the name, de Jubainville,
loc. cit., Schmidt, KGP 227, 291 f.
8
See de Jubainville, NG 60 f., Schmidt, KGP 292. The (hypocoristic?) names
luccosa DAG 214 and luccus 228 (ix), showing unvoiced geminate beside voiced
simplex in iug(o)-3 may belong here. Note also perhaps PNN 1 Iucgumattius DAG 224,
Iucius 6, Iuciussicus 196. Hubschmied claimed (Schweizensche Lehrerzeitung, 27 Feb.
x
933 CflC 5X> T 934J X 49)) that the name of the Alpes Iuliae (with *iiilo- < *ieug-slo,
or *iug-slo-) belonged here also. His suggestion was accepted by Whatmough in
Foundations of Roman Italy (London, 1937), 177 with n. 3 (see also id., Lg. 33, 1957,
594). Compare W.-H. 1. 729, Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 248.
9 RC 5, 1881-3, 116-19, BB 11, 1886, 134-6.
10
In CIL 13. 1388 add. it was claimed that there was an interpunct after su in
1. 5. Stokes's interpretation was not accepted by Zimmer (teste CIL, loc. cit.). See
Ix
also Dottin, no. 48. RA 35, 1878, 94 ff.
13
Celtae and Galli 38, n. 2, Insc. 53, Addit. 60. See also Og. 10, 1958, 215 and, for
suiorebe, VKG 1. 532, 2. 106, GOI 182. Cf. GrDAG 109, 124, beside 123.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 359
M A R T A L O S L a Graufesenque graffito
martalos DAG 96 (b)> 1. 8. *
In his first edition of the graffiti Hermet read mas[ in graffito H . 14,
1. 1; in the second he hesitated between this and a reading mar[. Loth
read mas[, Oxe mar[ (restored as Mar[talos?]), and Whatmough
1
See also DAG 214.
2
Note also the following PNN in mace- from Ancient Gaul: Maccalus DAG 136
(also Note (xlv) C); Maccaus 244; Maccia 83, -ius 83, 132, 136, 182, 214, 244,
N.-L. 50, (num.) REL 38, i960 [1961], 49-50 (see also Ondrouch, KMTBpassim,
Colbert de Beaulieu, Bull, soc.fr. de num. 1959, 331 ff., EC 9, 1960-1, 106 ff.);
Maccianus DAG 83; IMaccha 156; Macciiu[ 182 (see Insc. Par. 52, no. 15); Macao
DAG 237; Maccira (-iril(l)a) 83, 140, 176, 203; Maccirra 136; Maccis 83; Macco
83, 214, 237; Macconius, Maccono 195.
3
Compare Gk. μάκαρ 'blessed, happy' and the PNN Μακάριος Bechtel 507,
Μακαρ€Ος id. 574.
+ See LEIA MS; IEW 709; DGVB 250.
5
For the cognate Irish mace see Thurneysen, Die Biirgschaft im irischen Recht
(Berlin, 1928), 4 ; RIAContr. M. 8 f.; Binchy, TPhS 1959, 19; Vendryes, LEIA
M-2 f. For OBret. cognates see now Fleuriot, DGVB 249 s.v. (1) (mach), 253 s.v.
meic.
6
Williams (BBCS 10, 1941, 39 ff.) has claimed that W. mach 'surety' is different
from the first element of OBret. machtiern 'chief, prince' ('prince, seigneur he>£di-
taire' teste Loth, RC 47, 1930, 392), W. mechdeyrn 'high king, overlord', Corn.
mychtern. Cf. Fleuriot, DGVB 249, loc. cit. For another Celtic mace- seen in W.
machteith 'a girl', OCorn. mahtheid gl. uirgo, MICorn. maghteth, maghtyth, Bret.
matez Servant-girl', Ir. maccdacht 'childhood, early youth' see VKG 1. 127 f. (LP
44), IEW6g6, LEIA M-3.
7
For the root *mag- 'great, powerful' and derivatives of this root in Celtic
forms see Weisgerber, SprFK 204, Pokorny, IEW 708 f., Schmidt, KGP 235 f.,
Vendryes, LEIA M-8 f., Fleuriot, DGVB 249. For Celtic magu- 'youth, slave,
vassal' see section (A) (ii) s.v. For an alleged Mediterranean *mag- 'hauteur,
elevation, montagne' see Flutre, REPL 167 ff.
366 THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
]ma..[ (DAG 112 (£), 1. 1). If the correct reading is mar[, which is
uncertain as the letters are damaged at the top owing to a break in the
sherd, there may be here, therefore, a fragment of the name Martalos
as suggested by Oxe. 1
T h e name may be Celtic as claimed by Hermet (p. 317), although
there is no certainty concerning the etymology. Compare some other
P N N in mart- such as the following: 2
Βρυτόμαρις or -μαρτος DAG 182,3 Britomartus 237 ; 4 Martasas 237;
Marthas 228 (iv); Martialis 151, 182, (Martial]) 201, 214, 237, ILTG
23, 49, 556; Martialius DAG 244, Martialiius) N.-L. 157; Martianus
DAG 136, 203, 244; ?Martiaqs, ??Martiaqnos ZAA: Martidia (-lia?) 151;
Martilimis RPH, pp. 141 f.; Martilla DAG 237; Martinianus N.-L. 227,
PID XUB; Martinus DAG 137, 182, 228 (iv), (gen.) ECMW 92, -a
DAG, Note (xlv) C, PID XUB ; Martio DAG 132, 237; Martiola 83, 176;
Martionius 244 ; 5 Martina PID XUB ; Martisano[ DAG 214; Martins 132,
195, 228 (iv), 237, N.-L. 131, i L T G 151, 552, PID xiic, -ta DAG 214,
Note (xlv) C, 237, ILTG 316, PZD xic, XUB, ? HAE 934; Martna (-in-)
DAG 182; Martoualus (Me·) 250; Marturius 159, CZL 2. 2487; Marius
DAG 87, 214, (gen.) £ C M J ^ 270, -A C/L 2. 2282, 3483, 3507, £ £ 8.
271, 6 PID XUB.
Loth 7 assumed that Martalos was a derivative of Gaulish mart-,
cognate with Ir. mart c an ox or cow slaughtered for meat, an ox-
(cow-)carcass, a living ox or cow'. 8 Fraser 9 interpreted it as a name
meaning c weasel', comparing MILat. martalos 'mustelae species' 10 and
grouping it with other 'comic names designed to indicate the less
praiseworthy characteristics of persons to whom they were applied'.
This interpretation received the commendation of Weisgerber. 11
1
But account must also be taken of other potters' names of La Graufesenque
such as Mannus, Marosus, Marsus, Martio (or Martius). See Oxe, Β J 140-1, 1936,
387, Whatmough, DAG 132, and compare Aymard, REA 54, 1952, 96 f.
2
Some of these are, of course, clearly Latin rather than Celtic.
3
See PID 340A. Compare the Greek DN Βρπόμαρτις (Βριτά-, Βρυτό-), concern
ing which see Tiimpel, P.-W. 3. 880 ff., Pokorny, IEW 739, Schmidt, KGP 156.
For Thracian -μαρτος see Detschew, Thr. Spr. 289.
4
This is PN ?[Brit]omarti CIL 13. 7068. s Cf. EE 9. 261 b.
6 7
See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 84. RC 41, 1924, 56.
8
See RIAContr. M. 64 f. and Pedersen, VKG 1. 195, Dottin 270 s.v. -marto-.
Compare Ir. mart m. *death, slaughter, massacre' RIAContr. M. 64, LEI A M - 2 1 .
9
£ C 4 2 , 1925, 95.
10
The form is quoted after W.-H. Maigne d'Arnis, Lexicon manuale ad scriptores
mediae et infimae latinitatis (Paris, 1890), col. 1388. See also Glossarium mediae et
infimae latinitatis . . . Carolo du Fresne Domino du Cange 5 (Niort, 1885), 2^8,
Mediae latinitatis lexicon minus, composuit J . F. Niermeyer, fasc. 7 (Leiden, 1959),
658 s.v. martur. Compare maptola (leg. martola?) 'felis' CGL 3. 259. 27, which,
however, has been claimed as Germanic (see W.-H. 2. 46, DAG 220).
11
SprFK204..
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 367
M E L I G I A [ L a Graufesenque graffito
For this graffito see section (A) (i) s.n. Matug[. Balsan reported
a form Melicia[ in 1. 5. This is presumably a potter's name (Pincom-
plete), not otherwise attested at La Graufesenque. 6 I t may be an
abbreviated form of some compounded name such as PN Μελίγιννα
(Gal. Spr. 155). For Gaulish mel(i)- see section (A) (i) s.n. SumelL
[ M ] E 0 0 I L O S La Graufesenque graffito
I n graffito H. 41, 1. 3 H e r m e t and Oxe read [m]e96ilos where Loth
read \m\eddilos and W h a t m o u g h (DAG 117 (b), 1. 3) ] . ddilos. T h e sherd
is broken before the first 0, and only a part of the letter which pre
ceded it has been preserved. However, ] . ddilos may confidently be
restored as [M]e6eilos. For the potter's stamp Meddilus at La Grau
fesenque see Hermet, p . 204, no. 100 (pi. 108, no. 6), Oxe, BJ 140-1,
1936, 388, no. 151, Whatmough, DAG 132.
For the interpretation of this name see above s.n. Μζθθιλος.
Spr. 229 s.v. preimo-y Holder, AcS 2. 1116 s.n. Remi, Vendryes, RC 30,
1909, 206 (beside Pedersen, VKG 1. 51), id., EC 5, 1950-1, 247, id.,
Recueil de travaux qfferts a M. Clovis Brunei ii. 646, Dottin, p. 281. 1
However, it seems to me quite uncertain whether the Insular Celtic
forms mentioned by these scholars, forms which may point to proto-
Geltic *preimo- or *prisamo-, are in fact related to the alleged Gaulish
*remo- cognate with Lat. primus (? < *prismo-).2 See further Guyonu-
arc'h, Og. 10, 1958, 169, n. 2.
S C O T A La Graufesenque graffiti
scota DAG 90 (£), 1. 7 ; 3 scota 91 (£), 1. 10; s[cot]a 103 (c), 1. 15 ; 4 scota
105 (£), 1. n ; 108 (i), 1. 12; 109 ( 0 , 1 - 9 ; i n (*),1- 15; J I 2 (*),1-9;
113 (ft), 1. 10.
T h e name is probably Celtic, as recognized by Hermet (p. 317).
For masculine <z-stems see section (A) (i) s.n. Adepicca. Compare the
following names: P N N Scotaus, Scotia(n)us DAG 8 3 ; Scotinus 2 0 3 ;
?Scotnus, Scot(t)ius 132 ; 5 Scoto 83, (Scot(t)o) 204; &0taz 83, 214, -us 83,
136, 139, 156, 182, 214, 237 ; 6 Scotticus AcS 2. 1416 ff.; Scottius DAG 83,
214; 7 &0#0 214; .Sato* 136; 6 L E N N Scot{t)ia AcS 2. I4i4ff., Scotti
2. 1406 ff.
Loth 8 related Scota to the form scotta 'ferrum anceps' of Acta Austre-
gisili i. 2, 15, ASS, 20 May, v, p . 2 3 i * F , for which see Whatmough,
DAG 158,9 comparing PN Scot(t)ius at La Graufesenque and noting
that a number of other P N N appear also as common nouns. 10 For
attempts to construct an etymology for the ethnic name Scotti and
P N N such as Scottus11 and Scottius, see Stokes, Urk. Spr. 310 (whence AcS
2.1406) and E. MacNeill, Phases of Irish History (Dublin, 1919), 144 ff.12
1
Forster (FT 853) suggested that IRuymjRuim, an old name of Thanet, may be
connected with EN Remi. Cf. Jackson, LHEB 239.
2
See W.-P. 2. 34, W.-H. 2. 363, E.-M. 946 f., IEWZii. For Ir. nam *antea' see
Thurneysen, Hdb. 478, GOI528.
3
Loth here read kola, but Whatmough stressed that scota is 'quite certain*.
4
The sherd is badly shattered, but the restoration of s\cot]a here after summaco'
ell·, given also by Hermet, Loth, and Oxe, is probably correct.
5
See Hermet, p. 205, no. 154, Oxe, Β J 140-1, 1936, 391, nos. 218-20.
6
See also AcS 2. 1413 f.
7
See also AcS 2. 1414.
8
RC 41, 1924, 56, whence Weisgerber, SprFK 208.
9
? Compare scotica (scutica) 'whip' DAG 158.
10
See Whatmough, Die Sprache 1, 1949, 127, CPh. 48, 1953, 255, also Appendix
s.n. Drappes.
11
Jullian suggested (REA 30, 1928, 309) that the name Scottus was introduced to
the Continent from Ireland.
12
Concerning Scotti see also Gougaud, Revue des questions historiques 83, 1907,
539 fF.; Ekwall, Namn och Bygd 41, 1953, 168 ff.; Weisgerber in Aus Geschichte und
Landeskunde. Forschungen und Darstellungen. Franz Steinbach zum 65. Geburtstag . . .
(Bonn, i960), 731; Binchy, Studia Hibernica 2, 1962, 137.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 375
S E N N I L O L a Graufesenque graffito
sennilo DAG 131, 1. 2.
T h e graffito of La Graufesenque in which this name occurs appears
not to be a potter's account. Hermet read
trit I sennilo | tviii?
In 1. 3 Whatmough read tusi with the comment that the line is c all
but illegible'. T h e name is probably Celtic, as claimed by W h a t
mough (DAG, p . 289). Compare the following P N N : Senil[ DAG 237;
Senila 136; Senilennis (w.ll. Senitennis, Senhennis, Senipennis) gen. CIL 13.
125; Senilic[DAG 244; Senilius 83, 208B (also 214), 237, 244, -ia 244;
Senilla 244, CIL 2. 1696, Senil\l\a CIL 2. 1283; Senilius DAG 151, 182,
244; Senilus 83, -os 182; ?Senilus (or Selnius?) CIIC 483. I t is to be
related to Gaulish seno- 'old'. 1 P N N in senn~, with geminate -/z-, are
well attested (e.g. Senna DAG 208c; Sennaius 237; Sennaucia, -ins 237;
Sennianus 224; Senno 83, 182, 244). I t is now recognized that gemina
tion of consonants is by no means a criterion of abbreviated names,
and that the arrangement - G C - G - (as in Sennilo) alternates in proper
names with - C - C C - (as in Senilius, -a) and - C - C - (as in Senilus, -a).
See Schulze 462 if., Weisgerber, Rh. Mus. 84, 1935, 316, Whatmough,
DAG, p. 746, id., Lg. 33, 1957, 592, Schmidt, KGP 4.0. Sennilo, there
fore, may be a derivative of an uncompounded name such as Senus.2
In view of the incidence of other P N N such as Senilius, Senilus, a n d
Senilos, the name doubtless is to be interpreted as an 0-stem nomina
tive showing the loss of final -s3 rather than as an w-stem nominative
showing the Latin or Latinized termination -0. 4
S T A M U L O S L a Graufesenque graffito
stamulos DAG 112 (b), 1. 7. ]mulo in the same graffito (112 (b), 1. 8) is
restored as \std\rnulo{s) by Loth and Oxe and is listed s.n. Stamulos by
Hermet. Hermet (p. 317) claimed that the name, an o-stem nomina
tive in -os, was Gaulish. But there is no certainty concerning the
etymology. Loth 5 suggested that it is a derivative of Celtic *stam- seen
in W. sefyll c to stand' Bret, sevel, and M l l r . samaigid (: IE. *sta- 'stand,
1
See above s.n. Σενικιος.
2
For examples see DAG 156, 244.
3
Compare other potters' names such as Agedilio, Agio, Albano, Carilo, Cornuto,
and Trito from La Graufesenque, and see Chapter III (A) (ii) (a).
4
But compare PNN such as Magilo DAG 224 and Maiuddilo 83, 176.
s RC41, 1924, 57.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 377
1 2
place'). Fraser, on the other hand, compared Gk. στωμνλος 'wordy,
talkative' and translated the name as 'chatterbox'. He recognized the
difference in vocalism between the name and the Greek form and
remarked that 'if this equation is correct, δ was still being changed to
a at the time the word was introduced into Gaul'. Compare PN Polos,
with -0-(?)5 in another graffito of La Graufesenque, which Fraser
would relate to Gk. πώλος 'foal'. 3 The fact that some potters' names in
the graffiti may be explained as Greek 4 and t h a t there are no other
comparable names in Ancient Gaul tells in favour of Fraser's sugges
tion, in spite of the difficulty concerning the vowel -a-. But it seems
just possible that the name is Celtic.
S T A T I L O S L a Graufesenque graffito
statilos DAG 112 (b), 1. 5.
This name also, another 0-stem nominative in -os, was claimed as
Gaulish by Hermet (p. 317). Loth 5 suggested comparison with W.
cystadl ( > cystal) 'as good, as well, equivalent' ( < Celt. *kon-statlo~).6
Compare rather perhaps Bret, steudenn 'tenon de mortaise, rangee,
file, serie', steud 'file, rangee', W.ystawd 'swath, arrangement, com
position' : Lat. status, etc. 7 But Loth also recognized that it may be
a form of the Latin name Statilius, for which see Schulze 236, Solmsen
149. For the suffix -ilo- in Celtic names see Holder, AcS 2. 35.
T R I T O S , T R I T O , T R I T U S , T R I T I , T R I T La Grau-
fesenque graffiti
tritos DAG 90 (A), 1. 8 ; ] Jos 91 (A), 1. 15 ; 3 tritos 94, 1. 12; trito· 94,
1. 14 ;* tritus 95 (A), 1. 11 ; s tritus 95 (A), 1. 13 ; 6 tritos 96 (A), 1. 9 ; 96 (A),
1· 15; 98 (*), 1. 13; 99 (*)> !· I 0 ; I 0 ° (*)> 1· l5'>trit0 I 0 3 00> L lI I t r i t o s
103 (c), 1. 13; tritos 104 (A), 1. 12 ; 7 \t\riti 105 (A), 1. 10; 8 trito 108 (A),
1. 16; tritos 109 (<;), 1. 10; m (A), 1. 12; tritos 112 (A), 1. 12 ; 9 trito- 112
(A), 1. 13; 1 0 tritos 114 (A), 1. 14; frit 131, 1. 1. I n graffito H . 15, 1. 13
Hermet, Loth, and Oxe read ]itos, sc. [Tr]itos, where Whatmough
1
See W.-H. 2. 399, IEW643, Untermann, Kratylos 1, 1956, 65, O. Szemerenyi,
Studies in the Indo-European System of Numerals (Heidelberg, i960), 79, n. 61.
2
See Holder, AcS 1. 1481, Pokorny, Urg. 47.
3
Hermet and Lodi here read ~\itos or ]etos where Oxe read ]tos (sc. [Masue]tos).
4
tritos Hermet, Loth, Oxe. Hermet's plate shows an interpunct after 0 rather
than an s.
5
tritus Hermet, Loth, Oxe; / is certain, but r and i are incomplete owing to
a break in the sherd.
6
The sherd is broken before /, and this letter has itself been slightly damaged.
7
The sherd is broken on the left, and / is slightly damaged, but certain.
8
So also Oxe, triti Hermet and Loth; the sherd is broken before r, which is
slightly damaged.
9
/ is damaged by a break in the sherd on the left.
10
tritos Hermet, Loth, trito{s) Οχέ; Hermet's plate shows an interpunct after 0
rather than an s.
THE MATERIAL: AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY 379
c,
(DAG 102 (b), 1. 14) read].£to with the comment | (i.e. || e) before
tos, i.e. ~\etos not ]itos\
This name, although it corresponds in form to the Greek ordinal
τρίτος 'third', is probably Celtic rather than Greek. Whatmough
(DAG, p . 290) 1 counted it as Celtic, whereas Thurneysen (ZCP J6>
ι
9*Ί> 297) 2 preferred to regard it as Greek. Hermet (p. 317) listed it
as Latin. I n the graffiti the name occurs most regularly, thirteen times
in all, 3 in the form Tritos, an o-stem nominative in -os. I t occurs four
times as Trito, without -s, and twice as Tritus with the Latinized
termination -us. If the restoration of [T]riti in DAG 105 (b), 1. 10 is
correct, this may be an instance of the name in the genitive, although
this would be unusual at La Graufesenque. It may even be an ab
breviation for a name *Tritios.4 Compare PN Tecci listed in the
Appendix. I n DAG 131, 1. 1 trit is probably not a potter's name
at all. tr[ (for tr[itos] ?) followed by tudo in DAG 94, 1. 1 is clearly a
fragment of the Gaulish ordinal ^ r d ' and not a name. In the'same
graffito (1. 2) tri, following casidani, is probably the cardinal form ' 3 ' ,
possibly for tris. See Thurneysen, J?CP 16, 1927, 288, Oxe, BJ 130,
1925, 63, 64, Weisgerber, SprFK, loc. c i t , Whatmough, DAG,
p. 588 s.v. tri. For tidres (or tidrus) DAG 130 (b), 1. 3 see Thurneysen,
ZCP 15, 1925, 380, GOI 246, Cowgill, Lg. 33, 1957, 341 ff.
Names in trit- are well attested in Gaul and in the Hispanic
peninsula (see now EAAHA 175 f.). Note the following examples:
P N N : TritaDAG237, CL, p. 21, -us DAG 136, 199, 203, (-os, -us) 204,
214, 217, (-os, -us) 224, 228 (ix), 244, CIL 2. 4970, 508 ; 5 Tritai (gen.)
2 2
· 953J Tritanerus DAG 244 ; 6 Trites CIL 2. 5556; Triteus 2.
2445, 5275, ES 3 8 ; Tritia ES 42, HAE 914, 7 -ius DAG 182,
1
Vendryes's remarks in BSL 25, 1924-5, 37 also imply that Tritos is Gaulish.
See further Loth, RC 41, 1924, 36.
. 2 See also Weisgerber, SprFK 211 s.v. tri-,
3
This tally does not include the doubtful instances in DAG 91 (b),L 15 and 102
(b), 1. 14·
4
Compare terti in graffito DAG 94 (b), 1. 17 and .erti (sc. [t]erti?) in DAG 111 (b)9
1. 14, also presumably genitive or abbreviated for Tertius. Perhaps Whatmough was
right in suggesting {DAG, p. 290) that Terti(us) in the graffiti may be a Latin
rendering of Celtic Tritos. The stamp of Tertius occurs at La Graufesenque. See
Hermet, p. 206, nos. 167 ff., Οχέ, Β J 140-1, 1936, p. 392, nos. 242 f. Other exx.
of PN Tertius in Ancient Gaul are listed in DAG 214, 224, 237, 244. Note also
Tertus 201, 214, Tertic[ 244, Tertinius 182, 214, 224, 237, 244, -inus 237, 244,
Tertiolus 83, Tertullus 87.
5
Some of these examples and others of Trita and Tritus as well as PNN Ettritus,
Tritanerus, Tritano, Tritan{n)us, and Τριτνμαλλος have been claimed as Illyrian. See,
for instance, Krahe, PN. Lex. 117 f., Wb. Jhb. 1, 1946, 179, 181, 182, 189, Spr.
lllyr. 55, 61, 71, Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 142, 344; 2. 119.
6
See n. 5 above.
7
Compare PN Tridiae (dat.), with -d-, 0 Arqueologo portugues 29, 1930-1, 157 if.
(pi. xi), concerning which, and concerning PN Tridallus CIL 2. 5715, PN Tirdai
„8o T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L S U R V E Y
(Trition (ace.)) Og. 14. 1962. 441, 1 CIL 2. 666, (? [Tjritius) 674^
(? [Tjritius) 767,2 5304, BRAH 77, 1920, 407, ES, pp. 23, 35, M.
facias, Epigrafia romana de la ciudad de Astorga (Orense, 1903), p. 167,
C& PP· x4> 39> C ^ M ) 28> ΗΑΕ 205, (Triti (gen.)) 1157; Tritogeno
DAG 151 (see also 182).3
LENN: Tritalicum EE 8, p. 414, no. 142, Tritalico(m) CIL 2.
-0yy-4 Tritecufjri) ES 34; Tritium (Autrigonum) Plin., Mela, IA, in
jjisp. Tarrac. AcS 2. 1959; Τρίτιον Τουβορικόν Ptol. now Motrico (?)
AcS, loc. cit.; Τρίτων MiraXXov (leg. ikfayaAAov) Ptol., Tritium IA,
Tritienses, -is inscc. now Tricio AcS 2. 1959 f.; Tritolli DAG 8o. s
DNN: Γπώι RPH 215 f.; ?[7]rifo (dat.) D^G 23ο; 6 Triitia 82;
Jnto/to (Mars) 150.
For Tritianum (genus) ( a variety of cabbage) Plin. see DAG 158.
Olr. tress (tris) 'third5 derives from *tri-sto- and corresponds to Lat.
testis and Osc. trstus. W. trydydd, Corn, trysse, trege, Bret. Jrafe point to
earlier *tritiio-. See FJTG 2. 135 (LP 192), GO/ 249 f., IEW 1091,
J)GVB 320. For *tr-to-j*tri-to- 'third' represented by Gaul. Tritos,
Illyr. into-, Alban. trite, trete, Gk. τρίτος, Toch. A fn'J, Βfrztesee Porzig
203, Szemerenyi, op. cit. 81 ff. (esp. the tables on pp.92 fF.). Szemerenyi
argues that -to- was a late ordinal suffix, and that *tri-to- was a post-
IE. innovation.7 He insists that *triio- (i.e. *tri-o-) was the most
archaic formation for '3rd5 in Indo-European, and that *tri-to- arose
by analogy with *kuetur-to- '4th'.
V E B R U L L U S L a Graufesenque graffiti
uebrullus A.-A. 1, 1. 7; 15, 1. 6; uebrull[ 2, 1. 6; 1 uebrul[ 9, 1. 4.
Albenque 2 claimed that prior to the discovery of the name in the
graffiti unearthed at La Graufesenque in 1950 and 1952 Vebrullus was
unknown, at least as a potter's n a m e . But it is attested in an inscription
of Les Martigues (Bouches-du-Rhone) (ILG 95), and perhaps an in
scription of La Bastide-des-Jourdans (ILG 171). However, there is
some doubt concerning the latter, as only ]ebrulli (gen.) has been pre
served. 3 Albenque also drew attention to the potters' stamps [vjebruo
and vebruof of La Graufesenque. 4 H e suggested that these should be
interpreted as Vebru o(f)., and hinted at the possibility that Vebru is
here an abbreviated form of Vebrullus.5 Aymard 6 was inclined to
accept this suggestion, and it is, no doubt, correct. Aymard further
drew attention to the name Vebrul[oiCIL 13.11237 (Nuits-en-Bolard), 7
and was tempted to recognize in the potter's stamp Vibruiu AcS 3. 1308
a name comparable with the Vebrullus of La Graufesenque.
I t is noteworthy that in the two instances of the name preserved in
its full form in the graffiti the 0-stem nominative ending is the Latin
or Latinized -us, which is regular in the new graffiti of L a Graufesenque. 9
For Gaulish vebru- (vebro-) ' a m b e r ' see section (A) (ii) s.v.10
V E D Z U I I X 4 G i 8 5 (inscription of Reims)
For this inscription see section (A) (i) s.n. Diuuogna. Demaison's
account of the text,1 giving a reading verified 'avec le plus grand
soin'!, does not show any uncertainty concerning the third letter in
this form. But where Demaison read D Bohn2 read § and Holder 3
gave a reading Verzui.
The form is probably a personal name, but its exact relationship to
the other names in the inscription is not certain. With the ending -ui
it may be an 0-stem dative. If Demaison's reading is correct, then we
may have in the symbols dz an attempt to represent the Gaulish
dental affricate (or fricative or sibilant), sometimes written ds or ts.
but more often d, dd, d, dd> s, ss, st, etc. See Chapter III, Remark.
Compare perhaps PNN such as Vesus DAG 83, Vesuca 214, Vesuccia 83,
Vesuins Note (xlv) C, Vessonius 83, or Vestonius 8. But as the reading is
doubtful, and as one could not be certain concerning the phonetic
nature of the phoneme (or phonemes) represented by dz} it would be
idle to speculate concerning the etymology.
Forms comparable with the alternative reading Verzui are not hard
to find. Note forms in uerz- such as PNN Verzaiio (dat.) CIL 3. 13832,
Verzo Jahreshefte des osterreichischen archaologischen Instituts in Wien 12,
Beiblatt 202, Verzoniis) (gen.) CIL 3. 1269, 9056, Verzonis (gen.) CIL
5. 1956, DN Verzobius CIL 9. 1640, 1685, 2123, counted as Illyrian
by some authorities. See, for example, Krahe, PN. Lex. 136, Wb. Jhb.
1, 1946, 203, Spr. Illyr. 74, 86, IF 67, 1962, 154, and Mayer, Spr. alt.
Illyr. 1. 358 f., 2. 124, 177.4 Beside these note names in tiers- and uerr-
mentioned in section (A) (i) s.n. Ονβρσυκνος.
-os like the name Καβφος which precedes it. T h e precise function of the
suffix -ιακος is not clear. As in P N N ?[Γ]λλανονίακος and Ιονγιλλιακος
(see this section s.nn.) a n d in ]ναλιακος (see Appendix) it may well
be patronymic, and the n a m e could perhaps be rendered as 'son of
* Ονιν8ιος\ O n the other h a n d we must concede that it may be a local
rather t h a n a personal n a m e . 1 I n any case, as Rhys 2 and Gray 3 have
stated, it doubtless points to the familiar Gaulish vindo- 'white' 4 cog
nate with Ir. fionn, W. gwyn, Corn, guyn, Bret, gwenn: Gk. ίνδάλλομαι,
Ί appear', Skt. vinddti 'finds', etc. See VKG 1. 41 (LP ^), W.-P. 1. 237,
IEW 1125, DGVB 192.
V I N D U L O S , - U S L a Graufesenque graffiti
uindulus DAG 99 (b), 11. 15 and 16 ; 5 uindulus 104 (£), 1. 12 ; s uindulos
114 (A), 1. 16.6
I n all four instances of this name Hermet's plates show cursive d
after n, 7 and W h a t m o u g h was doubtless right in insisting (DAG,
p . 289), after Oxe and Grenier, that the name is Vindulos (Celtic)
rather t h a n Vinoulos (Latin). I t is a derivative (diminutive ?) in -w/o-
(AcS 3. 26) of Gaul. Vindus. For names in vind- see above s.n. CW8ia-
κος. Compare especially P N N Vindulon(is) (rc-stem, gen.) CIL 12. 3198,
Vindullus (freedman of Cn. Pompeius Magnus) Cic. epist. ad Att. 6. 1.
1
Compare the modern local names Vanzac (Charente-Inferieure), Vanzais
(Vendee), Vanzau (Deux-Sevres), etc., quoted by Holder in AcS 3. 339 s.n. *Vindi-
acus, and Vindey (Marne) quoted in the same work (3. 329) s.n. *Vind-acus.
2 3
Insc. 6. EC 6, 1953-4» 65.
4
This element is well attested in Gaulish names. I list some examples of PNN
only: Aicovindo CIL 13. 1551 (see KGP48, 119 f., 294, still listed as Alcouindus (with
-/-) in DAG 151); Contuinda (dat.) DAG 237 (? cf. Contobouiouindillus CIL 4. 1838);
Maciovind(i) CIL 3. 11530; Trevvoomvhoa DAG 206; Vindos, -a 151, Remark B,
224, 237, 244, ?Vind[d] CIL 7. 509, Vindus DAG 140, 195, 244 (see also AcS 3. 342 f.);
Vindac(ii) (gen.) CIL 7. 1320 ( = 1 3 . 10021); Vindaina {-ania) DAG 244; Vindaluco
237; Vindama 182; Vindamai 237; Vindauscia 83; Vindedo 237, 244; Vindeliaus
237, Vindel[icius?], [V\indelec[, Vindelicus, -a, 244, Vin[deli]cus MG 37, ?[Vinde]licus
230 (cf. LENN Vindelici, -ia, Vindol[, Vindolici, -al-3 etc., DAG 241, Ουινδελαα,
Vindeleia AcS 3. 330, and see Schmeja, Btr. z. N. 12, 1961, 286 ff.); uindia, ουινδια
DAG 206, Vindi 156, Vindius 83, 244 (see also AcS 3. 341 f., Vetter, Btr. ζ. Ν. 12,
1961, 215); ?Vindilicus DAG 176; Vindilius 244, -ilus AcS 3. 340 f., Carinthia I 148,
1958, 168, -il[[]ius DAG 244, -illius CIL 13. 6215, Vin[dillus?~\ DAG 237, -illus 214,
244, PID xiic, Vindilla DAG 244 (also AcS 3. 340); Vindio DAG 244; Vindo 83,
244 (see also AcS 3. 343 f.); Vindobius DAG 244; Vindoinissa 214; Vindona PID xic;
Vindonius DAG 151, 244 (also -id) AcS 3. 349; Vindorisus DAG 244; Vindoroici (gen.)
CIL 3. 4604; Vindu 3. 11705, Vindunis (gen.) MG 23; names in vindul(l)-, see this
section s.n. Vindulos; Vinauro DAG 176, 182.
s
With conjoint us. Οχέ also read uindulus here where Hermet, Loth, and Bohn
read uinoulos (uinoulus in graffito DAG 104).
6
uindulus Οχέ, uinoulus Hermet, Loth, and Bohn. Hermet's plate here shows
conjoint letters, either os or us, most probably the former.
7
In graffito H. 2,1. 12 it could easily be mistaken for 0,
388 T H E M A T E R I A L : AN E T Y M O L O G I C A L SURVEY
125. For the alternation of -os and -us in the o-stem nominative see
Chapter III (B) (i) (a).
A. P H O N O L O G Y
For some attempts to gather together a few of the facts concerning
phonology that can be picked up from studying Continental Celtic,
see the following authorities :3 Dottin, pp. 95 if.; Weisgerber, Gal. Spr.
1
See, for example, Whatmough, Lg. 33, 1957, 591.
2
See Dillon, Chambers9s Encyclopaedia, new ed., vol. 6 (London, 1950), 190.
3
I do not include here standard works on Celtic grammar such as VKG and
GOI, nor do I refer to all the writings of scholars such as Weisgerber, Whatmough,
and Tovar. For the important Grammar of DAG see p. 9 above.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y 391
169 ff., SprFK 216 f.; Whatmough, PID, vol. 2, pp. 591 f., HSCP 60,
1951, 180 ff.; Fowkes, Lg. 16, 1940, 285 ff.; Gray, Lg. 20, 1944, 223
ff.; Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 9 ff.; Lejeune, Celtiberica 130 ff.; Schmidt,
KGP 90 ff.; Palomar Lapesa, OPL 133 ff.; Tovar, Kratylos 3, 1958,
3 ff., ELH 104 ff.; Schmoll, SVIHK 75 if.
(i) VOCALISM
(a) Vowels
IE. α as a rule remains unchanged in Gaulish. See, for example,
section (A) (ii) s.w. AD-1, ALLO-, CATU-, and section (B) s.n.
Albano.
For the alternation of a and e, e.g. in forms in nam- such as να/χασατ[,
ναμαυσατ[, and ναμαυσικαβο beside forms in nem- such as Nemausus,
Ν€μαύσιοι, etc., see the references quoted s.v. NAMO-. See also What
mough, Orbis 1, 1952, 437, and s. /below.
For the alternation of a and δ in Gaulish, e.g. Alpes : "Ολβια (ν. s.
Albano (Β)), 2 αδε? . ττόδβίτ (Hesych.) DAG 178, κάρνυξ t r u m p e t ' DAG
178 beside some forms in corn- (v. s. Cornutos (B)), see Whatmough,
HSCP 60, 1951, 180, Orfor 1, 1952, 437, Studies presented to David M.
Robinson, vol. 2, 481, Lg. 29, 1953, 4 8 3 ; 30, 1954, 399 f.
I E . /regularly remains. See, for example, s.w. EPO-, EX-, -RET( T)-,
SED-, SEGO-, and P N N Deralius (Β), Σενικιος (Β), and Sennilo (B).
For the alternation o f / a n d a, v. s. a. Pedersen (VKG 1. 38 ff.) listed
possible examples of a in Celtic forms representing an old e, as
W.OCorn.Bret. garan 'crane' and Gaul, -garanus beside Gk. γερανός,
W.Corn.Bret. da 'good 5 , O l r . dag-, Gaul, dago- (also dego-) beside
O l r . deg- and W. de-wr 'brave'. 3 Moreover, he mentioned a develop
ment of ie to ia in Brittonic and Gaulish only 'unter noch zu unter-
suchenden Bedingungen'(?), seen, for example, in W. ia beside O l r .
aig (gen. ega) and W . addiant and addiad and Gaul, iantu- (also ientu-)
beside O l r . et.* Thurneysen, dealing with the interchange o f / a n d a in
Old Irish forms ( # £ 5 9 , 1 9 3 2 , 1 ff., G O / 5 3 ff.), claimed that e was often
replaced by a before palatal consonants 'due to a tendency to differen
tiate e more sharply from the following palatal sound'. Fluctuation be
tween a and / before non-palatal consonants is explained as the result
of analogy with other forms. 5 Holmer tried to show {EC 3, 1938, 71 ff.)
1
Forms quoted in capitals in this chapter are name elements discussed in
Chapter II (A) (ii).
2
A capital letter in brackets following a name refers to the sections of Chapter II.
3
(App.) refers to the Appendix. See Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. DAGO-,
* See Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. IANT-.
5
M. A. O'Brien (Celtica 3, 1956, 182 ff.) has attempted to explain away the
alternation before palatal consonants as due partly to the influence of the non-
palatal final of preceding proclitics and confusion between pre-verbal particles,
and partly to analogy with other forms.
392 P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
that the tendency to change e (and o) to a in many cases should be
explained as reduction (a) before the penult, which he supposed was
accented 'a Pepoque de l'unite des langues brittoniques et gaeliques'
(possibly even in Common Celtic) and (b) in proclitic position.
e appears to have been a closed vowel (and ι an open vowel) in
more than one region where Celtic is attested on the Continent. 1
Holder has listed a n u m b e r of examples of the alternation eji in AcS
i. 1392 and 2. 2. See also Dottin, pp. 58, 96, 356, 357. Note, for
example, Beleno castro DAG 80. 153. 179, Bel(l)enus (-inns, -innns) 82,
Belenus 155, 181, Βιλινος 177; Cessorinius 224, -inus 151, 156, 244,
Cissorina 182; Lexouii\Lixouii 179; roueca 78, 177, 239, ροουικα 78,
177. See also the name elements AGED-, CEN-, REG-, RET(T)-. The
alternation of ζ and <? may explain some of the confusion oivic-fvict- and
vec-\vect- (v. s. VIC-).2
Before a nasal+stop consonant e frequently changed to ι. T h e
change is a Common Celtic one. See Pedersen, VKG 1. 37, Jackson,
LHEB 278. But there are numerous exceptions or apparent excep
tions. Note, for example, forms in cintu- beside forms in centu-\cento-
(v. s. CINTU-); forms in ring- beside forms in ceng- (v. s. CINGO-);
forms in vint- (e.g. Vintedo DAG 237, Vintidia 182, Vintilius 237, Vintio
151, Remark B, Vintius 4, 82) beside forms in vent- (e.g. Ventianus
DAG 151, Venti 82, Ventis 8 6 ) ; forms in tine- (e.g. Tinea DAG 244,
Tincus 244, -ia 83, 244, -ius 18, 83, 182, 237, 244, Tineorigis 83) beside
forms in tenc- (e.g. ?Tenconisius DAG 83); sint- (e.g. Sintillius 237, 238
(v), Sintillus 228 (ix), 237, Sintia 241, Sintorix 208A, Sintus ILTG 23)
beside sent- (e.g. Σίντιοι 2ΐ, Sentins 18, 176, 224, 237, 244, Sentona 243);
forms in pinp- and pint- (e.g. pinpedonum (v.l. penpidulnm) 178, pinpetos
98, Pintaius 224, Pintameus GIL 2. 551, Pintamus 2. 441, 2378, £2? 9,
264, ?HAE 1151, Pintauius CIL 2. 5631, Pintilus DAG 237, P[in]tili (or
P[en]tili) CIL 2. 5335, PzV^w Z^4G 224, Pz/zfo -BZE4 8, 1954, 461 ff.,
no. 34, Pinton(um) (gen. pi.) C7L 2. 365, Pintouius ES, p . 24, C £ 30,
39, / M E 1257, 1327) beside forms in pemp- and pent- (e.g. πβμπέδουλα
(v.l. πομπέ-) · πεντάφυλλον DAG 178, Pentaui (gen.) i S , p . 39, P*n/i
IMG 203, Remark, Pentili (gen.) CZL 2. 2633, Pentilius DAG 136, -ZA
C7L 2. 5858, PentiusDAG 208, 238 (iv), 244, C/L 2. 2712, 5719, J5Z£M,
loc. cit., no. 31, Pentodia DAG 83, Pentouius CIL 2. 6338^ BRAH 61,
1912,454, PentouieciBRAH, loc. cit., i W w OPL91).3 Watkins 4 suggested
1
See Dottin, p. 58, Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 173 f., Corominas, ZCP 25, 1956,
2
52 f., Schmidt, JTGP 100. Cf. Pokorny, Kratylos 3, 1958, 174.
3 Weisgerber (SprFK 207, 216) thought it unlikely that Gaulish names in pent-,
with -e-, are to be connected with the numeral 'five'. Pokorny (Urg. 171, n. 1)
suggested that -ent- (as in forms in pent-) may be Illyrian, while -int- (as in forms
in pint-) may be Celtic. Compare Tovar's comment in ZePhyrus 5, 1954, 19, n. 3
and see Palomar Lapesa, OPL 91, 92, 134, ELH 360 f., Schmoll, SVIHK 47 f.,
4
Untermann, EAAHA 147, Solta, Z>*> Sprache 9, 1963, 216. Z,£. 30, 1954, 516.
PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY 393
that [e] and [i] were not distinctive phonemically before a nasal
+stop, and rightly insisted that the change e > ϊ 'may not be said to
have been completed in the Common Keltic period'. The change of
e to ϊ before a single nasal is by no means as regular as it is before
a nasal+stop. 1
For the loss of initial e before sk- in Σκιγγοριου (gen.) Gal. Spr. 155
and Scingomagus DAG 7 see Gal. Spr. 173 and HSCP 60, 1951, 180.
IE. ϊ normally remained in Gaulish, e.g. in MORI- 'sea', viro-
c
man' (v. s. VIRO-), and -is in the nom. sg. of i-stems (see Chapter
III (B) (i)). For the alternation of ϊ and e, v. s. e above. Unaccented -z
became -e in Gaulish are (see DAG 178, also REA 58, 1956, 179 f),
are- (as in Arelate DAG 80, arepennis DAG 158, etc.), in ATE- (also
ati-), in more DAG 178 beside mori- (as in Moritasgus, moritex, etc., v. s.
MORI-), and perhaps inprenne DAG 178 and in ANDE-, but not in
AMBI-. See VKG 1. 40 f, 256 {LP 4, 68), Loth, RC 36, 1915-16, 148,
Dottin, p. 357, Whatmough, Orbis 1, 1952, 437.
IE. δ normally remains, e.g. in BODUO-, BOGIO-, BROG-, COM-,
OLLO-, ORBIO-, V0-,2 and in -osj-ios in the nom. sg. ofo-jio-stems (see
Chapter III (B) (i)).
For the alternation of δ and a, v. s. a. For a number of quite doubtful
instances of this alternation in the Hispanic peninsula see Schmoll,
SVIHK 78 ff.
IE. u remained, e.g. in CATU-, CUMB-, ESUS, MAGU-, NANTU-,
etc., and in -us in the nom. sg. of w-stems (see Chapter III (B) (i)).
Gaulish u may occasionally have been pronounced open. This
might explain, for example, some instances of forms in dobno-\domno-
beside forms in dubno-jdumno- (see Chapter II (A) (i) s.n. Donnotaurus
and (A) (ii) s.v. DUBNO-) and perhaps one or two instances of so-
instead of su- (see Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. SU-). See Schnetz, %CP 14,
1923, 274 f, Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 170 f., Schmidt, KGP 94, 195 f.
The IE. weak-grade vowel appears in Gaulish as a, e.g. in are, are-
(see IEW 812), LITANO-, forms in bal- and nam- (see Chapter II (A)
(ii) s.w. BAL{L)- and NAMO-). Gutuater (see Chapter II (B) s.n.
Cotuatus) has a < IE. d.
IE. a remained, e.g. in Bratronos (B) and in the case-endings of
o-/zfl-stems, as in the nom. sg. in -(i)a, the gen. sg. in -ias, and perhaps
in the dat. sg. in -at and -a (see Chapter III (B) (i)).3
For possible examples of the development of a to au and q in late
1
For a tendency to change e to ϊ before single nasals in Primitive Welsh see
Jackson, LHEB 278 f.
2
For possible instances of Gaul, vo- 'under' > ue-, v. s. V0- in Chapter II
(A) (ii).
3
There is no means of telling whether the originally long a had in final syllables
been reduced to a short vowel.
394 PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY
Gaulish see Hubschmied, RC 50, 1933, 261 and Vox Romanica 3,
1938, 84 ff.
IE. e normally gave ι. See, for example, DI-, viro- 'true' (v. s. VIRO-),
and PN Σιλουκνος (A) (?with GLX- from *se-l~).
On account of graphic variants such as Dubnoreix and Dubnorex
(with -ei- and -*-) in coin legends (see s.n. Dumnorix (A)) Pedersen
supposed (FAG 1. 51, see also LP 7) that the change e > ϊ had not
occurred in certain unaccented non-initial syllables. 1 Lejeune also
admitted the possibility of the retention of original e in a non-initial
or final syllable in historical times in Celtic. See Celtiberica 22 and 138 f.
H e drew attention to the traditional interpretation of Gaulish βρατουδε
as the equivalent of Latin ex iudicio with -δε perhaps representing
original *de. H e suggested that uique and que que in graffiti of Pefialba
may be old oblique (instrumental?) cases in -e; he thought that
ConTerPia (Lexico 7, Celtiberica 96) m a y contain a form of Celtic *treb-,2
and CuiroreCiios (Celtiberica 83 f.)3 the form *regio-. See also his remarks
(Celtiberica 100, 137) on the form TeiuoreiC(i)s (?nom. sg., for *Deiuo-
rlx) in the inscription on the bronze of Luzaga (Celtiberica 98 ff.). 4 This
evidence in fact amounts to very little, and I think that we can fairly
state that there are no certain examples of the retention of I E . e in
Continental Celtic. T h e writing of ei (ei) or e in forms such as
Άτζπορειγος CIG 3. 4039, 23-26, 32-33, dubnorex, dubnoreix (v. s.
Dumnorix (Α)), Εσκιγγορζιξ (Α), Μάγουpeiyi (Α), Σιγο .ουτιορζιξ (Α),
]πορ€ΐξ (Αρρ.), ~\ραξ DAG 36, and TeiuoreiC(i)s (see above) beside i in
forms such as Άλβίόριξ Gal. Spr. 154, Cantorix DAG 19, etc., does n o ;
by any means amount to a proof of the occasional retention of e.
Here i, ei, and e are probably graphic variants all denoting Gaulish
l, and are best explained as being due to the influence of Greek and
Latin orthography. 5
IE. ϊ was retained in Gaulish, as, for example, in the termination of
the (z)o-stem genitive (see Chapter I I I (B) (i)). For Gaulish ϊ < I E .
e, and for the variant orthography i\ei\e, v. s. e above.
1
See Vendryes, RC 30, 1909, 206. Thurneysen also claimed (Hdb. § 86, GO/§ 90,
also Meid, AKV 72) that some Old Irish forms reflected the retention of e in old
final syllables, e.g. in -the ( < *-thes) in the 2 sg. deponent. See also Pokorny, IF
35, 1915, 172 ff., suggesting that the genitive Avittoriges in the Og. of Eglwys
Gymyn (ECMW 142) is another instance of e remaining unchanged in a final
syllable (cf. Thurneysen, GO I 188, Jackson, LHEB 185 f.). Compare Jackson's
comment in LHEB 304, η. ι.
2
See now Untermann, MM 5, 1964, 108 f.
3
Or iroreCiios. See Tovar, Lexico 9, Schmoll, SVIHK, no. 27.
4
Cf. Tovar, Lteico 8, Estudios 35, n. 1, 41, 49 f., 125, 183, Kratylos 3, 1958, 3, 6,
8, and Schmoll, SVIHK, p. 76 (suggesting that it should be read as Deuorex
[sic]).
5
See Rhys, Insc. 38, Schmidt, KGP 53, 260. See also Chapter II (A) (i) s.n.
Diviciacus.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y 395
IE. δ became a in Common Celtic. See, for example, s.vv. GJVA TO-,
MARO-, and RATO-. In final syllables IE. δ tended to give ύ in
Gaulish. Note, for example, -(i)u in the nom. sg. of /z-stems1 and
-uij-u in the dat. sg. of o-stems (see Chapter I I I (B) (i)). 2
IE. ΰ remained in Gaulish, 3 but I found no clear examples of this
among the forms studied in this work.
(b) Syllabic nasals and liquids
I E . m and η gave am and an in Gaulish. See, for example, AMBI-,
?ANDE-, ?MAjYDU-, NANTU-, and TANCO-. Therearesomedoubt-
ful traces of (Pdialectal) variant developments, e.g. in PN Cimberius
(App.), with -im- perhaps from earlier -m-, and in D N Endovei{i)icus,
Endovot(l)ico, Enobolico, Indoveliic, etc., with en and in perhaps from
earlier nA See Weisgerber, SprFK 185 f, Whatmough, GrDAG, 59 f.,
93, 1 io, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 135 f, Schmoll, SVIHK81 f.
I E . r and / gave Gaulish ri and li as, for example, in LITANO-,
LIT AVI-, some forms in rit- (v. s. RET(T)-), and perhaps names in
trit- (v. s. Tritos (B)). There may be a variant (Pdialectal) development
of ar and ir from r in a few forms in tart- and tirt- (v. s. Tartos (B)). s
For possible instances of IE. r > Celt, ar, I E . 2 > Celt. Id, I E . ή >
Celt, na, see s. n n . Carvilius (Β), Λαμί (App.), a n d s.v. GJVATO-.
(c) Diphthongs
T h e separate spellings of the IE. diphthongs au, eu, and ou, which
eventually all fell together in Goidelic and Brittonic, are clearly
visible in Gaulish.
There is probably an example of IE. au remaining in the n a m e
element AUD- (q.v.). For instances of the spelling au see Holder, AcS
1. 281, 3. 742. See further Whatmough, HSCP 60, 1951, 180, Lejeune,
Celtiberica 138, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 137, Schmoll, SVIHK 88.
Note. For the tendency for a consonant+a vowel (notably a or 0)
followed by w+consonant to become consonant+vowel+geminate
consonant (or single consonant possibly with lengthening of the
vowel), see Whatmough, Die Sprache 1, 1949, 126 f., HSCP 60, 1951,
180, Watkins, Lg. 30, 1954, 517; 313 1955, i2f. Examples: Alaucus
DAG 83, 136, -os 177: Alacca 8 3 ; Alaunium 21, Alaunius 23, Alaunus
1
Instances of -0 here are probably due very largely to the influence of Latin.
For Latinization here in British forms see Jackson, LHEB 302 (with n. 1).
2
For possible examples of the retention of unaccented δ in Spain, not all of them
convincing, see Lejeune, Celtiberica 17, n. 37, 21 f., 139. See also Schmoll, SVIHK 78.
3
Note, for example, Gaul, -dunum, an element which is well attested in local
names. See LP 7, IEW 263.
4
See Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. ANDE-. To the literature there cited add Tovar,
Kratylos 3, 1958, 3, Schmoll, SVIHK 82, Whatmough, GrDAG 79, 93, 122.
s
Forms in tirt- might, of course, develop from forms in trit- by metathesis.
Schmoll {SVIHK 8, 47, 83) prefers to see Iberian(?) contamination in forms in tirt-.
r PHONOLOGY AND M O R P H O L O G Y
planus 140, 151; Boutins 83, 203, 208 D (also 214): Bottus 8 3 ;
nucus 83, 89* 15$> χ 82 : Draccius 83, 176, 182 ; / W o 2O8D: Patto 136.
There was a tendency for *M to be replaced early by ou.1 There fol-
1 ed a gradual replacement of ou by δ and later by U. See Chapter I I
(A) (U) s ' w · B0UD°-> CL0UT
°-> and
TEUTO-, for example, and
1 0 the following authorities: Pedersen, VKG 1. 53 f. {LP 8 ) ; Dottin,
60 97; Vendryes, i2C 38, 1920-1, 181; Weisgerber, Gal. Spr. 169,
%FK'216; Thurneysen, iT£ 59, 1932, i s f . ; Hubschmied, VR 3,
1938, 86 ff; Whatmough^D^G, p. 1367; Watkins, Z^. 31, 1955, 1 3 ;
ieune Celtiberica 138; Schmidt, A*GP 100, 277; Palomar Lapesa,
τLejeu
nPL IS7
ΛΡΙ 1^7 f-; Schmoll, 5Ρ//ΗΓ 89 f.
In names in cauar- such as Cauarillus (B) and Cauarinus (B) (qq.v.)
Vi re may be examples of the development of an from earlier ou before
hv assimilation. See the literature cited s.n. Cauarillus (B).
There are no certain examples of IE. at in the forms selected for
dv unless esu- as in ?Esumaro (App.) derives from earlier aisu-
A shows Gaul, e for IE. ai. But the etymology of Gaulish Esus
(Hesus (H)aesus) is quite uncertain. See Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.n. T h e
V uthong appears in Gaulish forms as ai (ae) or e9 as in gaiso-lgaeso-:
τ pae 'a spear, javelin', W. gwaew, etc. (see literature s.n. Gisaci
or
(ΚΌΌ·))> * n KaLTtfP^ Ptol·* Cetobricca Rau. (Catobrica IA) AcS 1.
02 and perhaps Vocetius mons DAG 241 : W. coed, Br. koat (see VKG
- £ # £ # 325, IEW519, DGVB 120).2 I n suffixes such as -aio-, as in
PN MereKuos (App.), the diphthong ai is probably secondary. For the
A t s£. of a'/ia-stems in -(ι)<"> -az, -a*, -a, and -i see Chapter I I I (B) (i).
For instances of the development of IE. ei to e and ΐ in Gaulish see
Chapter II (A) (ii) s.w. DEVO- and -REDO-, See further Tovar,
Estudios 35, n. 1, Kratylos 3, 1958, 4, Hubschmid, £ C P 24, 1954, 81 ff.
I so 83, n. 2), Lejeune, Celtiberica 21, 137, Schmoll, SVIHK 86f.
For the development of IE. -δι in the dat. sg. of 0-stems see Chapter
III (B) (i) b e l o w ·
(<f) Semivowels
IE. i and u were retained in Gaulish. See, for example, J50G/0-,
1 In Narbonensis this is apparent as early at least as the middle of the second
tury B .c, as in PN ovevLroovra in the Gaulish inscription of Ventabren (DAG
C
r\ dated by Whatmough 'ca. 150 B.C. or a little earlier'. See Watkins, Lg. 31,
Λ ία. In the Gallo-Greek inscriptions of Narbonensis [ow] is written οου, as in
roovra DAG 26, ταρανοου 44, τοουτιουσ 57, ανδοουνναβο 63. See Chapter II
(A) (0 s - n · ?i4 €V00i;
^ ·
2 For some uncertain evidence concerning the monophthongization of ai to e
•formsfrom Ancient Spain see Lejeune, Celtiberica 137, Palomar Lapesa, OPL
g Schmoll, SVIHK 86. There was a tendency to merge ai and e in Vulgar Latin,
«d this fact should be borne in mind in interpreting some Continental Celtic forms
showing the alternation of ai (or ae) and e.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y 397
JAJfT-, Ιουγιλλιακος (Β), LITAVL·, VAL-, VELLAUJVO-, VENI-,
VERTO-, VIRO-.
However, there is a tendency to lose u between vowels, as in forms
in deo- and dio- (see Chapter II (A) (ii) s.v. DEVO-).1 See further
Whatmough, Orbis i, 1952, 437, Schmidt, KGP 99 f, Lejeune, Celii-
berica 134, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 137, Schmoll, SVIHK 104.
There are many instances of the graphic alternation of ν and b
representing u. Some examples are listed in the Appendix s.n. Voccio.
See also Dottin 61 f, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 139, Schmoll, SVIHK
104, and Chapter III (A) (ii) under m.
For the view that i and u were not phonemically distinctive after i
and u respectively in the sequences consonant+z+vowel and con-
sonant+M+vowel, s e e Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 11 f. See also Chapter
II (A) (i) s.n. Κατοναλος, Appendix s.n. Vixuvioni, and Chapter III
(B) (i) concerning -eos in the nom. sg. of o-/z0-stems.
In PN Diuuogna (A) there is an instance of the spelling uu for inter
vocalic u.
(ii) GONSONANTISM
(a) IE. s
IE. s was normally preserved initially2 and medially between
vowels,3 as, for example, in SAMO-, SED-, SEGO-, and SU-, and in
gaiso-jgaeso- (v. s. Gisaci (App)).
Final -s is commonly retained in Gaulish. See, for example, the lists
of examples of 0-/z0-stem nom. sg. forms in -ios and -eos in Chapter III
(B) (i) below. But there are also quite a number of examples of forms
showing the loss of -s. Apart from instances of 0-/z0-stem nom. sg.
forms in -oj-io listed in Chapter III, loc. cit., note the following
examples taken from the coin legends of Ancient Gaul: 4 abudo, conno
(KOVVO), ~\iliouico, DAG 157, δονβνο, δοννο, δοβνο, dubno, δονο, eburo,
lixouio, toutobocio DAG 177, ambactu, andobru, uaceco, uiro DAG 206, boio,
eccaioy eiccaio, titto DAG 239. See also PNN Subroni (A) and Sumeli (A),
which, if they are i-stem nominatives singular, show the loss of -s.
1
Some forms in taro- beside taruo- may show loss of u after r. See Chapter II
(A) (ii) s.v. TARVO-.
2
Whatmough drew attention (HSCP 42, 1931, 144 f., CPh. 48, 1953, 255) to
some variants with s~ on the one hand and with h- or zero on the other, e.g. segusius:
ίγούσια PID 340c and salix: halicem ^alicem' (Plin. NH16. 177). See also Vendryes,
RC 49, 1932, 304, Gray, Lg. 20, 1944, 228, Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, nof. Com
pare Pokorny's criticism in VR 10, 1948-9, 254 f. and see Schmoll, SVIHK 101.
3
Compare Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 108 if. and Pokorny's criticism in VR 10,
1948-9, 257. For an apparent (Pgraphic) alternation of/and J, both initially and
medially (between vowels and in consonant clusters), see Whatmough, Celtica
3, 1956, 253 f. Cf. Schmoll, SVIHK 100.
4
The possibility that some of these forms are abbreviated or clipped should not
be overlooked. See Dottin, p. 66.
398 PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY
T h e following forms from the Celtic inscriptions of Gaul may be
further examples of this loss of -s: ματρφο ναμανσικαβο DAG 6η,
αν8οουνναβο 63, (?)suiorebe 141 (see Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.n. Leucullo),
gobedbi 169, and perhaps tecuanboebo 130 (v. s. Tecci (App.)). This
tendency to lose -s has received little attention from Celtic scholars.
See, however, d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 11, 1890, 1251; 18, 1897,
320, 1 Holder, AcS 2. 817. 1-7, Thurneysen, ZCP 6> ^ 0 8 , 558,2 GOI
182, Dottin, p . 66, Schmidt, IF 66, 1961, 271 f., Glotta 4 1 , 1963, 1 ff.3
It seems to me that no simple explanation to cover all instances is
possible. For the general tendency to weaken Indo-European final -s
see A. Meillet, Caracteres generaux des langues germaniques1 (Paris, 1949),
81, M . Grammont, Traite de phonetique (Paris, 1932), 364. I n the Latin
of Gaul -s was generally maintained. 4 But forms without -s are cer
tainly not hard to find in Ancient Gaul in texts other than the Celtic
inscriptions, especially in potters' stamps. 5 For a general discussion of
-s in Latin see Stolz-Schmalz, Lateinische Grammatik5 (ed. Leumann
and Hofmann (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft ii/2)), i (Munchen,
1928), 175 f. and literature there cited, to which add the following:
R. L. Politzer, 'Final -s in the Romania', Romanic Review 38, 1947,
156-66; V. Vaananen, eA propos de Vs final dans les langues romanes',
Miscelanea de Filologia, Literatura e Historia cultural a memoria de Francisco
Adolf0 Coelho ii (Lisboa, 1950), 3 3 - 4 0 ; L. Michel, Etude du son V en
latin et en roman (Montpellier, 1953), 98 ff.; E. P. H a m p , 'Final -s in
Latin', CPh. 54, 1959, 165 ff.; R. A. Hall, 'Latin -s (-es, -as, -5s) in
Italian', RPh. 15, 1961-2, 234-44. I*1 t n e Celtic forms referred to
above the loss of ~s may have been due to both the model of Latin
epigraphy and a tendency to weaken ~s in Celtic itself.
I E . su- is preserved, for example, in the name element SUADU-.
I E . -ps- is represented in Gaulish by -χ-, -xs-, i.e. [xs], as in P N N
Crixius, Crixsia, Crixsius, Crixsus, etc., beside Lat. Crispus. See Appendix
s.n. Crispos. IE. ghs occurs in the Gaulish prefix ex-, exs-, es-, ec- (: IE.
*eghs), concerning which, a n d concerning the variant orthography
x, xs, s, c, see Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. EX-. See also Appendix s.n.
1
De Jubainville argued, unconvincingly, that loss of -s in ματρεβο ναμαυσικαβο
was an Italic phenomenon, conforming with a tendency (referred to by Cicero,
Orator 161) to suppress -s in Latin before a word beginning with a consonant.
2
Whence Pedersen, VKG 1. 1245 {LP 64), Hernando Balmori, EC 4, 1948, 49.
3
For a few forms from Ancient Spain which may show loss of -s see Palomar
Lapesa, OPL 140.
4
See C. H. Grandgent, An Introduction to Vulgar Latin (Boston, 1907), 126; E.
Bourciez, Elements de linguistique romane* (Paris, 1946), 51; Μ. Κ. Pope, From Latin
to Modern French2 (Manchester, 1952), 97 f.; L. H. Gray, Melanges de philologie de
littirature et d'histoire anciennes qfferts a J. Marouzeau (Paris, 1948), 207 fT.; Michel,
op. cit. infra, 99; Politzer, op. cit. infra, 161, 163.
5
For some evidence concerning the loss of -s in the Latin of Britain see Jackson,
LHEB 192 f.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y 399
(?) Κραυσικνος, where forms showing the variants xs, xs, xx, x, ss, s
are listed. I E . gs is represented in final position by -χ, -xs, -s, and zero
in the various forms of the common name element -rix, -r%xs, -rex,
-reix, -m, -ri (: IE. *reg-s). See Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. REG-. I t is
clear that Gaulish [xs] is of multiple origin, is spelled x, xx, xs, xs, and
becomes assimilated to Gaulish [ss]. See Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 16. 1
PN Buscilla (B) probably has -sc- by metathesis from -ks-. I n P N N
Viriddvix (A) and Segovax (B) final -x is of uncertain origin.
T h e tracing of the development of IE. st, ds, and ts in Continental
Celtic is particularly complicated by the fact that there is great
divergence in orthography where dental affricates or dental fricatives
or sibilants derived from these earlier clusters and from combinations
of dentals are concerned. See the excursus on Gaulish d, dd, θ, ΘΘ, d,
dd, etc., in Remark below. For a possible instance of the retention of
initial st- see P N Statilos (B) (less certainly P N Stamulos (B)). For earlier
ds represented as ΘΘ in PN AQdedomari (A) (q.v.) beside ds, ss, s, Θ,
dd in other forms in adsed-, assed-i ased-, α0εδ- (or aded-), and added- see
Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. SED-. For Gaulish cart-jcarst-JKapd- see Chapter
I I (A) (i) s.n. Καρθιλιτανιος and (A) (ii) s.v. CART-.
There is some evidence which suggests that rs was retained in early
Gaulish. Later it appears as rr. See Chapter I I (A) (i) s.n. Ονζρσικνος,
where forms in uers- beside forms in uerr- are listed. With the former
compare perhaps forms in uerz- listed s.n. Vedzui (B). See also Chapter
I I (A) (i) s.n. Καρθιλιτανιος for forms in cars- beside forms in car(r)-,
and II (A) (ii) s.v. BOR- for some forms in bors- beside forms in
bor(r)-.2
In forms in tasgo-, -s- may be voiced before the following voiced
stop and may represent an early, perhaps an Indo-European, voiced
dental sibilant. See Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. TASCO-.
{b)TE.p
For instances of the regular disappearance of IE. p in Gaulish
forms see Chapter I I (B) s.n. Cotuatus, I I (A) (ii) s.w. ARIO-,
LANO-, OLLO-, RET{T)-, VER-, and VO-, I I (B) s.nn. ?Αλισο. .tas
and Ελουισσα, and Appendix s.n. ?Λαμι.
For -ps- see (a) above.
(A) I E . ku, ku
I n the Celtic dialects of Gaul, as in Brittonic, I E . ku and ku5 as
a rule gave/?. As it happens there are b u t few forms among the names
studied here which may be traced back to these Indo-European
sounds. But see Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. EPO- and I I (B) s.n. Peroco
(?with p from earlier ku). O t h e r forms showing Gaulish p deriving
from I E . ku are mentioned s.v. CEN- (forms in penn-) and s.n. Kova-
hpovvia (App.) (forms inpetru-, petro-).6
Gaulish etic in an insc. of Alise-Sainte-Reine [DAG 169), 7 and per
haps ~KOVL(?) in an insc. of Cavaillon (DAG 54), 8 beside -cue, -que, -ce,
-goi(?) in Celtiberian 9 and -pe in the Lepontic insc. of Ornavasso {PID,
it. 304a), 10 may reflect a different development of ku in the I E .
enclitic *kue 'and' (see IEW 635 f.). 11 These forms apart, there is in
Ancient Gaul in forms which are probably Celtic some evidence of
1
Compare the development of the group /ks/ (including /ks/ arising from earlier
/gs/). See (a) above.
2
Note especially PNN Adreito (?Ligurian) and Reitugenus listed s.v. RECTU-.
Schmidt (KGP 99) claimed that PN Cospeitus CIL 13. 2539 (?: Lat. Conspectus)
belongs here.
3
See Richter 122 ff. * See Jackson, LHEB 404 ff.
5
See Whatmough, 'Indo-European Labiovelars* in Melanges linguistiques qfferts
a M. Holger Pedersen (Copenhagen, 1937), 45-56.
6
Some forms in alp-, listed s.n. Albano(s), -us (B) (with literature), may have/»
from earlier ku.
7
See Thurneysen, £CP 16. 287, n. 1, GOI549 f., LP 44. Compare now Hamp,
KZ 74> x956j 237 and Binchy, Celtica 5, i960, 82.
8
See Chapter II (B) s.n. lOvva.
9
See Tovar, Estudios 47 ff., Lixico 279 f., Ampurias 17-18, 1955-6, 165 f.,
Kratylos 3, 1958, 11; Whatmough, Lg. 27, 1951, 574; MacWhite, £CP 25, 1956,
16 f.; Schmoll, SVIHK 49.
10
See PID, vol. 2, p. 112, vol. 3, p. 35.
11
Compare E. P. Hamp, 'IE. Enclitic *-*', KZ 74, 1956, 236-8.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y 407
u
a q(u) reflex of IE. k and ku (written q, qu, or c). There are in fact far
more traces of this than those usually detected only in the Calendar of
Coligny (e.g. equos, quimon, qutio{s)jcutio{s)) and in a few names such
as E N Qiiariates now Queyras DAG 7, L E N Seqaana, Sequanus, Sequani,
now Seine DAG 179 (alsoDN, see DAG 181, 236), and D N Sinquas, or
Sinquatis (-tes) DAG 21ι, 213. 1 See especially Whatmough, 0 ^ . 5 ,
x
955> 6 5 f-> Lg- 3°> J 954 5 400> a n d compare Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9*
235 ff. In the personal names selected for special study in this work,
PN Kovahpovvia (App.) may have initial /kw/ reflecting IE. ku-. But
the name may not be Celtic. See also P N N Qiitos (App.) and Saqanoli
(App.). For forms in equo- v. s. EPO-.
For a fair amount of evidence concerning the incidence of q forms
in the Celtic remains of the Iberian peninsula see Pokorny, Urg. 173 f.5
Tovar, Estudios 47 if., Lejeune, Celtiberica 132 (cf. H a m p JCS 2,
1958, 148), Palomar Lapesa, OPL 144 f., Schmoll, SVIHKg^ff.
Professor Whatmough remarked (Lg., loc. cit., cf. id., Og., loc.
cit., and ad H u g h Hencken, Indo-European Languages and Archaeology
[American Anthropologist, vol. 57, no. 6, pt. 3, Dec. 1955), p . 21) that in
the contrast^ :<7, examples of which are '. . . scattered indiscriminately
all over the m a p ' , there is c. . . an extreme case of coexistent phone-
matic system, which regularly appears just as a language is dying out'.
For more recent comment on the complicated problems presented by
this contrast see Hencken, op. cit., p p . 7 if., quoting in addition to
Whatmough's opinion that of Jackson and of Hull. See also E.
MacWhite, £CP 25, 1956, 12 ff.2 A t present I can only re-echo
MacWhite's plea that Ά careful analysis of Continental Celtic qu
forms, certain or suspect, with special attention to the date of the
source, whether epigraphical or literary, is badly needed' (p. 15).
(i) I E . i, th
IE. t and th gave Celtic t> which normally remains in Gaulish. See,
for example, -ACTO-, ATE·, CATU-, CIJVTU-, CLOUTO-, GJVATO-,
LITANO-, LITU-, TALO-, TARVO-. For some evidence concerning
the confusion of t and d in Continental Celtic see Tovar, Estudios
133 ff., REL 29, 1951, n 6 f . , Whatmough, HSCP 60, 1951, 182,
Watkins, Lg, 31, 1955, 17 ff, Palomar Lapesa, OPL 145 f. O n the
confusion of voiceless and voiced stops in general see (c) above. For
instances of the spelling th and Θ, apparently corresponding to t else
where, in forms in athe- and ade- or αθε~ (also perhaps atha- and athu-)
see Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. ATE-, This probably indicates that /t/ here
1
See, for example, Weisgerber, SprFK 184 f.
2
Cf. E. P. Hamp, Lochlann 1, 1958, 211. See now Whatmough, Proceedings 0^
the Second International Congress of Celtic Studies held in Cardiff, 6-13 July, 1963
(Cardiff, 1966) 104 ff. (also Greene, ibid., 123), GrDAG 64 f., 69 f.
4θ8 PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY
had a lax or weak pronunciation. I t does not necessarily point to the
development of a dental fricative /#/. Compare PN Adepicca (A) (q.v.)
beside P N Atepiccus CIL 7. 1325. It is unlikely that PN Καρθάιτανως
(A) (q.v.), with -ρθ-, is evidence of the change /rt/ > /r0/. For the
development of dental affricates or dental fricatives or sibilants in
Celtic from t+t (as from d+t) see Chapter I I (A) (i) s.n. Αδρζσσικνος,
I I (A) (ii) s.v. RET(T)-, and R e m a r k below. For st and ts see (a)
above and for kt see (g) above.
(j) IE. r, Z, Λ, m
(a) Liquids
For examples of IE. r see ARIO-, BOR-, BROG-, CARO-, CART-,
MARO-, etc. For rs see (a) above. Gaulish VELLAUNO- (q.v.) may
show the assimilation of rl to //. But this is far from certain.
For examples of IE. I see LANO-, LATI-, LITANO-, LIT AVI-,
LITU-, LUGU-, VAL(L)-. I n ALLO- and OLLO- (qq.v.) -//- may
have developed through assimilation from earlier -In·.
(β) Nasals
For examples of IE. η and m see BANU-, CINTU-, GEN-, GNATO-,
LANO-, MAGU-, MARO-, MORI-, NAMO-, NANTU-, NERTO-,
SAMO-, etc. For some examples of the tendency for the nasal to be
assimilated to the following stop consonant see Chapter I I (A) (ii)
s.w. COM- and NANTU-. Concerning the writing of Celtic [qg] as
ng, yy, etc., see (c) above.
Between a vowel and a stop consonant it seems that a nasal con
sonant is occasionally lost, as apparently in forms such as Adebugi[ and
Adecari, with ade- for ande-, and Abigeneo (dat.) and Abirenibus (dat. pi.),
with abi- for ambi-. See Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.w. ANDE- a n d AMBI-.
For nd in Gaulish see (e) above, and for mb and the assimilation of
bn to mn see (/) above.
Concerning nasals in final position in Gaulish see Lejeune, 'L'lso-
glosse -m\-n dans l'occident indo-europeen 5 , REL 29, 1951, 86-95. l
Examples in the material studied here are rare, but P N Luceo (B)
(q.v.) may show loss of -n or -m or, more probably, simply the failure
to note the final nasal before the following word which commenced
with n-,
IE. mr- and ml- gave br- and bl- in Gallo-Brittonic from the earliest
period. See Pedersen, VKG 1. 163 {LP 54). For instances in this
work see Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v. BROG- and perhaps I I (A) (i) s.n.
BXavSoovLKowiai. Note also some other forms such as Gaul, bracem
(ace. sg.) 'genus farris' DAG 178 beside W. brag m. 'malt' and Ir.
mraich, braich (see PN Mandubracius (A)) and L N Blatomago, Blatomo,
1
See also id., Celtiberica 20, 49 f., 135, REA 58, 1956, 81.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y 409
mod. Blond (Haute-Vienne) AcS 1. 450, 3. 887 beside the British
local name Blatobulgio (v.L -burgium) AcS 1. 449 f, 3. 887, in both of
which blato- may be cognate with W. blawd m . 'meal, flour' and Ir.
mlditky bldith 'smooth, soft' (: IE. *ml-to-l*ml-ti-, see IEW 716). 1
Schmidt suggested (KGP 96 ff.)2 that in PNN°in cobrun- and in P N
Cobluto there is indisputable ('unbestreitbar') evidence of the change
-mr- > -br- and -ml- > -bl- in Inlaut. See Chapter I I (A) (ii) s.v.
COM-, where I have listed other instances of PNN in which -bl- and
-br- may represent earlier -ml- and -mr-.3 But I think that these should
probably be explained differently. 4 Pedersen (VKG 1. 167, see also
LP 55) did not admit examples of the development of -mr- and -ml-
to -br- and -bl- in Inlaut corresponding to that in Anlaut. Compare,
however, the account given of the development of IE. mbr and mbl in
Celtic in VKG 1. 119 (LP 40). s As Schmidt himself conceded, P N
Cobluto is unexplained; but the equation of names in cobrun- (and in
covrun-) with W. cyfrin, etc., is probably correct. 6 If the few examples
in question do point to a tendency for -mr- and -ml- to become -br
and -bl- (even across morpheme boundaries) in Inlaut as in Anlaut, it
should be emphasized that there is evidence only of a tendency to
change in this way and not of a regular change.
There are numerous examples of the alternation of b and m and of
b, m, and υ in Gaulish forms. 7 No thoroughgoing investigation of the
relevant evidence has hitherto been attempted paying the necessary
attention to the local distribution and to the dating of forms.8 More
examples must be collected and studied in this way. Without the sup
port of a solid and well-ordered body of evidence it would be idle to
draw general conclusions here. However, it does seem probable that
these alternations occasionally prove that medially between vowels
(also between a vowel and a nasal or liquid or between a nasal or
liquid and a vowel) m was weakened in articulation. There is no proof
that it became a (Pnasal) bilabial or labio-dental fricative. In any case
1
Cf. Thurneysen, GO 135 and Williams, PKM 201.
2
A similar suggestion had been made before by Gutenbrunner in £CP 20, 1936,
393 in a discussion of the divine name Gebrinius.
3
Note, for example, PNN Coblanuo, Coblucia, Coblunius, Cobricius, Cobromara, -us,
Cobronia, Cobrouius, Cobrouomar{us).
4
Cobricius, for example, should probably be analysed as Co-bricius, and Cobronia
as Co-bronia.
5
See also Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 133 if. Cf. Pokorny, VR 10, 1948-9, 242 f.
6
Names in cobnert- are also probably cognate with W. cyfnerth. The influence of
a Gaulish cognate of Ir. cob 'victory* (v. s. COM-) may have helped the develop
ment of forms such as Cobnertus and Cobrunus, with -br-,
7
For the alternation of b and ν see (d) above. Here as elsewhere in the relics of
Gaulish there is probably reflected a tendency to conform to the sound-patterns
of the Vulgar Latin spoken in Gaul. Concerning -b- > -v- and v- > b- in Vulgar
8
Latin see Richter 60 ff. Note Vendryes's plea in RC 50, 1933, 86.
4io P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
it is probably wrong to think, as suggested by scholars such as H u b -
schmied, 1 Gray, 2 Tovar, 3 and Whatmough, 4 that there is here evidence
of Celtic 'lenition' in the technical sense. Compare (c) above.
Note the following selection of examples: names in borm- beside
names in borb- and names in boru-, concerning which see Chapter I I
(A) (ii) s.v. BOR- a n d literature there cited; Gallo-Latin ceruesia,
ceruisa, etc., 'beer 5 a n d the derivative ceruesarius beside Celtic κοΰρμι
(Diosc), κόρμα (Posid. ap. Athen.) and curmi (Marcell.), concerning
which see Chapter I I (B) s.n. Cervesa; L N Cebenna (Mela, Lucan,
Plin., etc.), Ceuenna (v.l. Cebenna) (Caes.), Κ4μμ€νον (Str.), now Ceven-
nes (AcS i. 880 if., 3. 1176 f., DAG 84, 148), s in which the alternation
of b, my and υ has been explained as being due either to dissimilation
(see, for example, Meyer-Lubke, £i?P/z 42, 1922, 332 f., Pokorny, VR
10, 1948-9, 258) or to lenition (see, for example, Pedersen, VKG 1. 165
(LP 54), Loth, RC 40, 1923, 379, Hubschmied, VR 3, 1938, 122,
Whatmough, HSCP 60, 1951, 183) ; 6 milimindrum 'hen bane' (Isid.)
beside Β€λ€νουνηαμ (Diosc.) DAG 158; acaunumarga 'stone marl' a n d
acaunum (or -us) 'stone' (for earlier *acamn-) DAG 178; avallo 'poma'
(Endlicher Glossary) DAG 178 beside L N Aballo (-u-) now Avallon
DAG ΐ79;Β€λίοκάνδος(?) (Diosc.) beside mulicandos (ps.-Apul.) 'herba
millefolium' DAG 178; bascauda 'conc[h]a aeria' (Mart.), bascaudas
(ace. pi., w.ll. mascaudas, Juv., vascaudas, Gloss.), etc., DAG 207;
??names in alb- (v. s. Albano(s) (B)) beside names in aim- (e.g. L E N N
Alma DAG 2 and Almanticensis DAG 80). Note also some forms from
Spain such as wouaiuticun (?) 'Numantinorum' (Gomez-Moreno, Misc.,
no. 89), in which T o v a r (JCS 1, 1950, 16, n. i ) 7 suggested that Υ u
'could be a lenition of intervocalic m\ and saba (Hubner, MLIxxxv,
1. 7) which Tovar quite arbitrarily claimed (Estudios 182 f.)8 could be
for *sama 'same'.
REMARK
B. M O R P H O L O G Y
(i) N O M I N A L INFLEXION
The personal names which occur in the Celtic inscriptions of Ancient
Gaul are a valuable source of information concerning nominal
* Cf. REA 38, 1936, 200; EC 2, 1937, 4°3-45 Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 15.
2
Philologus 82, 1926-7, 471 f.
3
CPh. 37, 1942, 319-21. See also the apparatus cnticus in Petronii Arbitri Cena
Trimalchionis, Testo critico e commento a cura di Enzo V. Marmorale (Firenze,
[1948]), 125.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y 421
inflexion in Celtic, in spite of the fact that the interpretation of so many
of these inscriptions is quite uncertain and that these particular forms
can shed light on the singular declension only. Names in La Grau-
fesenque grafHti are important only for the nominative singular, as
potters' names here are given, as a rule, in that case form (sometimes
in an abbreviated form). Little use can be m a d e of names from the
Commentaries on the Gallic War, because these are made to conform in
declension with the Latin system.
For some attempts to list systematically the evidence concerning
nominal inflexion that can be gleaned from the remains of Continen
tal Celtic, see the following authorities: 1 Rhys, Insc. 75 f.; Dottin,
pp. 113 ff.; Whatmough, PID 2. 592, HSCP 60, 1951, 183; Tovar,
Estudios 32 ff., 123 ff., 199 ff., Lexico passim, Kratylos 3, 1958, 7 f., ELH
107 ff.; Lejeune, Celtiberica 125 ff.; Schmoll, SVIHK 31 ft.
(a) Stems in -0- and -io-
Nom. sg.
T h e Gaulish ending -osj-ios is well attested in the inscriptions and
the graffiti. Note the following examples:
-or. (from inscriptions) Αδρ€σσικνος (A), AXXerevos (B), Anailos (B),
Andecamulos, Ανβουνος (Α), Αχιτος (Β), Billicotas (?for Billicatos) (A),
Βψμος (Β), Bratronos (Β), Καβφος (Β), ??Κ]αρταρ[ος (Β), Κασσιταλος
(Α), Κατοναλος (Α), Κογγεννολιτανος (A), Conteytos (Α), ??Κρανσι-
κνος (Αρρ.), Crispos (App.), Doiros (Β),Εβονρος (Β), ??Εκσιγγος (Α),
Escincos (A), Iccauos (Β), ?\Τ]Χλανουιακος (Β), Ιτος (Β), Ιουγιλλιακος
(Β), Ααδος (App.), Licnos (Β), MereXaios (Αρρ.), Μεθθιλος (Β),
Μισσουκος (Β), Oppianicnos (A), Rextugenos (Α), Σαμ[ο]ταλο[ς] (Α),
Σ^γο μανικός (Α), Σζγομαρος (Α), Σιλουκνος (A), Silvanos (App.),
Tartos (Β), Toutissicnos (Α), Ουηβρονμαρος (Α), Ουερσικνος (Α),
Ουριττακος (Β). 2
(from graffiti) Albanos (Β), Alibanos (Β), Carilos (B), [C]elados
(Αρρ.), Circos (App.), Cornutos (Β), Cows (Β), Cotutos (B), Deprosa-
gilos (A), Martalos (B), [M]e66ilos (B), Moretoclatos (App.), Polos
(App.), Qutos (App.), Regenos (B), Siluinos (App.), Stamulos (B),
Statilos (B), SumacosjSummacos (App.), Tritos (B), Vindulos (B). 3
1
As in Chapter I (B) I do not include standard works on Celtic grammar such
as VKG, LP, and GOL These are, of course, important, but do not deal with
Gaulish in particular. See also now Whatmough, GrDAG 84 f., 123 f.
2
In inscriptions in the Greek alphabet the -o-/-io-stem nom. sg. is invariably
-ος/-ως. For instances of -eos and -o/*|0, see below.
3
In the graffiti Hermet (1923 ed., pp. 172 f., 1934 ed., p. 348) noticed that the
majority of the o-stem names showed the Gaulish ending -os, not Latin or Latinized
'Us. Even Latin names end in -os, e.g. Privates, Primos, Secundos, etc. In all the
graffiti he counted 186 examples of -os and only 21 of -us. The same name appears
at one place with the ending -os and at another with -us. Indeed, both endings
422 PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY
-ios: (from inscriptions) Καρθιλιτανιος (Α), Εκονλιος (Αρρ.), Ηλου-
σκονιος (Β), Σζνικιος (Β), Tarbelionios (App.).
(from graffiti) Agedilios (B), Illios (Β), Lousios (App.).
-eos: (from inscriptions) Areos (B)5 KovStXXeos (Β), Λιτουμαρεος (A),
Ριονμανςος (App.), Oi^AAoi/eos" (App.). 1
There are also examples of -ο/-ώ here showing the loss of -s (see
section (A) (ii) a b o v e ) :
(from inscriptions) Aneuno and Aneunicno (A) 3 ??Ateano (B),
??Βφακο (Β), ?Καρομαρο[, Gnato (Β), ??Mio (v. s. Auomio (App.)) 3
Oclicno (Α), Ουαλι/αο (Β), Ουιριλλιο (Αρρ.).
(from graffiti) Agedilio, Agio, Albano, Carilo, Senniio, Trito (all in
(B))> Sumaco\Summaco (App.).
A few forms in the inscriptions show the Latinized ending -usj-ius,
viz. Bodocenus (A), ?Verinus (App.), and Voretouirius (A). Instances of
-usj-ius in graffiti are m o r e numerous: Albanus (B), Albinus (B),
?[A]lbus (B), Cintusmus (B), Cornutus (B), Cosoius (App.), Dercillus (B),
Lousius (App.), Summacus (App.), T n t o (B), Vebrullus (B), Vindulus
(B). Perhaps Cfafa (B) (showing loss of -s) belongs here.
Ace. sg.
Luceo (B) (q.v.) m a y be a 20-stem ace. sg. with -n or -m not noted.
appear in one and the same graffito. In the potters' names stamped on the vases,
on the other hand, -us is the regular ending. Hermet notes only two exceptions,
Sasmonos and Celeros. A. Oxe (BJ 130, 1925, 59, see also Whatmough DAG, p . 1372,
Aymard, REA 54, 1952, 94, n. 2) attributed the graffiti to four different hands,
each of which, he maintained, is characterized by a peculiar form of the letter A.
In names in his Group A graffiti {DAG 95, 124, 129) the ending -us appears to the
exclusion of -os (Malcio also appears for Malciu in DAG 129). But he admits that
-us turns up in other graffiti Ohne erkenntlichen Grund' (p. 62). Compare now the
remarks of Petrucci, pp. 90-95. In the graffiti unearthed at La Graufesenque in
1950-2 no examples of -os in potters' names have been found, but there are fifteen
examples of Celtic and Latin names in -us. Albenque (REA 53, 1951, 77, RA 37,
1951, 185 f.) suggested that this was an indication of the progress of Romanization
and Latinization in the area.
1
Probably the best explanation of the writing of -eos for -ios is that offered by
Dr. Calvert Watkins in Lg. 31, 1955, 11. There he maintained that the writing of
t, e, ii, ei before a syllabic in the dialect of Narbonensis represents an attempt to
spell an allophone [ij] of a non-syllabic /i/. Here are some of his exx.: Anteae DAG
80 beside Anteiae 80, Appeus 83 beside the Latin PN Appius, Burrea 80 beside Byrria
83, Λιτουμαρ€ος 34 beside Marius 83, Macareus 83 beside Macaria 83. Similar
variant spellings in the same environment occur elsewhere in Gaul and beyond it.
Note, for example, Areos REA 58, 1956, 71 ff. jAreus DAG 182 jArio 182 in Lug-
dunensis, Atteius 214 jAttianus 214 in Belgica, Laureia 87 j\JL\aurias 87 in Aquitania,
Nammeius 244 \Nammia 83, 156, 214, -ius 83, 151, 237, Alisiia 169 \Alesia 179,
BouteajBoutius, -ia OPL 50 f., TriteusjTritius, -ia OPL 106 f. For other discussions of
this matter see Holder, AcS 1. 1442, Rhys, Insc. 15 (quite unconvincing, cf. Cis. 7),
Lejeune, Celtiberica 134, id., REA 58, 1956, 81, Whatmough, PID, vol. 3, p . 15,
GrDAG 39 f., Palomar Lapesa, OPL 140, Schmoll, SVIHK 50.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y 423
Compare, for example, canecosedlon DAG 162, cantalon DAG 160,
νβμητον DAG 57, neramom Schmoll SVIHK no. 102.l
Gen. sg.
The regular ending is -f. Note the following examples from the
inscriptions:
Adiantunneni (A), Apetemari (A), Addedomari (A), Banui (B), ?Birac[i]
(Β), ?Καμονλατι (Β), Carletisoni (App.), Dannotali (A), ??ELVOVL (App.),
?Εσκ€γγορ.ονι (A), Exuertini (A), Litavi (B), Namantobogi (A), Nerto-
mari (A), Orbiotali (A), i?£7ra (B), Saqanoli (App.), Segomari (A),
Suadageni (A), ?Subroni (A), ?Tocnai (App.).
Concerning this Italo-Celtic 0-stem genitive in -? see most recently
A. Bloch, iC£ 76, i960, 182-242, Watkins, IED 37 fF.
Ζλζί. .sg.
T h e ending -& appears in a number of forms, viz. Ahyevovi (A),
.Βαλαυδουί, (Α), ?Εσκ6γγορ.ονί (A), ??ELVOVL (or Λαμιζινουι) (App.),
?Μακκαρίονι (Β), ?Οννακονι (or Οννασουι), ζ/, s. Owa (B), Vedzui (Β). 2
It may represent the old true dative of 0-stems in Indo-European,
i.e. -oz (Gk. -OH, Osc. -zh', O L a t . -oi).
T h e ending -3/-w seems to occur in a few forms, e.g. Κασσιμοτουλον
(Α), Καρνομον (Β), Eluontiu (Β). 3 It may have arisen through loss of
final -f. See, for example, Rhys, Cis. 9 f., Thurneysen, GO/ 181,
Whatmough, DAG, p. 735. O n the other hand, it may represent either
the old instrumental form in -0 in Indo-European (Skt. vrkd 'by the
wolf') or the old Indo-European ablative in -od (OLat. Gnaiuod). See
Pedersen, VKG 2. 83, LP 166, Gray, TPhS 1951, 159 f. If the ending
represents the form of the old instrumental or ablative, its function
is that of the dative. For the close relation of the dative, instrumental,
locative, and ablative in Celtic see Pedersen VKG 2. 74 ff., LP
162 fF., Lejeune, Celtiberica 22 f.4
There are no certain examples of a Gaulish 0-stem dative in -0
which might represent the old instrumental or ablative. I E . -J tended
1
See M. Lejeune, 'L'isoglosse -m/-n dans Γ Occident indo-europeen', REL 29,
1951, 86-95. His claim that brivatiom, with -m, in the Gaulish inscription of Vieux-
Poitiers, is certain should be corrected, because Whatmough after inspection of the
original now reads brivatiomu in DAG 152. Cf. GrDAG 117, 123.
2
Compare perhaps DN Cicollui DAG 181, 236 (also p. 81). For Lepontic -ui see
PID, vol. 2, p. 587 and for Celtiberian forms see Lejeune, Celtiberica 127, Schmoll,
SVIHK 33 f. (Solta, Die Sprache 9, 1963, 214).
3 Compare other forms such as DNN Alisanu DAG 161, Anualonnacu 162,
?Brixantu 181, Magalu 144.
4
Cf. Schmoll, SVIHK 34, n. 2 and see the discussion of Indo-European Con
crete* cases and of case syncretism by J. Kurytowicz in chap, viii of his study of The
Inflectional Categories of Indo-European (Heidelberg, 1964).
424 PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY
to give -ύ in Common Celtic. See VKG i. 49, GO I 58, LHEB 301 f.
Formal syncretism in Latin resulted in the ending -0 functioning as
dative and ablative, and this ending may have affected the form of
some Gaulish 0-stem datives. 1
(b) Stems in -d- and -id-
Nom. sg.
T h e regular ending is -af-ia as in Adepicca (A), Buscilla (B), Cacudia
(B), Cervesa (B), ?Deuacnua (App.), Diuuogna (A), ?]druta (App.),
?Duca (App.), Ελονισσα (Β), Etiona (App.), ?Owa (Β), Κοναδροννια
(App.), Scota (B), Vacaca (App.), OVCVLTOOVTOL (A), Verbronara (A).
For masculine as terns see Chapter I I (A) (i) s.n. Adepicca.
Gen. sg.
For one possible instance of -ias see the Appendix s.n. Sullias. See
also s.n. Nettas (B).
Dat. sg.
T h e Indo-European dative ending was -ai (Gk. χώρα, Lat. terrae,
Goth, gibax)? Gaulish Αιουνιαι (Αρρ.),Βλανδοονίκουνιαι (Α), ζχιάΕσκεγγαι
(A) may contain this ending. But Thurneysen (Hdb. 181, GOI 188)
and Whatmough {DAG, p. 734) suggested that -at in these forms is the
result of Greek influence. 3
In the dat. sg. of ζά-stems with old nom. in -i Old Irish has pre
served an ending -z, as in insi, se'itchi, and bliadn(a)i, pointing perhaps
to an earlier ending -idi (see VKG 1. 251, LP 67). W. blynedd 'year', 4
also (with numerals) 'years', MIW. erllynedd, ModW. y llynedd, llynedd
'last year', and Bret, warlene represent oblique case forms of W.
blwyddyn 'year' and Bret, blizenn. These point to earlier forms con
taining -a- in the termination. Blynedd 'years', for instance, may
represent an old ace. pi. *blidniids, and blynedd 'year' either an old
ace. sg. *blidniiam denoting a space of time or an old temporal dative
*blidniidi. As Whatmough has pointed out in a remark on ά-stem
. l For a few forms in -0 from the Hispanic peninsula which have been rather
uncertainly explained as o-stem dative or instrumental or ablative forms, see
Tovar, Estudios 32, 124, 200, Ampurias 17-18, 1955-6, 163, Kratylos 3, 1958, 7,
ELH 107; Lejeune, Celtiberica 127; Schmoll, SVIHK 33 f.
2
A. Meillet in Melanges H. d Arbois de Jubainville (Paris, [1905]), 229 if. argued
that there were two distinct inflexions for α-stems in Indo-European, one without
and the other with j", in most of the singular case forms. For the instr. sg., for
example, he assumed the endings -A and -jVi, and for the dat. sg. -ai and -iai. Cer
tain features in the Celtic declension appear to lend some support to his arguments,
e.g. an old fl-stem gen. sg. in -ids. See Appendix s.n. Sullias.
3
Forms such as Carantanae (B), Hiduae (App.), and Isosae (App.) in the insc. of
fitrechy (Cher) may show a Latin or Latinized α-stem dat. sg. termination. Com
pare Tocnai (App.) with -ai. For forms in -ai, -ae in Spain see Schmoll, SVIHK 41.
4
byrr vlyned en hedydynt endaw CAn.l. 59. See note ad loc.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y 425
datives in Gaulish (DAG, p. 735, see also Word 5, 1949, 114 f.)5 this
scrap of Brittonic evidence should be taken into account.
O n the other hand, syncretism of dative and instrumental and also
perhaps of locative and ablative could result in a Gaulish α-stem dat.
sg. in -a. Dat. sg. forms in -a may, therefore, be Celtic. See W h a t -
mough, locc. citt., Thurneysen, GO I 188. Note, for example, P N
Ελουισσα (Β). 1 In Narbonensis, however, where instances of datives in
-<z are rare, Italic influence may have been at work. 2 T h e ending -a
in the dat. sg., as both Weisgerber (Germania 17, 1933, 97 ff.5 see also
Rh. V. 18, 1953, 268) and Whatmough (DAG, pp. 736 f., Word 5,
1949, 110 if.) have observed, is most common in Eastern Belgica and
Germania Inferior, and occurs in common nouns as well as in names. 3
Weisgerber suggested that this -a is due to Greek influence. But in this
area this is improbable. More attractive is Whatmough's explanation
of this as a Germanic feature, comparing, for example, O H G . gebu
(with -w < -0 < -a). T h a t Germanic influence was likely is clear
from the large number of Germanic names in Germania Inferior and
Eastern Belgica and from certain Germanic phonological and morpho
logical features which appear in these areas.
Old Irish α-stems in the dative singular (with the exception of
mndi < *g~nai or *gynai) such as tuaith and deilb, with a palatal final
consonant and leniting, point to an old ending in -f.4 A similar ending
seems to occur in Gaulish.in Βηλησαμι DAG 57. Compare the British
river name Β€λισάμα Ptol. 2. 3. 2 and the divine name (Minervae)
Belisamae CIL 13. 8. Note also perhaps the form Sequani in the insc.
from the source of the Seine, which M . Lejeune tentatively suggested
(REA 58, 1956, 80) might be an α-stem locative in -i. Other forms
which may belong here are Adiantunneni (A),s Brigindoni (B),6 and per
haps Καμουλατι (Β) and ??Λαμι (Αρρ.). Whatmough certainly re
garded -i as the ending of the ά-stem dative singular in Gaulish. See
Word 5, 1949, 114, Orbis 1, 1952, 433, DAG, p. 734. Thurneysen
thought (GOI188 f.) that if the datives in -ai/-a are Celtic we should
1
This name may be an α-stem nominative.
2
The dat. sg. in -a is not uncommon in the Latin inscriptions of Italy (see DAG,
P. 737).
3
PNN Diuuogna (A) and Cacudia (B) from Belgica and Germ. Sup. respectively
may be dative. Note especially the form Alisiia DAG 169, perhaps an old fJ-stem
locative (or a Latinized form?) beside Alixie DAG 144, again apparently locative
(with -e for -ai?). M. Lejeune thought that there was in the long insc. of Penalba
a form uta which could be explained as instrumental singular. See Celtiberica 18
(also 23 and 126 f.). But this is very doubtful indeed. Cf. Tovar, Ampurias 17-18,
1955-6, 163.
4
Pedersen, VKG 2. 86 suggested that this was due to analogy with consonantal
stems.
5
This name may rather be an o-stem gen. Compare Weisgerber, Germania 17,
6
1933, 101. Possibly an η-stem dative ?
426 P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y
look for a different origin for Gaulish -z, possibly a locative form
in -ai.1
T o sum u p : (a) -(i)ai may represent the old Indo-European dative-
locative ending or may be, in Narbonensis at least, the result of Greek
influence; (b) -{i)a may have developed from the old dative -{i)di or
may have resulted from case syncretism; in certain areas perhaps
Italic and (?)Germanic interference should be recognized; {c) -i may
represent a (?dialectal) development from earlier -ai.
NOTE
In a number of names the function of the -20- {-id) suffix is clearly
patronymic. Note, for example, Βλανδοουικοννιαι (Α), Καρθίλίτανιος
(Α), Κονδιλλβος (Β), Ηλουσκονιος (Β), Λιτονμαρςος (A), and Ουιλλονβος
(Αρρ.). T h e suffix -ius was also used in patronymics in Latin, and
from such patronymics developed the nomina gentilicia. See Solmsen
136 ff., Stolz-Schmalz, Lateinische Grammatik5 (ed. Leumann and Hof-
mann {Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft'uJ2)) i (Munchen, 1928), 207.
{c) Stems in -f-
Nom. sg.
T h e regular ending -is (see VKG 2. 94, GOI 192) is preserved in
Τανκολαης (A). Note also P N Convictolitavis (A) in BG. It is not clear
whether Subroni (A) and Sumeli (A) belong here. For other instances of
-is see Holder, AcS 2. 1 f., Dottin 118, Whatmough, PID, vol. 2, p. 592,
Tovar, Kratylos 3, 1958, 7, Lejeune, Celtiberica 128.
Dat. sg.
There are no certain examples of the z-stem dative among the names
discussed unless Subroni (A), Sumeli (A), and ??Λαμί (Αρρ.) are such.
Compare DN deo Ucueti (dat., ?Gallo-Latin) in a Latin insc. CIL 13.
11247 beside Ucuete (dat.) and Ucuetin (ace.) in a Gaulish insc. of
Alise-Sainte-Reine {DAG 169). 2 See Pedersen, VKG 2. 94, Pisani,
RIGI 17, 1933, 69 f., AGI 27, 1936, 168 f., Thurneysen, GOI 193,
Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 67. Tovar suggested t h a t cevei on the bronze of
Luzaga (Schmoll, SVIHK, no. 14) represented an old z-stem loca
tive (or ablative?). See Estudios 41, 179, Kratylos 3, 1958, 7, ELH 108
1
For the development of IE. -ai in Celtic see Thurneysen, GOI 59, Pedersen,
VKG 1. 248, 2. 86, Gray, EC 6, 1953-4, 64.**· For Boeotian -ai compared by
Thurneysen in GOI 189 see E. Schwyzer, Griechische Grammatik i. 2 (Munchen, 1939),
558 f., who thinks that it is secondary, and not due simply to the shortening of an
earlier -ai but also to analogy with the o-stem dative in -oi. See also Albert Thumb,
Handbuch der griechischen Dialekte, 2. Aufl. von A. Scherer (Heidelberg, 1959), 35.
2
Compare PN Vcoetixix DAG 87, also perhaps LENN Vcetia and Vcetiensis
DAG 80. For Ucueti see DAG 181. See now van Tassel Graves, Og. 15, 1963,
225-8.
P H O N O L O G Y AND M O R P H O L O G Y 427
beside Lejeune, Celliberica 99, 129. Compare perhaps ]ovei and ]<uov€i
in the fragmentary inscription of Saignon (Vaucluse) (DAG 45). See
GrDAG 55, 85.
(d) Stems in -11-
Nom. sg.
Ααγολιτονς (A) shows the old ending -us. See VKG 2. 91, GOI197.
Perhaps Cintu (B), without -J, also belongs here. See also s.v. ]κοννου
(App.).
Gen. sg.
T h e reading of the last letter of Mucurus (ADD.) is quite uncertain,
but if it is correctly read as s the name may be an instance of a w-stem
gen. sg. in -11s. See literature s.n. This, of course, is guesswork; and
even if the reading is correct, it is clear that other interpretations are
possible.
Dat. sg.
T h e r e are no certain examples. But see ASycvoov (A) and ?Βφακοτωυ
(s.n. Βφακο (Β)) and compare D N Ταρανοου DAG 44, probably with
final [ow] 1 (perhaps an old w-stem loc. sg., see VKG 2. 91, GOI 197,
also now Trivium 1, 1966, 112), beside βρατονδβ (see s.v. DI~).
Compare also perhaps the form turou SVIHK, no. 103, 2 the inter
pretation of which, however, is quite uncertain. See Tovar, Estudios
32, 124, 200, Kratylos 3, 1958, 7, ELH 107, beside Lejeune, Celtiberica
19, 21, n. 57, 33, 129 and Schmoll, SVIHK 33, 38.
(e) Consonantal stems
(a) Stems in -n-
Nom. sg.
A number of names show the Gaulish termination -u ( < -o(n)y see
VKG 2. 108). Note, for example, Froncu (App.), Malciu (also -io)
(App.), Mommu (App.), and Nappisetu (A). See also Holder, AcS 3
4f., Dottin, p. 119, Whatmough, HSCP 60, 1951, 183 and Word 5,
1949, 115. Some names show -0, e.g. Criciro (B), Malcio (beside
Malciu) (App.), ?Malso (App.), Momo (beside Mommu) (App.), and
perhaps Gnato (B), Peroco (B), and ?Auo (v. s. Auomio (App.)). There is
no means of telling whether this represents a (Pdialectal) preservation
of -δ or the influence of Latin. For some doubtful examples of -o\-u in
Celtiberian see Tovar, Kratylos 3, 1958, 8, ELH 108. Lejeune, Celti
berica 129.
Dat. sg.
Bilicedoni (A), Brigindoni (B) (cf. (b) dat. sg. above), and Vixuvioni
(App.) may be Gaulish w-stem dat. sg. in -oni.
1 2
See s.n. Atyevoov (A). See Tovar, Emerita 27, 1959, 357, no. 9.
428 PHONOLOGY AND MORPHOLOGY
For the appearance of-J in the Rhineland as the dat. sg. of -orc-stems
when these are feminine, see Oxe, Tr.Z 8, 1933, 50-58, Weisgerber,
ZCP 23, 1943, 360 ff., Rh. V. 18, 1953, 268, Whatmough, Word 5,
1949, ii4f., Orbis 1, 1952, 439, DAG, pp. 734 f.
(β) Stems in -£- (-A>)
Nom. sg.
Some compounded names with -rix ( < IE. *reg-s, see s.v. REG-)
as a second element are attested in the nominative in the inscriptions.
N o t e Εσκιγγορειξ (Α), Σιγο.ουτιορζιξ (A), and probably ]πορςιζ
(App.).1 PN Luguri (A) may show the loss of final -s or ~xs ( < -ks).
Dat. sg.2
A clear example of a dative singular is Epadatextorigi (A). Another
fairly certain example is Mayovpeiyi (Α). Αΰγεννοριγ. (A) may also
belong here. Compare perhaps the divine name Deuori in HAE 398,
which M. L. Albertos now explains {Emerita 24, 1956, 294-7) a s a n ° ^
dative singular showing the loss of medial -g- ( < *Deuorigi) and mean
ing 'rey de los dioses'.
(ii) N O M I N A L COMPOSITION
DOUBTFUL NAMES
I N this section are listed together and discussed forms which I have
termed 'doubtful' names, forms the interpretation of which is uncer
tain for one or more of a number of reasons. Many of the forms dis
cussed are fragmentary, e.g. Αβρω[, ?Αλπρου[, Apaye[, .ario, ]κοννου,
]druta, Me8a[, ]νακνος, ]ναλιακος. Here we assume that we may have
to deal with the beginning or the end of forms which may be personal
names. There are many others the reading of which is quite uncertain,
e.g. ??Κραυσίκνος, ?Deuacnua, ?Inianovetitins, ?Tarbelionios. With a num
ber of the names discussed we are not confident that they are personal
names at all, e.g. Αιουνιαι, Kpeire, Rutenica, ?Σψίασ[; but they are
included in this section because they may be such. With very many
others which are certainly personal names and the reading of which is
not in doubt, e.g. Carletisoni, Cimberius, Cosoins, Crispos, Drappes, Εκνλιος,
Louri, MereXdLos, Polos, Κοναδρουνια, etc., there is no means of demon
strating or proving that they are Celtic. Finally, in many inscriptions
the word-division is quite uncertain, and we cannot, therefore, be
sure that all the forms recognized in such inscriptions, e.g. Avomio,
?Αοντρονι, ?Connoucasu, Druto, ?Esumaro, ?Ixatioii, ?Ααμί, are the right
ones.
T h e r e may be many forms in this section which, it could be argued,
either should not have found a place in this work at all or perhaps
should have appeared in Chapter II, section (A) or (B). There may
be others in Chapter II t h a t should have been included in this Ap
pendix. It was extremely difficult to decide which names to reserve
for this 'doubtful' category. It would have been far simpler to dis
pense with it altogether. But this would have meant both the inclu
sion of too many fragmentary or doubtful forms among names the
reading and interpretation of which were comparatively certain, and
the complete rejection and the omission of many forms which in spite
of their doubtful character deserved some consideration in this work.
C I R C O S La Graufesenque graffito
circos DAG 120 (b) i, 1. 3.
This form was listed as a potter's name by Loth, 2 Oxe, 3 and Her-
met. 4 Whatmough, on the other hand,* suggested that it may not be
such. However, compare Circus DAG 176 (Names on terra sigillata
found in Lugdunensis), and see Oswald, Index 79. T h e form shows the
familiar 0-stem nominative termination -os, but we cannot tell whether
it is Celtic or not. Hardly compare circins, cercius 'the mistral' DAG
79, 6 which has been connected with Lat. circum and compared with
W. cyrch m. 'goal, resort, haunt, attack, etc.' 7 and Ir. cercenn c a cycle
of time'. 8
C O S O I U S La Graufesenque graffito
cosoius DAG 129, 1. 8.
T h e same name is attested in cosoi DAG 99 (6), 1. 16.2 Compare the
potters' names Cosoi DAG 204 and ?Cosoiuia 176,2 and at La Grau
fesenque Cosius DAG 132. 4
T h e name is an 0-stem nominative showing the Latin or Latinized
termination -as. Only Whatmough 5 has identified it as Celtic.
Apart from the potters' names mentioned above compare FNN such
as the following: Cosa DAG 244; Cosaxtis 136; Cosius 157; Cosos 204;
Cossa 156, 204, -us 151, 204, 208c and D, 214, 237, 244; Cossia 182,
2O8D, -ius 156, 208c and D, 237, 244; Cossacionius 214; Cossattio,
Cossetio, Cossianus 237; Cossicus 194; Cossillo 2O8D; Cos{s)il(l)us 198,
214, 237, 244; Cossinius 244; Cosso 244; Cossous 204; Cossula 2O8D;
Cossumino ILTG 161; Cossutius 83, 182, -us 237. For P N N and D N N in
cos(s)- from the Hispanic peninsula see OPL 68, RPH 117 if.
For the suffix -oio- see AcS 2. 841. No etymology.
? D U G A L a Graufesenque graffiti.
I n graffito 41, 1. 1 Hermet read . .daca where Oxe (no. 13) read
1
See Loth, RC 38, 1920-1, 174 ff., RIAContr. dodenta—duus 416. Note also Ir.
druth (σ-stem) m. 'professional jester or buffoon, imbecile' {RIAContr., loc. cit.).
2
See G. 390, GPC 1086. See also Ifor Williams, I Ddifyrnfr Amser ([Caernarfon],
1959), 89. Note the incidence of drud in the OW. personal name Drutguas LL 277.
26, MIW. Drutwas TTP, no. 46 (a) (see TTP, pp. 327 ff.), also in MIW. Drudluid
BBC 28. 5 (a horse's name; but see G. 391 s.n.).
3
Stokes listed s.v. drouto-, druto- 'traut' the 'Gaulish' names Drusos (Latinized
Drusus), comparing LENN Condrusi (DAG 221) and Drusomagus (DAG 15), and PN
Drausus Suet. Tib. 3. For drusus, drausus 'patiens, rigidus, contumax?' see PID, it.
340c, vol. 3, p. 18, DAG, it. 207.
4
Whence Holder, AcS 1. 1354, Pokorny, IEW 205, Krahe, Strukt. alteur. Hydr.
324. See further Stokes, Urk. Spr. s.v. dru-; W.-P. 1. 795; Nicolaisen, Btr. ζ. .Μ 8,
1957, 233 f.; Krahe, op. cit. 322 ff., UAF 55.
s
Here there is an indication that there were traces of a letter before the d of
]druta.
6
See also Holder, ^^S* 1. 2023 s.n. Gis-acum, Whatmough, DAG 179 (LN
Gisacum), 181 (DN Gisacus).
7
Geographie historique et administrative de la Gaule romaine 2 (Paris, 1878), 497, n. 1.
8
For Gisaci see p. 451 below.
448 APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
[ ]duca and Whatmough (DAG 117 (b), 1. 2) ].-duca. In graffito 22,
1. 16 Hermet and Loth read duca where Oxe (no 15) read duci and
"Whatmough {DAG 114 (b), 1. i6) duci with the remark that 'there is
a slight scratch over the i\ In this second instance the reading of
Hermet and Loth is probably incorrect. In the first instance there may
be a potter's name as supposed by Hermet and Loth, probably
a masculine α-stem nominative.1 We can compare the following PNN:
Ducani DAG 156; Ducarias, v. s. CARO-; ?Ducatrici (dat.) CIL 3. 2252;
Duccenus (Doc-?) DAG 214; Duccio 244: Duccia 83, \D\uccius CIL 2.
5032, Duccius CIL 7. 243; Ducconia PID xic; Ducenius DAG 83 ;2 Ducia
237; Duciauus 140:3 Ducius 140, 228 fix), 228, Remark; 4 Duco 224; s
Sanducca 87 ;6 Suniducus 214; 7 Verducc[ CIL 5. 7956 ; 8 Verduccio (dat.) 5.
7899.° A number of these are doubtless Celtic. Compare perhaps W.
dygof'I take, bring, steal': Lat. duco, Goth, tiuhan.10 But this is mere
speculation.11
P F R O N C U L a Graufesenque graffito
In graffito 29, 1. 2 Hermet read froncu and suggested in Les Graffites
de La Graufesenque, p . 89 that this was for fron[i]cus.6 Loth 7 also read
froncu here with the comment ' L a premiere lettre de ce n o m est
douteuse, on pourrait penser hfrontu, mais le c est net.' Oxe (no. 35)
gave frontu in the text of the graffito with the comment 'Froncu ?
Schreibfehler fur Frontu\ See further Bohn, Germania 8, 1924, 22,
Thurneysen, £CP 16, 1927, 295, Whatmough, DAG 123 I (ii), 1. 1,
1
I am discounting the possibility mentioned by Rhys (Addit. 60) that there is
here a name Cesomaro or Gesomaro 'great at spear throwing', 'he who has a great
spear', or the like.
2
See d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 28, 1907, 209, Vendryes, ReL Celt. 285, n. 1,
Duval, EC 8, 1958-9, 51.
3
But there are no certain examples of such datives in -0 in Gaulish inscriptions*
* See Chapter II (A) (ii) s.w. ESUS and MARO-.
5
One could assume that the text begins with Gnato and interpret etiona as the
Gaulish conjunction eti 'and' (in La Graufesenque graffiti {DAG 90, 94, 98, 103,
109, 112, 114, 129, et 105, 112), see Thurneysen, ZCP 16, 1927, 287, Loth, RC
41, 1924, 42 f., Pokorny, IEW 344)+PN Ona (cf. PN ?Ovva (B)). But this is an
extremely plausible guess which I mention with all reserve.
6
Hermet (see p. 203, no. 55, pi. i n , no. 55) was doubtless wrong in assuming
a potter's stamp Fronicus for La Graufesenque. The stamp ofronici points rather to
a name Ronicus. See Oxe, BJ 140-1, 1936, 390, no. 199, Whatmough, DAG 132.
See further Hermet, La Graufesenque: Texte (Paris, 1934), pp. 296 (wrongly at
tributing to Oxe the view that i has been omitted in froncu), 316, 348; Bohn, CIL
13. 10010. 1650; Oswald, Index 127, 267, 387, 416. The form which Aymard (REA
54,1952,98-100; cf. postscript on p. 101) read on a 'poinson-matrice' (gr. A.-A. 11),
faute de mieux, as fronici orfronci is extremely doubtful, as Balsan's photograph in
REA 54, 1952, pi. ix, no. 11 shows quite clearly.
7 RC 41, 1924, 24, n. 2, also 56.
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES 451
all favouring the emendation frontu. This emendation is made all the
more attractive by the fact that Whatmough read ]ntu in the same
graffito (DAG 123 I I (iii), 1. i ) . 1 The name would then be the Gaulish
form of the Latin personal name Fronto.2 If Froncu is not an error for
Frontu there is nothing to show that it is Celtic. 3
1
Philologies 17, 1861, 281. He would expand i.ma.n.v.e.-tius (or -ntius) as in
margine nostri vetens est -tius (vel -ntius), showing that Mandubrantius is a variant of
Mandubracius and that this gloss was misunderstood as a proper name which was
incorporated in the text by some scribes and suppressed altogether by others.
2
e.g. du Pontet, Rice Holmes, Gonstans, Fuchs, Dorminger.
3
Praefatio xxxiv, Studi in onore di Luigi Castiglioni (Firenze, [i960]), 923.
4
Philologische Wochenschrift 1927, 938, Text, p. i n .
s SecBG 1. 3. 4, 7. 31. 5, 7. 4. 1.
6
See Esperandieu, Inscriptions de la Cite' des Lemovices (Paris, 1891) 59. 6 (p. 139),
whence AcS 2. 46, DAG 151.
7
CIL 13. 8090. See KGP 227, 229, Og. 12, 1960, 403.
8
e.g. P N N Vittia DAG 83, Vittino, 205, Vittio 214, 224, 244, Vitto 83, * O 8 D ,
Vittuo DAG 237 (also 244), Vitubena 214, Vitus 83, 228 (iv). Note also L N Vitudurum
now Winterthur DAG 241, D N ?Vituus (or Visucuus?) 236. The form uitus 'felloe'
(ιϊτυς, avTuf Edict. Diocl. (written βίτος, βιτωτός, etc.) CIL 3, pp. 1920 f. (see
Ernault ap. Holder, AcS 3. 412, 4 1 5 ; W.-P. 1. 224f.; DAG 178; W.-H. 2. 8 0 8 ;
454 APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
Further, if the β manuscripts showing forms in -vetutus and -vetiihis are
at all reliable here, one could compare PNN in vet^t)-,1 at least some
of which are likely to be Celtic.
We have here, therefore, to recognize an instance, and clearly
a troublesome instance, of a name which has been corrupted in the
manuscript tradition and corrupted to such an extent, perhaps, that
it almost disappeared altogether in the α class of manuscripts and left
traces only in four manuscripts—traces which it is now impossible to
interpret convincingly. But the form is not significantly more difficult
to interpret satisfactorily than several other PNN in the Commentaries
which are usually counted Celtic. It should certainly not be dismissed
as hopelessly corrupt, or ignored as it has been by most editors of
Caesar.
L O U S I O S , L O U S I U S L a Graufesenque graffiti
ΖΟΚΛΟ* Ζλ4£ 111 (b), 1. 18; lousius DAG 129, 1. 9.
T h e one shows a Gaulish nominative ending -ios, the other a Latin
ending in -ΰω\ T h e name is entirely without etymology. Whatmough 4
included it in a list of potters' names found in La Graufesenque
graffiti which he thought 'must be Keltic'. T h e name may be Celtic,
but I can see no way of proving it.
Compare the following n a m e s : P N N Lausic[ DAG 214; Lausus 83,
-os 194; Leusius 208; Lousi (gen.) CIL 7. 600, 680, Lousius AE 1953,
136 ; 5 L E N N Leusonna, Leusonnenses, Lousonnenses, -oeusona (?) (or Leusona
CIL 12. 2040), lacus Losonne, Lausonna, Lausonius itinn., Lousonna DAG
241 ; 6 Leusaba IA, Lausaba Rav. and Leusinio I A, Leusino TP claimed as
Illyrian by Mayer Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 208, 2. 70.7 For a mare's nest of
names in λουσ-, lous-, and lus- claimed as Celtic by Scarlat Lambrino,
see his paper entitled cLes Lusitaniens' in Euphrosyne 1, 1956, 117 ff.8
M A L C I O , M A L G I U L a Graufesenque graffiti
malciu DAG 120 {b) v ; malcio 129, 1. 2 ; ~\ciu 91 (i), 1. 9 ; ]lciu 97 (b),
11. 8, 9, I 2 · 3
With this name compare the potter's name Malcio DAG 156,
Remark B, and 204 and P N Malcioni (dat.) CIL 3. 2777. It may be
Celtic, an η-stem nominative showing both the Latin or Latinized
termination -to and the Gaulish -iu. Ernault 4 related it to Ir. malcaim
Ί rot 5 . Concerning this alleged Irish form 5 see Strachan, IF 2, 1893,
370, Stokes-Bezzenberger, Urk. Spr. 203, Pedersen, VKG 1. 130,
W.-H. 1. 508, Pokorny, IEW 719.
M A L S O La Graufesenque graffito
maboDAGu^ib),^*·
Hermet 6 suggested that this name is Celtic. I can see no way of
defending this view. However, compare P N Malsonis (gen.) in a Latin
inscription of Steiermark {CIL 3. 5698). 7 The name at La Grau
fesenque, therefore, may be an τζ-stem nominative in -0.
1 Addit. 10.
3 REA 20, 1918, 39·
3 For ]ciu in graffito H. 29, 1. 6 see p. 451, η. ι above.
4 Teste Holder, AcS 2. 394.
s Only malcad m. 'rotting, putrefying?' is listed in RIAContr., M. 50 (after
O'Reilly, An Irish-English Dictionary (Dublin, 1817) and Hibernica Minora, ed. K.
Meyer (Oxford, 1894), 66, para. 9).
6 See Hermet, p. 317·
7 See Holder, AcS 2. 399 s.n.
β See de Villefosse, MSAF, 7e ser., 4, 1905, 256 fF., Whatmough, DAG 244.
9 p. Lejay, Inscriptions antiques de la Cote-d'Or (Paris, 1889), no. 27. See also
Holder, AcS 2. 493, Whatmough, DAG 182.
10 Compare Medalo CIIC 279?
A P P E N D I X . DOUBTFUL NAMES 459
DAG 224, -a CIL 5. 980 ( = 1766 add.), 1428, (?) 2. 9 1 1 ; M[e\danica
(f.) CIL 2. 2955. Further speculation concerning such a doubtful
form would be worthless.
M O M M U , M O M O L a Graufesenque graffiti
mommu DAG 115 Ι (Λ), 1. i 6 ; momo 129, 1. 5.
I follow H e r m e t in listing these forms together. T h e y are probably
one and the same name. Mommu\Mom{m)o (rc-stem) is a well attested
potter's n a m e of L a Graufesenque. 3 T h e forms in the graffiti are
1
C. A. Roland's account in Cadenet historique 1, 1837, 261 (whence Sagnier,
Mem. de Vacad. de Vaucluse 3, 1884, 26, Rabiet, MSAF 48, 1887, 337 f., no. 5, CIL
12, p. 137. 3) suggests that it was λ. But Sallier {teste de Villeneuve, Statistique du
departement des Bouches-du-Rhone, vol. 2, Marseille, 1824, 235) gave δ here. As for the
seventh letter Whatmough {DAG 58) remarked that τ is a possible reading for t. It
should also be noted that Allmer {Mem. de Vacad. de Vaucluse 4, 1885, 112, n. 3)
thought that the sixth letter was miscopied as a. It should be λ, and the name we
should recognize here accordingly would be MercAAios, not MereXaios. Unfor
tunately the monument on which this text was attested has been lost or de
stroyed.
^ 2 Rhys {Cis. 57) claimed that names like Metelui, Metelikna, and Metela were
Celtic, and thought that they contained the same root as that seen in W. medi 'to
reap', Br. midi, medi, W. medel 'a reaping, a reaping-party', OCorn. midil gl.
messor, Mllr. meithel, cognate with Lat. meto Ί reap' (see W.-H. 2. 83, Williams
and Jones, BBCS 13, 1950, 23 ff., IEW 703, LEIA M-45). Whatmough in PID,
vol. 3, p. 30 f. s.n. Metelui compared not only PNN Metela and Metilius (Lat. ?) but
also Lat. Metellus (see Schulze 188, 293), Gaulish Medillus (see Chapter I I (B) s.n.
Μεθθιλος), and Lep. Maesilalui (dat.) PID 321 (see Rhys, Cis. 57 f., Whatmough,
PID, vol. 3, p. 29). See also Untermann, VP 158 f. For a bold attempt to recognize
another Celtic root met- {: Ir. methas, -us m. 'frontier, boundary' RIAContr., M.
.119, see Urk. Spr. 205, IEW 709, LEIA M-45) in Continental forms see Corominas
in Romanica, Festschriftfur GerhardRohlfs (Halle, 1958), 111. MaruejoPs attempt {RA
1892, 51 f.) to prove that MereXaLos is Greek is not convincing.
3
See J. Dechelette, Les Vases ceramiques orne's de la Gaule romaine 1 (Paris, 1904)
86 f., 287 f.; Atkinson, JRS 4, 1914, 31 f.; Hermet, pp. xiv, 204 (no. 106), 227 ft.,
.PL 112 (no. 106); Bohn, CIL 13. 10010, 1374; Oxe, ΒJ 130, 1925, 92, 140-1,
!936, 388 (no. 159), 394 (nos. a. 18, b. 10); Whatmough, DAG 132.
46θ APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
doubtless nominative, which is usual in South Gaul.1 Hermet2 claimed
the name as Celtic. This may be correct, but I can think of no reason
able etymology to support this view. Perhaps it is an abbreviated,
hypocoristic name. Compare PN ?Mommo DAG 2143 and the following
PNN: Mometus DAG 182, Momilus 136, Mominto, Μώμορος 182,
Momma, Mommeius, Mommius,4 Momns, Μωμω 244, ?Mommolenus 156
(also 237).
M O R E T O C L A T O S L a Graufesenque graffito
moretoclatos DAG 98 (b), Ι. η.
Loth5 regarded this form as a cnom hurnoristique d'esclave'. Ke
thought that the first element moreto- was probably the Latin moretum
'a country dish composed of herbs, oil, cheese, wine, etc.', the etymo
logy of which is uncertain,6 and hinted at the possibility that the
name was for Moreto-c(a)lathos (a Latin/Greek hybrid). But Weis-
gerber7 and Hermet, 8 also treating the form as a potter's name,
claimed that it might be Celtic. See also Thurneysen, £CP 16, 1927,
301, n. 2, Schmidt, KGP 245. Whatmough, on the other hand, 9 may
well have been right in suggesting that the form is probably not
a potter's name at all (see now GrDAG 115, 121). If it is a potter's
name, and if it is Celtic, its origin is as yet altogether obscure.
Gaulish forms for the numeral '4' with initial p- from the IE.
labio-velar ku are, of course, well known. 5 Note, for example, the form
petru- (petro·) in P N N Petrucidins CIL 2. 4967. 1, tPetrosidius {-usi-)
AcS 2. 977, 6 Petrucilus DAG 244, Petrusonia 83, EN Petrucorii now
Perigueux DAG 153, L N Petromantahim I A (Petrum .uiaco TP) DAG
1
79? 7 petrudecameto CIL 13. 2494.8
1
CRAI 1903, 58 ff. See also cTArbois de Jubainville, ibid. 108 ff. There is an
error in the transcript of line 2 as κουαδρονια by Dottin and Whatmough. I wish to
thank M. F. Benoit for sending me an excellent photograph of this inscription.
2
I.e. See also id., RC 24, 1903, 119, 167, Bonfante, Emerita 2, 1934, 100.
3
For examples of PNN Petronaeus, Petronia, -ins, etc., see Schulze 209, 319 f.,
PID, vol. 3, pp. 98, 130, DAG 87, 156, 244, AE 1957, 127, 218, N.-L. 71, 198.
4
For Umbrianpetrunia-per Tab. Iguv. ii a, 21, 35 (mis-spelled -pert), see E. Vetter,
Handbuch der italischen Dialekte (Heidelberg, 1953) ad loc, J. W. Poultney, The
Bronze Tablets qflguvium (Amer. Philol. Assoc, 1959), para. 105 d, n. 2, A. Ernout,
Le Dialecte ombrien (Paris, 1961) 66. See also Vetter, op. cit. for Umbr. ptrnio (para.
234), Paelign.-Lat. ptruna (para. 215 q), and Fal. petrunes (para. 322 c). For
Etruscan petruna see G. Devoto, Studi Etruschi 3, 1929, 278 f., Tabulae Iguvinae2
(Roma, 1940), para. 196, Gli antichi Italici2 (Firenze, 1951), 97 f., i77f.
s See in general W.-P. 1. 512, W.-H. 2. 394 ff., 400 f., IEW 642 ff., O.
Szemerenyi, Studies in the Indo-European System of Numerals (Heidelberg, i960), 10,
15 ff. See also Albertos Firmat, Emerita 28, i960, 304.
6
See also Schmidt, KGP 255, 268.
7
See s.n. Catamantaloedis (A).
8
See Loth, CRAI 1909, 23 ff., Lewis, BBCS 5, 1931, 94. Compare Hertz ap.
Schmidt, KGP 255, n. 1. Note also the glosses petraria 'framea' DAG 178 and petor-
ritum 'a four-wheeled waggon or carriage' PID 340B (see VKG 1. 176, 2. 129,
Meringer, KZ 40, 1907, 220, W.-H. 2. 298, IEW 643, also p. 249 above). For
petrones 'rustici' (Fest.), petrullus (Varro ap. Non.), petro ca fat ram' (Plaut.), etc., see
Hernando Balmori, EC 4, 1948, 50 f.
9
See R. S. Conway, The Italic Dialects, vol. 1 (Cambridge, 1897), it. xxxviiic
(p. 349). See also GrDAG 36, 58, 87.
A P P E N D I X . DOUBTFUL NAMES 4·65
1
Qualberg DAG 221, LN and DN Qiiadruuiae (-riii-, -rim-, etc.) DAG
2 2 1 , 2 2 3 , 236, 243.2
Q U T O S La Graufesenque graffito
qutos DAG 115 I (a), 1. 14.
A potter's name? Compare, however, GrDAG 115, 125. It has been
suggested 3 that it is a form of the Latin 4 n a m e Quintus, a form
which is attested as a potter's name at this site. 5 More satisfactory
perhaps would be comparison with the month-name Qutio(s)l&itio(s)
in the Calendar of Coligny. 6 But this name itself, showing the alterna
tion qjc, is a puzzle. 7 For instances of names in cut it)- (e.g. PNN Cutaius,
n«,*~~>:«.<> c«,+ (*\:~ η..*;*.ι~ η~.+:..~ Γ*..*;Ί:«.Λ „ 0 0 υ . υ α - Λ„Ο , ,~rpc
Detschew, Tkr. Spr. 265. Compare also perhaps cucutium 'head-dress,
h o o d ; praeputium' DAG 178 (s.v. cucullus)s and carracutium 'two-
wheeled carriage with high wheels' SprFK 196, W.-H. 1. 173.
ΡΙΟΥΜΑΝΕΟΣ DAG 63 (inscription of Collias, Gard)
For this inscription see above s.n. Εκυλιος. T h e name Ριουμανζος,
following PN Εκυλιος, seems to be a patronymic in -eos meaning 'son
of *Ρωνμανος\ a w-stem nominative. It may be a compounded name,
but the interpretation is not clear. If we have here an element ριου-,
this may represent either [riw-] or [riow-], hardly [riu-]. 9 Rhys 10
1
See Mayer, Spr. alt. Illyr. 1. 282, Weisgerber, Rh. V. 23, 1958, 36.
2
Compare LN Petromantalum above. Hardly compare the fragmentary PN
Quad[ of CIL 13. 11313 (see DAG, it. 208D and p. 752) and PN Quadus DAG 139
beside the ethnic name Quadi DAG 241 (a German tribe of the Suebi, see Schonfeld
181 f., Kaspers, PBB (Halle) 80, 1958, 405 f.).
3
See Hermet, Grqffites 89, Hermet 205. Compare Loth, RC 41, 1924, 56.
4
Weisgerber suggested (Rh. V. 18, 1953, 262) that PN Quintus (see DAG 237;
note also PNN in qui(n)t- such as Quintianus, Quinto, Quito 237, Quintio, Quita 244)
may occasionally point to Celtic CINTU- 'first'.
5
See Hermet, p. 205 (no. 136 a), Oxe, ΒJ 140-1, 1936, 390 (no. 194), DAG 132.
6
See DAG 227. ii. 57, 73, 74, 82, 83, 84; viii. 82, 83, 84, 89, 97; ix. 28, 29, 33.
45; xi. 121; xii. 18, 19, 20, 24, 25, 26; xv. 18, 19, 20, 25, 33.
7
For discussion of this name, all of which is inconclusive and some quite far
fetched, see de Ricci, RC 19, 1898, 218521, 1900, 16 f.; Rhys, Celtae and Galli 28 f.;
E. W. B. Nicholson, Celtic Researches (London, 1904) 123 f.; de Jubainville, RC 27,
1906, 107; Thurneysen, ZCP 2, 1899, 534; MacNeill, £riu 10, 1926-8, 35;
Pinault, Og. 14, 1962, 147 η0., Duval, EC 11/1, 1964-5, 11 f., CRAI 1966, 272.
8
See also Whatmough, Orbis 1, 1952,431, CPh.tf, 1952, i n , Og. 5, 1953, 65 f.
9
There can be no question of the incidence of an element no- here, a form
attested in a number of PNN such as Riocenus DAG 151, Remark Β (see also 156,
Remark B), Riochatus Sid. Apoll. ep. 9. 9. 6, Riomarus DAG 132, 151, Remark
B, Riomonus 203, 214, Riotalus AcS 2. 1711, ?Riouercus DAG 83, and sometimes
explained as a later form of Gaulish rigo- (: REG- q.v.). See, for example, Holder,
AcS 2. 1191, Dottin, p. 65, Loth, RC 39, 1922, 50, Fowkes, Lg. 16, 1940, 290,
Gray, Lg. 20, 1944, 226, Watkins, Lg. 31, 1955, 17, Jackson, LHEB 457. Schmidt
(KGP 259), prompted by the entry s.v. *ri-io- in AcS 2. 1189, was tempted to relate
rio- in names such as those quoted above (including PN Ριου-μαν(ος) [sL·]) to W.
I0
rhjdd 'free' (IEW 844). Cf. Pinault, Og. 13, 1961, 455. Insc. 40 f.
466 APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
suggested tha.tpt,ov- is to be identified with the obscure forms riuo (DAG
227. ii. 5) and deuoriuo or deuo riuo (read dequuorvuo by Whatmough,
DAG 227. ii. 14)1 in the Calendar of Coligny. 2 But this is guesswork.
Schmidt 3 suggested that this name, and others such as PNN Ariomaniis
DAG 244, Catamanus ECMW 13, Comanus DAG 83, EN Cenomanni 179,
and DN Segomanna 82, 4 contained an element cognate with Lat.
mdnus 'good', 5 with which Loth 6 sought to equate M1W. mawn- 'good,
favourable'(?) in mawnwynt MA 438 and Ir. mon~ in mon-genar ACL 2.
415, no. 1240 (O'Davoren's Glossary). But this is extremely uncertain,
not only because of the doubt concerning Loth's interpretation of the
Welsh and Irish forms but also because some of these names can be
explained by reference to other forms, e.g. to the name element
MANDU- (q.v.). 7 Account should be taken perhaps of μανιακής 'the
torques of Gallic warriors' PID 340D.8 W h a t m o u g h (GrDAG 20, 50)
sees a palatalized r- in Ριουμανεος ('i.e. Rum-, Rom·'?).
S I L U I N O S La Graufesenque graffito
siluinos DAG 120 (c) iii, 1. 1. T h e sherd is broken on the right; 0 is
certain, but there is little or no trace of s in Hermet's plate.
This name may well be Latin rather than Celtic. 8 For names in
silv- see above s.n. Silvanos. T h e name is otherwise attested at La
Graufesenque in potters' stamps. See Hermet, p. 206, no. 163; CIL
13. 10010, 1814; Oxe, BJ 140-1, 1936, 392, no. 237; DAG 132.
Compare PNN Siluina DAG 87, -us 87, 136, 151, 201, 228 (v), 238 (v),
-ins 224, 244, ILTG 436, and L N *Siluiniacus mod. Sauvigny-le-Bois
(Yonne), etc., AcS 2. 1564 f.
T E C C I L a Graufesenque graffito
tecci DAG 106 (b), 1. 9.
This form appears to be a potter's name, and may well be an
abbreviation for Teccios or Teccius as suggested by Hermet. 9 What-
mough 1 0 included it, followed by a cautionary question mark, in a list
of names from the graffiti which he thought 'must be Keltic'. Compare
the following P N N in tec(c)-: Tecci (gen.) CIL 2. 4970. 508, AE 1954,
9 9 ; Tecco DAG 214, 237; Teccuni (gen.) CIL 11. 1206; TecessiDAG 151
(also 156, Remark Β and 176 (~us), 182); Tecini (gen.) CIL 5. 2210;
?Τ€κουσι(ος?) DAG 224; Tecuri (gen.?) ECMW 41. Note also the
puzzling tecuanbo ebo (or tecuan boebo or tecuanboebo??) in a graffito of La
Graufesenque engraved before firing and apparently not a potter's
1
See Whatmough, DAG, p. 513.
2
Cognate with Skt. tirdh, Lat. trans, etc. See GOI 530 f., IEW 1075 ff. This
element is sometimes recognized in PNN Tarcondarius Caes. BC 3. 4. 5 (cf. Σαω-
Kovhapov (gen.) Strab. 12. 5. 3 (568)), Ταρκόνδημοε Plut. Anton. 61, and Tarcondi-
motus Cic. epist. 15. 1. 2, etc. (^4GS 2. 1732 f.). See, for example, Holder, AcS 2.
1725 f., Schmidt, KGP 275.
3
Nicholson also (£CP 3, 1901, 308) translates this form as 'who bellows like
a bull'.
4
AcS 1. 396, 3. 844, DAG 156, Remark B, 228 (ii) and (iv).
s AcS, locc. citt., DAG 136, 156, Remark B, Note (xlv) C, CGP 229.
6
DAG 179. 7 DAG 84.
8
See DAG 158, /EPK 119, Corominas in Romanica, Festschrift fur Gerhard Rohlfs
(Halle, 1958), 119. Albertos now interprets Tarbeisonios as a hybrid meaning 'toro
negro', comparing for the meaning PN Donnotaurus for which see Chapter II (A)
(i). See Emerita 28, i960, 305. He would relate tar- perhaps to Gaul. tar(v)o- and
-bels- to Basque and Iber. beltz, bels, beles *black\ I do not find this convincing.
9
See Hermet, p. 206. " DAG, p. 289.
APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES 475
1
account (DAG 130), and the gloss tecco (a fish) in Polem. Silu. 544.
15. 2 Tecci, with geminate -c-, may be a hypocoristic name. But the
etymology is not clear. 3
P T O G N A I DAG, Note (lv), p . 1163 (inscription on a ring found
inside the R o m a n camp at Vindonissa)
For this inscription see above s.nn. ?Auomio, ?Drato, and ?Ixutiou.
No satisfactory interpretation of the text has so far been suggested.
W e can only guess at the word-division and the relationship to each
other of the forms attested in it. It seems to me that Tocnai may be
a 20-stem genitive, an instance of the genitive denoting filiation.4 O n
the other hand it could be an α-stem dative in -ai.5 No etymology.
V A C A G A La Graufesenque graffito
uacaca DAG 129, 1. 11.
This name also was claimed as Celtic by Hermet. 6 As suggested by
Loth, 7 it is probably a masculine α-stem.8 There are no other instances of
thename. Loth 9 compared Υτ.fochain, fachaini. 'bickering, fighting5,10 Sc.
Gael, fachail 'strife', and other names in vac-, notably PN Vacaccia CIL
2. 5896. Note further the following examples: P N N ?Ebrouaccus, (Brou-)
DAG 8 3 ; Vacaia BRAH 61, 1912, 526; Vacarus DAG 244; Vacasatus
194, 214, 224; Vaccia, -io 2 1 4 ; u Vaccul(us) 228 (ii); Vaccura 228 (iv);
-uro 204; Vaccus 195; Vaccuui 238 (v); Vaceco(s) 206; Vacemor[q].
CIL 2. 3053; Vacia CIL 7. 739, EE 7. 1083; Vacisi (gen.) CIL 2.
5353 5 VacouiaES, p . 16 ; 12 Vacus DAG 151, Remark B, 237; Vacustinus
!93 5 2 0 3 ; Vacusus 8 3 ; L E N N : Aravaci, Arevaci AcS 1. 179 f., 3. 656 f. ; 13
1
See Thurneysen, Z^P τ5> x 925, 381, GO I 182, 201; Weisgerber, SprFK 210;
Gray in Melanges . . . qfferts a J. Marouzeau (Paris, 1948), 209; Whatmough, DAG,
loc. cit., GrDAG 116.
2
See W.-H. 2. 653, DAG 178, Zaunick, Festschrift F. Dornseiff (Leipzig, 1953)
375-84·
3
Compare perhaps W. teg 'fair, fine, beautiful' ( < Celt. *teko-, see IEW
1057 f.).
4
Whatmough lists a personal name Tocnaius in DAG 214. But there must be
an error here. No such name occurs in Finke 63, the source given by Whatmough
for this entry. In his index Finke lists the name we are discussing here as Tocnaius,
with reference to item no. n o ( = DAG, Note (lv)).
5
Indirect object of auo(f) ?
6
See Hermet, p. 317.
7 RC 41, 1924, 52.
8 9
See s.n. Adepicca (A). Op. cit. 57.
10
In RIADict., fasc. 3 s.v. 3. fochain it is suggested that fochain and fachain reflect
a misunderstanding of some example of Ir. fochonn m. 'cause, occasion'.
11
Compare PN Voccio {BG) discussed below (pp. 478 f.).
12
See Palomar Lapesa, OPL 108 f., Albertos, Emirita 28, i960, 307.
13
See d'Arbois de Jubainville, RC 15, 1894, 2 0 · Compare Pokorny, Urg. 168,
Corominas in Romanica, Festschrift fur Gerhard Rohlfs (Halle, 1958), 105, n. 1,
Albertos, op. cit., 292, 307, Guvonuarc'h. Arrabona ^. IQ6Q. QQ. Q8.
4/6 APPENDIX. DOUBTFUL NAMES
Bellouaci cl., -ugai Oros., -ensis Beauvais DAG 212 ;l Vacalus fl. Caes.,
Vachalis Sidon. Apoll., Vahalis T a c . now Vaal DAG 221 ; 2 Vaccaei in
Hisp. Tarrac. AcS<$.73 ff.; Vacoeci ΒRAH 4.2, 1903, 398; Ονακομάγοι
Ptol. 2. 3. 8; 2 Ουα/coi/Ttov Ptol. 2. 15. 4 ; 3 Ούακόριον Ptol., Vocario
TP AcS 3. 8 0 ; Fiza/tf fl. in Lusit., now Vouga AcS, loc. cit.; D N N
Vaccalinehae, Vacall-, Vocalline(i)hae DAG 223 ; 4 Vacocaburio (dat.) CZE, 2.
5666 ; s Vacodonnaego CIL 2. 2636. 6
I I I . LA G R A U F E S E N Q U E GRAFFITI
Beside the item numbers from DAG cross-reference is made to the
corresponding numbers in the editions of Hermet 1 and Oxe. These
item numbers are followed by references to pages of this book
where potters' names (also a few other forms) from the graffiti are
discussed. For ease of reference two other concordances are given,
the first arranged according to Hermet's order, the second according
to that of Oxe.
(a) DAG: Hermet: Oxe, A.-A.9 etc.
1AG Hermet Oxe
90 12 28 33, 168, 180, 189, 301, 338, 364, 374, 378, 450,
472
9i 24 21 374, 378, 379, 458
92 17 30 33, 80, 133, 168, 189, 298-9
93 16 26 3^4, 472
94 II 29 33, 80, 133, 168, 189, 298-9, 373, 378, 379, 450
95 9 1 33,378,472
96 20 20 365, 378
97 19 5 33, 80, 458
98 8 22 301, 342, 378, 392, 450, 460, 472
99 1 Η 80, 301, 333, 342, 378, 387, 434, 443, 463
100 21 8 33, 304, 342, 378, 472
101 13 10
1
Item numbers in Loth's account of the graffiti (RC 41, 1924, 7-30, nos. 1-43)
486
INDEXES
DAG H e ^
102 *^t 0 χ έ
10
3 ^ 31 33. 189, 2 9 8 - 9 , 300, 378-9
10
4 ^ 25 33, 342, 374, 378, 450, 472
IQ
5 3 16 80, 168, 342, 378, 387
106
δ 23 374, 3 7 8 - 9 , 450, 472
10
7 5^ 4 33. 104, 474
108 y 6
109 ^ 24 374, 378, 472
110
^ 27 33, 80, 180, 304, 364, 374, 378, 472
in ^ 32 338
1I2
*<*. 19 80, 374, 378, 379, 457
1!
3 4 17 301, 3 4 2 - 3 . 365-6, 374. 376, 377. 450
114 ^ 18 80,338,374
15 33. 80, 301, 304, 338, 342, 378, 387, 448, 450,
115 38χ 458
116
*§ y 11-12 33, 300, 338, 354, 459, 465
"7 *x 7
118 ^ 13 304,368,447
IX
9 ^ 36 301,437
120 %y 37
121
*$ 33 301,338,440,458,470
122 ^ 34 326-7
123 ^ 41
12
4 *$ 35 326-7, 450-1, 458
125 3* 2 33
126 3^ 38 168
12
7 3^ 9 338
128 3<^ 39
129 3> 40
*3 0 3§ 3 338, 443, 450, 457, 458, 459-60, 475
χ χ
3 3$ 3 09,379, 388-9, 398, 457, 474-5
A A l
'~ - 376, 378, 379
2
335, 343, 3 8 4
10
9 335, 384. 456
11
384
14 450
J
343
5 333, 335. 438
16 384
Proc.-verb. des 205
seances de la soc.
des lettres, scienCe *e
et arts de VAve^
37. 1954-8 0 8 *
^ j I
2 32, 102, 299, 367
V. N A M E E L E M E N T S
These items are the ones discussed under separate headings in
Chapter II, section (A) (ii). Bold type indicates the main references
in that section.
-acio-$o, 128, 1 3 5 , 4 0 6 , 4 0 7 . cingc-, cixgstc- 73~74, 58, 92-95; l<2<2>
<*d- 43, 4 5 . 47, 56~57, 88, 89, 128-31, 177-9, 239, 295, 392, 400, 403, 4 0 4 ,
204, 391, 404, 4 1 1 , 469. 405.
aged-, ages-, agid-, agis- 131-2, 293, 2 9 8 - cintu- 179-80, 295, 334"5, 392, 4 0 5 ,
9, 301, 310, 392, 399, 400. 407, 408, 428.
alio- 106,132-4, 2 9 5 , 3 0 8 , 391, 408, 429. clouto-, cloto-, cluto- 15, 124, 180-1, 294,
ambi- 48-49, 128, 134-6, 292, 393, 395, 396, 407.
405, 406, 408, 4 3 1 . -cno- 13, 42, 47, 104, 106, 107, 112, 118,
ande-50, 52, 1 3 4 , 1 3 6 - 4 1 , 393, 395, 404, 122, 175, 181-3, 203, 209, 292, 4 4 3 ,
408. 461.
ario-, areo- 5 4 - 5 5 , 141-2, 294, 3 0 8 - 9 , com-, con-, co-, cov- (covi·), Icob- 50, 75,
399, 408. 76, 77, 183-6, 204, 343, 393, 4 0 8 ,
«fr- 47, 53, 5 5 - 5 6 , 128, 129, 134,142-5, 409, 4 3 1 , 4 4 1 ·
309, 393, 407· ^t-, cott- 58, 186-7, 292, 294, 314, 342,
and-, -aud- 57, 145-7, 294, 395, 4°4· 343·
cumb- 50, 188, 293, 393, 405.
bal-, ball- 57, 147-8, 293, 295, 393, 405.
W 149, 291, 310, 405, 408. ώ daco. 79) l 8 8 - 9 , 293, 297, 3 9 1 ,
bil-, bill- 5 7 - 5 8 , 149-51, 291, 294, 405. 4oo, 404.
boduo- 59-60, 151, 157, 291, 393, 404, damo_ 8 Q J j e g - g o , 294.
4 5
. ° · - devo- 8 3 , 84, 191-3, 291, 297, 396, 397,
bogw- 103-4, 152-3, 295, 393, 396, 400, 4 o 4 , 445.
A 4J°' a a o a du 8
'?> I X 5 , 195-6, 4<H·
bond- 59-60, 151, 156-8, 295, 396, 404, _
dubm } dumno_ 7 4 J 7 5 J 85> 8 6 j 1Q6^} 2g2>
405· 345, 393, 404, 405.
brog- 50, 158-60, 293, 393, 400, 405,
408.
Φ>- 5 3 , 8 8 - 9 1 , 197-200, 292, 391, 406,
camul- 49, 6 0 - 6 1 , 1 6 0 - 1 , 291, 3 2 3 - 4 , 4°7, 4 1 1
esu- 52, 2 0 0 - 3 , 291, 393, 396, 450.
405·
caro- 61-62, 90, 162-6, 234, 292, 294, <*-> exs'> es'> ec' 79, ««, 92-95, *77, 2 0 2 -
324-7, 405, 408, 4 1 1 , 437. 3 , 3 9 1 , 398.
cart- 6 2 - 6 3 , 1 6 6 - 7 , 2 9 5 , 328-9, 399,4°5>
408. gen-, -gen(n)- 4 3 , 5 9 - 6 1 , 75, 102, 109,
cassi- 65, 66, 1 2 0 - 1 , 167-71, 291, 293, 113, 175, 203-7, 209, 292, 400, 4 0 8 .
294, 3 3 1 , 4 ° 4 , 4 ° 5 , 4 1 !· gnat°' 60, 78, 203, 207-9, 292, 295, 350.
catu- 58, 67, 69, 70, 7 1 , 72, 73, 171-5, 395, 400, 407, 4 ° 8 .
291, 293, 295, 297, 3 9 1 , 393, 405, gno-84, 1 8 2 , 2 0 3 , 2 0 9 - 1 0 , 2 9 2 , 4 0 0 .
407. gon{n)- 74, 75, 203, 210-11, 292, 295,
492
INDEXES
iant-, ι
*L
293
> *' Ut
-> ient
~> iot
- 45-47, 211-15, 86, 8 8 - 8 9 , 9 ! " 9 2 , 93-94, 9 8 - 1 0 0 ,
3QI
> 397. 109, 112, 122, 243-9, 294, 373, 392,
lano- ^ 399, 400, 428, 463, 465.
lati- \χ^> 3 9 3 j 2 9 5 ) 399> 4o8i 453. ret(t)-, reds-, rest-, res(s)-, rot(t)-, rit(t)-
litarw,^ 2xS} 2 g 5 j 40 8. 4 7 - 4 8 , 7 8 - 7 9 , 126-7, 2 4 9 - 5 1 , 296,
,· 39^ d ^ 3 ' 75, 2 1 6 - 1 7 , 293, 295, 393, 391, 392, 395, 399, 404, 408, 411,
litavi- *>7, 4 o 8 # 441, 4 6 3 .
408. 7, 217, 293, 3 6 0 - 2 , 395, 397,
litu- 7Q
sag- 8 0 - 8 1 , 2 5 1 - 2 , 400.
lucot- ' 9 8 , 2 I 7 - J 8 , 294, 362, 407, 408.
samo- n o , 2 5 2 - 3 , 292, 293, 397, 408.
lugu- ^ 3 i 8 , 2 9 2 .
1
sed- 5 6 - 5 7 , 2 5 3 - 4 , 296, 391, 397, 404,
* * 9 - 2 i , 2 9 1 , 400, 408.
magu-s 469·
sego- n o , i n , 112, 254-7, 294, 375,
393 0 ( ^ 116-17, 2 2 1 - 2 , 292, 365,
mana\^ ^ 8 , 4 5 8 > 391, 397.
su- 87, 113-16, 257-8, 393, 397, 472.
4
°^dRo°^2' 222
-3, 292, 293, 395, suadu- 113, 258, 293, 398, 404.
maro- χ <*>b.
6
> ϊ ? ; 5 3 , 5 6 - 5 7 , 6 1 - 6 2 , 97, 98, 105-
3 9
^ d ^ U ^ I 2 5 , 2 2 3 - 8 , 244, 296, talo- 65, 80, 107, n o , 259-61, 293, 407,
matu-K*,^ tanco- 116, 2 6 1 , 294, 395.
2 9 ^ * t o - , mart- 102, 117-18, 228-32, tarvo- 85, 2 6 1 - 3 , 292, 397, 407, 473-4·
mon- ^ 93. tasco-, tasgo- 103, 263-5, 291, 294, 296,
mo/- ^ 3> ^ 3 2 - 3 , 2 9 1 , 292, 393, 408. 378, 399, 400·
1
7 , 233-4, 293. tecto- 76, 8 8 - 8 9 , 265-6, 291, 296, 406.
namo. teuto- 112, 117-18, 1 1 9 , 2 6 6 - 9 , 2 9 3 , 3 1 4 ,
^1
391, ^nto- 103-4, 234-6, 294> 369, 343, 396.
nantu. ^ 9 3 , 408.
mrt0
~ i ^ s ^ 3 6 - 7 , 293, 393, 395, 408· val-, vail- 66, 70, 269-71, 294, 383, 397,
' ^ 6 , a 3 7 ) 2 9 4 , 4 Q 8 , 462. 408.
olio- >ΛΛ vebru- 119, 272, 292, 384.
%
, 3 . " > d A 0 1 4 5 ' 2 3 7 " 8 , 291, 296, 393, vellauno- 66, 120-1, 270, 272-7, 293,
397, 408.
orgeto, *1> 2 3 8 - 9 , 292, 393, 405. veni- 119, 2 7 7 - 9 , 292, 397·
>> 108-9, 2 3 9 - 4 0 , 295, 400. ver- 120-2, 2 7 9 - 8 0 , 399.
rato- § verto-, vorto- 9 5 , 2 8 0 - 1 , 296, 386, 397.
w t a - w ^ o - i , 292, 296, 395. vie-, vict-, vec-, vect- 59, 77, 8 2 - 8 3 , 106,
redo- ^ y> 2 4 i - 2 j 296, 406. 126, 2 8 1 - 5 , 292, 295, 384, 392, 406.
reg-, ^ , 2 4 2 - 3 , 296, 396, 404. viro- 125-7, 2 8 6 - 8 , 293, 296, 393, 394,
~re\ 4 .riS'> -rig-, -ric-, -peiy-, -rix, 397-
"***, -ris, -ri 13, 43, 48-49, 74, ™- 126-7, 2 8 8 - 9 , 393, 399, 429, 479,