Daniel Sarlo Was There Zoroastrian Influence On The J

Was there Zoroastrian Influence on the Judeo-Christian Hell?
Daniel Sarlo
NMC 2228
Professor E. Raffaelli
April 29, 2013

Sarlo Was there Zoroastrian Influence on the Judeo-Christian Hell? 1
According to ancient Israelite belief, the soul is the driving force of every human being. 1
One is ‘alive’ when the soul is in the body (Gen 2:7), and ‘dead’ when the soul departs (1 Kgs
17:17-22). The soul transcends the physical death of the body and continues its existence post
mortem. This is also the case in Zoroastrianism. 2 The two traditions differ, however, with
respect to the ultimate destination of the soul. In ancient Israel, the belief is that every soul goes
to Sheol, the realm of the dead (Ps 89:49). No distinction is made between the righteous and
wicked after death – any qualitative judgments occur during one’s life. 3 The Zoroastrian view,
on the other hand, is that the righteous soul enters the House of Welcome to enjoy pleasantries 4
while the wicked soul is doomed to the House of Lie, a dark place where only rotten food is
served (Y 31:20, Y 49:11).
This dichotomy is interesting when one considers later Jewish developments concerning
the fate of the wicked. In the Hellenistic period, there are vague references to a future
punishment of the wicked (Dan 12:2). In intertestamental literature, for the first time, the wicked
lose the privilege of going to Sheol – instead their souls are permanently destroyed. This
ultimately develops into the notion of eternal torture, which the wicked suffer at the hands of the
Devil and his angels. 5 This represents a great disconnect from traditional ancient Near Eastern
(ANE) beliefs about the afterlife.
1
Simcha P. Raphael, Jewish Views of the Afterlife, Second Edition (Plymouth: Rowman & Littlefield, 2009),
56-57.
2
Shaul Shaked, “Iranian Influence on Judaism: First Century B.C.E. to Second Century C.E.,” in The
Cambridge History of Judaism, Volume 1: Introduction; The Persian Period, ed. William D. Davies and Louis
Finkelstein (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 322.
3
The life of the wicked is often shortened (Josh 23:16, Ps 37:34-40) or their death is extremely brutal and
humiliating (i.e. the death of Jezebel in 2 Kgs 9:32-35). Yahweh is also believed to grant life extensions to those
who follow his commandments (Deut 17:20, 1 Kgs 3:14).
4
Michael Stausberg, “Hell in Zoroastrian History,” Numen 56 (2009): 223.
5
This is found primarily in later Christian writings, though it can be found in the Jewish portions of
Revelation. See Alice K. Turner, The History of Hell (New York: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1993), 53-65.
If these eschatological developments cannot be traced back to the ANE worldview, we
should assume there was an infusion of foreign ideas. As we have seen, Zoroastrians believed in
a separate fate for the wicked in the House of Lie, and Zoroastrianism certainly had a great
impact on the ANE in the fifth century BCE. The Persian emperors including Cyrus, whom the
Jews referred to as ‘mashiach’ (Isa 44:28-45:1), are known to have worshipped Ahura Mazda as
Creator. 6 Ezra, a Persian court official, was so influential in the province of Yehud that the
Zoroastrian purity laws he enforced were included in the Bible, in the Book of Leviticus. He has
also been credited with copying out all the books of the Hebrew Bible. 7 Thus, during the Persian
period other Zoroastrian ideas certainly could have crept into the Israelite religion. 8 Despite this,
there is one particular aspect of the Jewish Hell that cannot be ascribed to the Persians, that is the
perpetual abode of the wicked in a lake of fire. 9 This notion appears for the first time in the
Roman period (Rev 20:15) and finds its closest parallel in ancient Egyptian texts where the souls
of those hostile to Ra are tormented in fire pits – Egyptian ideas were likely mediated through
the Greeks during the Hellenistic period. 10
This paper will investigate the possible connection between the development of Hell in
Jewish thought and the development of Hell in Zoroastrianism. This will be accomplished in
three stages. The first section will deal with the ancient Israelite netherworld, Sheol, as well as
later Jewish developments concerning the judgment of the soul. The second section will be
6
The royal inscriptions bear witness to the Achaemenids’ belief that Ahura Mazda was the greatest god, at the
head of the pantheon. Fire altars have also been found in the palace complex, suggesting that the kings were
practicing Zoroastrians. This will be discussed in more detail in the second section of this paper.
7
Mary Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism, Volume II (Leiden: Brill, 1992), 191-192.
8
See Shaked, “Iranian Influence on Judaism” and Mitra Ara, Eschatology in the Indo-Iranian Traditions: The
Genesis and Transformation of a Doctrine (New York: Peter Lang, 2009), 5.
9
Fire was sacred to the Zoroastrians. Nothing impure or unclean could be put in fire, certainly not corpses.
Thus, the idea of punishing the dead in pits of fire would not likely have been acceptable to the Zoroastrians. See
Mary Boyce, Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices (New York: Routledge, 2001), 44.
10
The ancient historian Diodorus of Sicily remarked “Orpheus brought from Egypt… his fabulous account of
his experience in Hades… [he introduced] the punishments in Hades of the impious and the meadows of the pious.”
See Lars Albinus, The House of Hades: Studies in Ancient Greek Eschatology (Oxford: Alden Press, 2000), 131.
devoted to the Zoroastrian notion of the House of Lie, its roots in Vedic texts, and its
development in the Achaemenid period. Finally, the similarities and differences of these
religious approaches to the judgment of the soul will be examined, and the likelihood of
Zoroastrian influence on the Judeo-Christian Hell will be carefully considered.
1. The Israelite/Jewish tradition
1.1 The ancient Israelite netherworld, Sheol
There is no scholarly consensus on the etymology of Sheol. The term appears to be unique
to ancient Israel as a reference to the netherworld. Sheol likely originated as a term for the
physical grave itself, 11 thus many have presumed a connection to the verb šāʾal (to inquire)
because this is the place where the dead are questioned by the living. 12 Characteristically, Sheol
is a dark place (Job 10:21, Lam 3:6) under the earth (Num 16:30, Amos 9:2) where the dead lie
down to sleep (2 Sam 7:12, Job 17:14). The scenery includes dust (Job 17:16), worms (Job
17:14, Isa 14:11), and dead silence (Ps 115:17). We can see then how the personal grave was
extrapolated to become the large communal grave to which all dead go. The biblical authors
were aware of this connection – in poetry Sheol is often found in parallel with the words bor and
šaḥat (Isa 14:15), both of which refer to a human dug pit or grave.
Traditionally, scholars have interpreted Sheol as the abode of the wicked, resulting in the
translation ‘Hell’ found in many English versions. However, Sheol does not fit the definition of
a Hell. First of all, there is no punishment or torture involved. As we have seen, existence in
Sheol is akin to the state of the physical body in the grave. Its inhabitants lie still and do not
11
Shaul Bar, I Deal Death and Give Life: Biblical Perspectives on Death (Piscataway: Gorgias Press, 2010),
156.
12
This connects Sheol to the grave, where the living would go to ask their dead ancestor(s) for advice or
blessing. There is plenty of evidence that this was a common ancient Israelite practice. See for example Philip S.
Johnston, Shades of Sheol: Death and Afterlife in the Old Testament (Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 2002),
150-166; Elizabeth Bloch-Smith, Judahite Burial Practices and Beliefs about the Dead (JSOTSup 123; Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 1992), 121; and Bar, I Deal Death and Give Life, 243-300.
experience any emotion, positive or negative. 13 Furthermore, there is nothing to suggest that
only the wicked go to Sheol, rather it is understood as the universal abode of the dead. Psalm
89:49 asks: “What man who is alive will not see death? What man can rescue himself from the
hand of Sheol?” To be sure, there is some confusion because the word Sheol is rarely used in the
Bible when referring to the death of a righteous person. 14 It is used primarily in the case of the
wicked, who are always described as dying in a violent or sudden fashion. 15 We understand this
as the author’s slant, as he attempts to illustrate a particular point to his audience. In the case of
the patriarchal death reports, the sole positive feature of death is highlighted: reunion with
family. Thus, the righteous go to “sleep with their fathers” (1 Kgs 2:10) or be “gathered to their
ancestors” (Gen 25:8), even the word mawet (death) is rarely used.
Some modern scholars, like Johnston and Bar, still argue that this selective use of the word
Sheol may in fact point to a separate fate reserved for the wicked. 16 Often they cite passages that
explain how the righteous can be saved from Sheol, but what is really meant is the temporary
avoidance of death. 17 The ancient Israelite belief is that humans can extend their lives by
worshiping Yahweh, 18 but this does not mean that they will not end up in Sheol. They also refer
to passages that appear to connect the wicked to Sheol, such as Psalm 31:
“Rescue me from the hand of my enemies and my harassers… O Yahweh, let me not be
humiliated for I have called to you, let the wicked be humiliated and let them perish in
Sheol” (v.16,18).
13
That is, unless necromantic rites are performed – see for example 1 Sam 28 – Samuel is disturbed at Saul’s
decision to raise him (his soul) up from Sheol (v. 15).
14
One example of where it is used in connection with the righteous is in the case of Jacob, who equates Sheol
with death and thus assumes that he will go there when he dies (Gen 37:35).
15
See for example the brutal deaths of Absalom (2 Sam 18:14-15), Jezebel (2 Kgs 9:32-35), and the Korahites
(Num 16:35).
16
Bar, I Deal Death and Give Life, 158-159; Johnston, Shades of Sheol, 71-72, 81-82.
17
For two examples, see Psalms 30 and 141.
18
For example, the prophet Isaiah tells king Hezekiah, who is sick, that he will die. However, after praying to
Yahweh, he is granted fifteen additional years to live (Isa 38:1-5).
Here, the psalmist is distraught due to mistreatment by his peers. 19 He refers to them as his
enemies and harassers, and labels them ‘wicked.’ He requests immediate relief from their
persecution, but there is no indication that he is concerned with the fate of their souls. Put
simply, he demands they be killed so they stop bothering him. This is more clearly demonstrated
if ‘death’ is substituted for Sheol. 20 Thus “let the wicked be humiliated and let them perish in
death,” or in even simpler terms “kill them for me.” There are many cases in the Bible where
Yahweh kills the wicked prematurely so the righteous may live in peace, 21 but this should not
affect the destination of their souls.
1.2 The judgment of the soul in Jewish literature
The author of Job raises moral objections to the universality of Sheol and asks an important
question: Why do the wicked end up just like the righteous? How can one suffer so much in life
and yet not receive reward in death (Job 21:23-26)? This sort of contemplation, which appears
to have originated around the time of the Babylonian Exile, may have given rise to the
development of Hell in Jewish thought. 22 We have seen that in the Hebrew Bible, the body is
often judged and destroyed as a response to human actions. Why should the same not be said of
the soul?
A passage often referred to as an early example of eschatological judgment in Jewish
thought is Daniel 12:2: “Many who sleep in the dust shall be woken up; some to eternal life and
others to eternal shame and ridicule.” The circumstances are vague, but the text appears to
19
Mitchell Dahood, Psalms I: 1-50 (AB 16; Garden City: Doubleday, 1966), 187.
20
In fact, the two terms are paralleled in poetry several times (Ps 18:6, Isa 28:15).
21
See also Job 23:16 & Psalm 37:34-40.
22
The author may have been aware of older ANE material dealing with the suffering of the righteous, i.e. the
Sumerian ‘Man and his God’ and the Babylonian ‘Theodicy.’ However, his focus on suffering and the hope of
restoration, as well as the fact that the text was canonized, suggest that it was written in response to the Exile.
Linguistic evidence also suggests that it was not written before the 6th century BCE. See James L. Crenshaw, “Book
of Job” in The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Volume 3 (New York: Doubleday, 1992), 863-864.
describe the resurrection of the body and soul to the surface of the earth, not to Heaven or Hell.
The concern of the author is probably vengeance for the injustice he has witnessed or
experienced in his life. Goldingay suggests that chapters 10-12 were written during the
Hellenistic period in response to the persecution of the Jews by Antiochus IV Epiphanes. 23 He
believes that the ‘many’ imagined to be revived here are those who died defending the faith,
along with extremely wicked people like those who slaughtered them. They would need to be
raised to life if justice was to be served, i.e. their circumstances could then be reversed. 24 There
is no reason to doubt this interpretation given the context. The next verse (Dan 12:3) reinforces
this, as it attributes the faithful with an enduring reputation like the brightness of the stars.
Though the wicked are punished, we must be cautious to cite this as an example of Hell. Firstly,
we can be fairly certain that the retribution described takes place on the earth, not in the
netherworld. Secondly, the author is very selective in his view of judgment – not every evil
person will experience this humiliation. Nevertheless, Job 21 and Daniel 12 are important
transitional texts. They represent perhaps the first stages in the Jewish development of Hell.
Job’s moral dilemma in a sense paves the way for Daniel’s (partial) judgment of the wicked.
It is important to mention another Hellenistic text that contains the notion of future
judgment, that is the Book of the Watchers, or 1 Enoch: 1-36. 25 Unlike Daniel, the text is very
descriptive and as a consequence the author’s concerns are made very clear. He attributes all
wickedness to a group of rebellious angels whose transgressions include the impregnation of
23
John E. Goldingay, Daniel (Word Biblical Commentary 30; Dallas: Word Books, 1989), 289.
24
Goldingay, Daniel, 308.
25
George W. E. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1: A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, Chapters 1-36; 81-108
(Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001) has suggested that the Book of the Watchers was completed by the
middle of the third century BCE (7), though we can only be sure that it was extant in the second century BCE, due to
several manuscripts at Qumran which have been dated to this time (169).
women and the teaching of warfare, sorcery, and astrology to mankind (1 En 7). 26 The primary
focus of the text is the punishment of these divine beings. They will be permanently banished
from heaven and imprisoned in a jagged crevice in the earth; there they will await their
punishment, which is utter destruction (1 En 10, 18). 27 This story appears to rely heavily on
Greek influences, 28 especially Hesiod’s Theogony, which dates to the eighth-century BCE.29
Hesiod describes how Zeus banished the Titans from heaven (Th 820) 30 and, upon defeating
them in battle, sent them deep into the earth to a cavern called Tartarus (Th 711-720) 31 from
which there is no possibility of escape (Th 729-733). 32 In the Book of the Watchers, the order of
events is different; God first imprisons them and then defeats them in battle. There is an
important distinction here – in the Greek tradition, evil is permitted to exist in the netherworld,
but the Jews envision its ultimate destruction. This notion of annihilating the wicked angels
appears to have influenced later Jewish texts concerning the fate of the human soul. This leads
our discussion to the Roman period.
The Wisdom of Solomon, written two hundred years after the Book of the Watchers,33
discusses the judgment of some human beings in similar manner to the rebellious angels. A
great end-time battle is described in which God and his faithful slaughter the wicked, just as the
wicked did the righteous during their lives (Wis 5:15-23). This seems to suggest the final end of
26
The judgment of flesh, i.e. human beings, is mentioned at first only in passing (1 En 1:9). Later, the
punishment for the wicked is said to be the shortening of their lives, while the righteous will be permitted to “live
out their days” (1 En 5); see Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 163-164.
27
Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 215.
28
For example, Prometheus teaches mankind similar divine secrets against the will of the gods.
29
There are many linguistic parallels that strongly suggest Greek influence; Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 286.
Concerning the date of Hesiod, see Glenn W. Most, Hesiod: Theogony, Works and Days, Testimonia (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 2006), xxiv-xxv.
30
Most, Hesiod, 69.
31
Most, Hesiod, 61.
32
Most, Hesiod, 63.
33
Scholars have suggested various dates for the book, ranging from 100 BCE to 100 CE. David Winston is
convincing in arguing for a date of around 40 CE, see The Wisdom of Solomon: A New Translation with Introduction
and Commentary (AB 43; New York: Doubleday, 1979), 23.
evil, but this is not clear. A later verse says that only leaders will be held accountable for the
deeds of man:
“Hear then, you kings, and understand; take note, lords of the far corners of the earth,
Give ear, you who hold sway over peoples, whose pride is in nation masses. It was the
Lord who gave you dominion; your sovereignty is from the Most High. He will scrutinize
your actions and search out your plans… Horribly and swiftly will he descend upon you,
for relentless judgment overtakes the high and the mighty. The small man may be
mercifully pardoned, but the mighty will be mightily tried.” (Wis 6:1-3,5-6) 34
A Roman period text that extends this contempt for the wicked to all societal classes is 1
Enoch 37-71, also known as the Book of Parables. 35 It is replete with condemnation of evil and
makes clear that the punishment for sin is annihilation. First, “the sinners will be judged, and the
wicked will be driven from the presence of the righteous” (1 En 38:3) 36 – this is in line with the
old tradition where God kills the dead prematurely. It is later revealed that both the righteous
and the wicked are being stored away for the Day of Judgment (1 En 45:2-5). 37 We should
assume that Sheol is the place where all the dead are in wait. This is confirmed in a later
passage: “In those days, the earth will give back what has been entrusted to it, Sheol will give
back what it has received” (1 En 51:1). 38 Here, the Jewish author uses the term ‘earth’ parallel to
Sheol as we witnessed in ancient Israelite poetry. Finally, the ultimate fate of the wicked is
announced:
“From the presence of the Lord of Spirits the sinners will perish, and from the face of his
earth they will be taken, and they will perish forever and ever” (1 En 53:2). 39
34
Winston, The Wisdom of Solomon, 151-152.
35
George W. E. Nickelsburg and James C. VanderKam, 1 Enoch 2: A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch,
Chapters 37-82 (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2012), place its composition somewhere between 40 BCE
and 40 CE (62), with a terminus post quem of about 167 BCE (59) and terminus ante quem of 70 CE, or before the
destruction of the temple by the Romans (62).
36
Nickelsburg and VanderKam, 1 Enoch 2, 95.
37
38
39
Again, the final execution of the wicked will be in the context of a great battle, where God and
his angels are the undisputed victors (1 En 62:11-12). 40 This is contrasted with the reward of the
righteous, which is to live forever and ever (1 En 58:3-6). 41 Though they were believed to be in
a comatose state in Sheol that was eternal in a sense, this would not be considered eternal life
because life requires both the body and soul to exist in tandem. It is interesting that the text only
later mentions the judgment of the angels in Tartarus as an afterthought (1 En 69:28). 42 Though
we should be careful not refer to this annihilation of the wicked as a Hell, it is clear that the
notion of universal judgment after death was established already in the early Roman Period.
1.3 Fire imagery in Jewish literature
The Jews did not believe in Hell as a separate place of punishment for the wicked after
death at the time of Christ, though later Christian texts describe wicked souls going to a furnace
where they would experience discomfort (Luke 16:24, Matt 25:41). If the notion of torture and
punishment by fire cannot originate with Zoroastrianism, 43 how might it have developed? We
will briefly examine some instances of fire imagery in Jewish texts from the first century CE,
shortly after the Wisdom of Solomon and the Book of Parables, in an attempt to answer this
question.
First, we turn to a section of the book of Revelation (chaps. 12-20) that was likely
composed by a Jew sometime in the range of 65 and 70 CE. 44 This author appears to use the
term ‘lake of fire’ to refer to the place where the rebellious angels are ultimately destroyed (Rev
19:20; 20:2,10,14), though the text is not explicit. In only one case are wicked human beings
40
Nickelsburg and VanderKam, 1 Enoch 2, 254, 266.
41
42
43
Refer to footnote 9.
44
J. M. Ford, Revelation: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 38; Garden City:
Doubleday, 1975) is convincing in his assertion that the majority of Revelation is Jewish, with the earliest portion
being chapters 12-20, and with an introduction and epilogue added by a later Christian redactor (3-4).
said to be cast into this fire (Rev 20:15), and there is nothing in the text to suggest eternal
punishment. 45 One passage has been interpreted as referring to ongoing torture (Rev 20:10), but
it is prescribed for divine beings, not humans. 46 Thus, even in the first century CE, we find little
evidence of a fiery Hell in Jewish thought.
Another text that was written around this time is 2 Baruch. 47 Though the most complete
version used by scholars is a late Syriac manuscript, 48 there is evidence that the original was
written in Greek. 49 There is a fair amount of fire imagery contained in the text, mostly used in
reference to the destruction of those who deny God. It is said that the righteous “will be given
the world to come, but the habitation of the remainder, who are many, will be in fire” (2 Bar
44:15). 50 This appears to suggest not just a final death, but an everlasting abode in the fire for
the wicked. This may be in fact the first time in Judaism that the notion of tormenting the
wicked after death appears. Another passage declares that the wicked will “waste away” (i.e.
die) and later “depart to be tormented” (2 Bar 51:5-6). 51 Again, this suggests a two-stage
process, where death is followed by torture. Though the text is not explicit, it may indicate belief
in a sort of Hell.
In the case of the second century CE text 4 Ezra, 52 fire imagery is even more significant
and the text, less vague. Here Hell is called the “furnace of Gehenna” 53 and is contrasted with
Paradise – they are said to be located opposite each other in the physical realm (4 Ezr 7:36). The
45
The body and soul are completely destroyed in order that resurrection is not possible for the wicked; Duane
F. Watson, “Gehenna,” in The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Volume 2 (New York: Doubleday, 1992), 927.
46
Ford, Revelation, xlv.
47
Daniel M. Gurtner, Second Baruch: A Critical Edition of the Syriac Text (JCTCRS; New York: T&T Clark,
2009) refers to it as “a thoroughly Jewish text written shortly after the destruction of the Jerusalem temple” (xiii).
The text dates itself to 95 CE (2 Bar 1:1); Gurtner, Second Baruch, 17-18.
48
Gurtner, Second Baruch, 6-7.
49
Gurtner, Second Baruch, 12.
50
51
52
Michael E. Stone, Fourth Ezra: A Commentary on the Book of Fourth Ezra (Hermeneia; Minneapolis:
Fortress Press, 1990), 9.
53
Gehenna will be discussed in more detail in the next section of the paper.
furnace is also called the “pit of torment,” which echoes 2 Baruch – this is no longer the place of
final destruction but one of consistent pain and discomfort. 54 Here there are even two stages to
the torment, a period of extreme anxiety about the coming punishment followed by the physical
torment itself (4 Ezr 7:80,84-86). 55
There is no evidence that fire was ever associated with torture or the afterlife in
Mesopotamia or at Ugarit, 56 thus we must look elsewhere to explain the origin of this Jewish
idea. There are several possibilities: (a) the lake of fire may have been an internal development
from the Israelite Gehenna, 57 (b) there was Egyptian influence likely via the Greek (Orphic)
concept of fire in Hades, or perhaps (c) some combination of these.
Gehenna is the ancient valley where several biblical authors claim human sacrifice was
practiced by the Canaanites. 58 Children were burnt alive as ritual offerings to the netherworld
god Melek 59 presumably in order to promote fertility or to ward off evil, something that was
abhorrent to the Israelites. 60 It is possible then that the punishment of the wicked was imagined
to be an act of retributive justice, thus placing them into the same fire they had used to kill their
innocent children. Gehenna is the only Israelite/Jewish term that can be likened to the concept of
54
Stone, Fourth Ezra, 203.
55
Stone, Fourth Ezra, 235.
56
For more information on the Mesopotamian netherworld, see D. Katz, The Image of the Netherworld in the
Sumerian Sources (Bethesda: CDL Press, 2003); there is no definitive work about Ugarit in this respect, but see
Michael D. Coogan and Mark S. Smith, Stories From Ancient Canaan (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press,
2012) and Nicolas Wyatt, Religious Texts from Ugarit: The Words of Ilimilku and His Colleagues (London:
Sheffield Academic Press, 2002).
57
As we have seen, 4 Ezra makes this connection. Also, in Revelation the word most commonly used in
association with the fiery abode of the wicked is Gehenna.
58
For example Jer 7:31; 19:5, Josh 18:16, Isa 30:33.
59
‘Molech’ in the Bible – the biblical authors often applied the vowels of the word bōšet (shame) to foreign
deities they particularly abhorred – it is not likely that this is the real name of the god.
60
J. Day, Yahweh and the Gods and Goddesses of Canaan (JSOTSup 265; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic
Press, 2002), 211-215.
Hell. Though it was not a location in the earth, being a low valley it was thought of as a passage
that connected the upper world directly to the netherworld. 61
Hades is essentially the Greek equivalent of Sheol, and is the word that Hellenistic Jews
used to refer to the netherworld. 62 Originally, Hades was the universal abode of the dead where
no one was punished, but this all changed due to Orpheus, an influential Greek thinker.63
According to Diodorus of Sicily, upon returning from Egypt, Orpheus had many fabulous stories
about Hades that were not familiar to his neighbours. It was not long before the netherworld of
the Greeks experienced a dichotomization. Hades was split in two: Elysium was the name given
to the peaceful abode of the righteous, while Tartarus was a place of torment for the wicked. 64
What might Orpheus have heard in Egypt that resulted in his fantastic tales about Hades? We
may suppose that it is one of the following ancient Egyptian texts.
First there is the Book of the Dead, a collection of around two hundred ancient funerary
texts. Various combinations of these texts were inscribed on tombs and coffins, or written on
papyri and placed inside with the dead, to help the soul on its journey to the netherworld. The
oldest of these texts are derived from the even older Pyramid Texts, which concerned only the
royalty. 65 New spells were written after the so called ‘democratization of the afterlife’ in the
Middle Kingdom (2040-1786 BCE) 66 and were sold to anyone who could afford them. The
61
Rachel S. Hallote, Death, Burial, and Afterlife in the Biblical World: How the Israelites and Their Neighbors
Treated the Dead (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2001), 126.
62
In the Homeric epics, the psyche goes to Hades after death; Albinus, The House of Hades, 31. The psyche
appears to be the Greek equivalent of the Hebrew nephesh – it can be translated as ‘soul,’ ‘ghost,’ ‘breath,’ or ‘the
self,’ depending on the context; Albinus, The House of Hades, 54.
63
Richard Bauckham, “Hades, Hell,” in The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Volume 3, ed. David N. Freedman (New
York: Doubleday, 1992), 14.
64
Albinus, The House of Hades, 131.
65
Carol Andrews, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, trans. Raymond O. Faulkner (New York:
Macmillan, 1972), 11.
66
These texts were popularized in the New Kingdom, long before the Christian development of Hell; Ernest
A. Wallis Budge, The Egyptian Heaven and Hell (three volumes in one): The Book of the Am-Tuat; the Book of
Gates; and the Egyptian Heaven and Hell (New York: Cosimo, 2010), Volume I, ix.
Egyptian notion of judging the dead for their earthly deeds appears to originate in these texts.67
Spell 30B and Spell 125 describe an individual testifying before a god (or gods) acting as judge.
For the purpose of our investigation, we will look only at the latter. 68 Spell 125 is intriguing
because it paints a picture of a place remarkably similar to the modern, popularized version of
the Judeo-Christian Hell. The accused declares his innocence before the fourty-two gods
responsible for punishment. The names of these gods reflect the type of punishment they deal.
We should draw attention to several of these: Fire-embracer, Fiery Eyes, Flame, Green of
Flame, Hot-foot, Water-smiter, Wememty-snake, Serpent with raised head, Serpent who brings
and gives, and Owner of horns. 69 This certainly brings to mind the later Christian depiction of
the Devil and his association with a fiery serpent.
These same themes appear in two funerary texts from the New Kingdom. The Book of
Am-Tuat abounds with references to fire as a means of punishing the dead. In it, twelve
divisions of the netherworld are described, corresponding to the twelve hours of the sun god Ra’s
journey. In the third division, several gods are said to “hack souls in pieces, set restraint upon
shadows, and destroy such doomed beings [who] have their being in the place of destruction
which blazeth with fire. They send forth flames and they cause fires to spring up…” 70 In the
fifth division, the work of eight gods is described: “They stand by at the annihilation of the dead
in the Tuat, and their work is to burn up with fire the bodies of the dead by the flames from their
mouths.” 71 In the seventh division, there are nine divine spirits whose faces are made of fire,
67
Andrews, Book of the Dead, 12.
68
Though Spell 30B focuses on the judgment of the soul, it does not contain the notion of a Hell. As is the
case with the majority of Jewish texts we have examined, it presents a dichotomy where the wicked soul will be
completely destroyed, and the righteous soul will be permitted to continue its existence in the netherworld;
Andrews, Book of the Dead, 14-15.
69
Andrews, Book of the Dead, 31-32.
70
Budge, The Egyptian Heaven and Hell, Volume I, 59-60.
71
Budge, The Egyptian Heaven and Hell, Volume I, 109.
who burn up the “enemies of Khepera.” 72 Also, Osiris is said to burn his enemies by way of
“magic” and use his “blazing knife” to hack them in pieces. 73 The ninth division includes
serpents who destroy “those who are overthrown in the Tuat.” 74 The eleventh division is perhaps
the most intriguing:
“[Osiris] hath cut up [the enemies’] bodies, he hath hacked in pieces your spirits and your
souls… ye shall never more exist, ye shall be overthrown, and ye shall be cast down
headlong into the pits of fire; and ye shall not escape therefrom, and ye shall not be able to
flee from the flames which are in the serpent Set-heh. The fire of Hert-kettut-s is against
you, the flames of Hert-hatu-s are against you, the blazing heat of Hert-nemmat-s is against
you… ye shall never again see those who are living upon the earth” 75
We can see striking parallels between these texts and the later Jewish texts especially the
Apocalypse of Baruch and 4 Ezra. There are many more Egyptian passages that deal with fire
and even more that describe the serpents of the netherworld. 76 What is most important to note is
that the ancient Egyptians had this notion of Hell thousands of years before the Jews and
Christians. It is particularly surprising that the Jews did not adopt this belief earlier since the
Levant was controlled by the Egyptians for so long. 77 How and when this feature might have
been incorporated into the Jewish notion of afterlife should be further investigated and
researched, but we do not have room to do so here. If Orpheus was indeed the first Greek author
to speak of fire in Hades, then there is a strong likelihood that he was the mediator between
Egyptian and Jewish notions of Hellfire. There is no evidence, however, that the Jews did not
72
73
74
Budge, The Egyptian Heaven and Hell, Volume I, 202. Interestingly, they are also said to “drive back the
serpents of every kind which are on the ground…” which appears to link the imagined abundance of serpents in the
netherworld to their dwelling places in deep dark burrowed holes.
75
Budge, Volume I, 255.
76
The Book of Gates, which dates to at least 1370 BCE (it was inscribed on Seti I’s sarcophagus), contains
many more references to fiery serpents and to fire used to punish the wicked in the afterlife. See Budge, The
Egyptian Heaven and Hell, Volume II.
77
Egypt exercised power over Palestine for thousands of years, from about 3000 BCE to 1200 BCE when the
Sea Peoples invaded the region. Even after this, they campaigned in the region and were highly influential in many
aspects of Israelite life. See Gosta W. Ahlström, The History of Ancient Palestine from the Paleolithic Period to
Alexander’s Conquest, ed. Diana Edelman (JSOTSup 146; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993).
simply wish for the wicked to be destroyed in Gehenna where they had destroyed many other
innocent people. This could well have been the origin of all negative fire imagery in Judaism
and may have even influenced later Christian authors more than the Orphic tradition.
2. The Zoroastrian tradition
2.1 The Indo-Iranians and the Ṛg Veda
Zoroaster grew up as a priest of a religious tradition which has only been identified as
Indo-Iranian. 78 He reformed this religion to create his own, which we know as Zoroastrianism.79
While ancient Greek historians claimed he was current in the 6th century BCE, 80 some scholars
like Boyce have convincingly argued that he must have lived sometime before 1200 BCE.81 At
this time, the Indo-Iranians were nomadic pastoralists who lived in the lush steppes of southern
Russia. 82 The Indo-Iranians branched off from the Indo-Europeans sometime in the range of
3500-2000 BCE,83 and then split into two linguistic groups sometime in the third millennium
84
BCE – one of these groups would eventually settle in Iran, the other in India. Though they
became quite distinguished, many cultural similarities were obviously carried over. 85
Some portions of the Indian Ṛg Veda are thought to date back to a time after they split
from the Indo-Iranian group but before their settlement in India. 86 An examination of these
passages may give us insight into some of Zoroaster’s original beliefs concerning the punishment
78
For detailed information about the Indo-Iranians, see Kuzʾmina, Elena E. The Origin of the Indo-Iranians.
Leiden: Brill, 2007.
79
Ara, Eschatology in the Indo-Iranian Traditions, 67.
80
81
Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism, Volume II, 3.
82
Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism, Volume II, 1, 5.
83
84
85
86
Ralph T. H. Griffith, Hymns of the ṚgVeda: Translated with a Popular Commentary, Vol. I (New Dehli:
Munshiram Manoharlal, 1987), vii.
of the wicked after death. There are several verses that appear to speak of a sort of Hell, or at
least a separate fate for the wicked after death. 87
The first of these is II.29.2-6: “You, Varuna, Mitra and all Gods who listen, I call to help
me, I who know your goodness. Ye, Gods, are providence and ye are power: remove ye utterly
all those who hate us… Protect us, God; let not the wolf destroy us. Save us, ye Holy, from the
pit…” 88 At first glance, one might interpret from this that the wicked are destroyed while the
righteous are saved from Hell. Instead, this is very similar to the ancient Israelite psalmists who
ask for the premature death of the wicked so the righteous may enjoy the earth in peace. The pit
is quite obviously a reference to the grave; the author requests that God save believers from a
beast that might cause them to end up there. There is no indication that Hell or a Hell-like place
is in mind.
Another verse, VII.104.3, contains perhaps the most plausible allusion to a specific abode
of the wicked: “Indra and Soma, plunge the wicked in the depth, yea, cast them into darkness
that hath no support, so that not one of them may ever thence return: so may your wrathful might
prevail and conquer them.” 89 While the deep darkness one cannot return from is likely a
reference to the grave, other theories have been proposed. Because Indra and Soma are deities, it
has been suggested that this dark place the wicked are thrown into may be a prison for the soul.
Stausberg notes the use of certain key words that may indicate this is in fact talking about a Hell,
and also suggests the ‘wrathful might’ that prevails and conquers may indicate an ongoing
torture of the victims. 90 Other passages of the Ṛg Veda that have been interpreted as afterlife
87
Stausberg, “Hell in Zoroastrian History,” 219.
88
Griffith, Hymns of the ṚgVeda, Vol. I, 313-314.
89
Ralph T. H. Griffith, Hymns of the ṚgVeda: Translated with a Popular Commentary, Vol. II (New Dehli:
Munshiram Manoharlal, 1987), 108.
90
Stausberg, “Hell in Zoroastrian History,” 220.
punishments are nothing but comments on death. 91 Some that appear to speak of the righteous
traveling to Heaven can be demonstrated to be misinterpretations. For example, in VII.85.5 the
righteous imagine going to a banquet with the gods, 92 and in X.15.1-2, an ascent is mentioned.93
However, we should view this so-called ascent as a metaphor for the euphoria experienced
during ritual activity. The later Brahmin tradition that developed in India may shed light on this
notion: “Not only did the Brahmin officiants claim divinity… in the course of the ritual the
sacrificer was also said to attain a godly state. He was transformed in preliminary rites from an
ordinary man into a divine entity.” 94 On the other hand, we know that the idea of judgment after
death developed in India, 95 so we cannot be certain that there was no proto-Heaven or proto-Hell
imagined in the Indo-Iranian tradition and expressed in vague terms in the Ṛg Veda.
2.1 The Gāthās
The Gāthās are a collection of hymns attributed to Zoroaster and thus represent the earliest
Zoroastrian texts. They share many (archaic) linguistic features with the Vedas, giving support
to Boyce’s dating of Zoroaster prior to 1200 BCE. 96 They also appear to be the oldest writings,
apart from the aforementioned Egyptian texts, to clearly describe a kind of Hell. The four verses
that speak about such a place are Y 31:20; 46:11; 49:11; 51:14. Three times it is called the
91
VII.104.9: “Those who destroy, as is their wont, the simple, and with their evil natures harm the righteous,
may Soma give them over to the serpent…” This is speaking of a deadly snake bite that kills its victim; Griffith,
Hymns of the ṚgVeda, Vol. II, 109-111.
IX.73.8-9: “Guardian of Law, most wise, he may not be deceived… With wisdom he beholds all creatures
that exist: he drives into the pit the hated riteless ones… he who hath not [sacrificed] shall sink into the pit.” Again,
we see the pit used to mean the grave; Griffith, Hymns of the ṚgVeda, Vol. II, 355.
X.152.4: “O Indra, beat our foes away, humble the men who challenge us; Send down to nether darkness
him who seeks to do us injury.” The darkness is simply death; Griffith, Hymns of the ṚgVeda, Vol. II, 642.
92
Griffith, Hymns of the ṚgVeda, Vol. II, 89.
93
Griffith, Hymns of the ṚgVeda, Vol. II, 433.
94
Brian K. Smith, Reflections on Resemblance, Ritual, and Religion (New York: Oxford University Press,
1989), 104.
95
ŚB 11.2.7.33: “for in yonder world they place him on the scale, and whichever of the two rises that he will
follow, whether it be the good or the evil…;” Smith, Reflections on Resemblance, 114.
96
House of Lie and once it is not named. In each case, several punishments associated with it are
mentioned [underlined below].
“Whoever clings to the Followers of Truth, his dwelling shall be the Light. But for you, O
worshippers of Falsehood, a long life of darkness, foul food and woeful wailings – to such
an existence will your evil conscience lead you through your own deeds” (Y 31:20). 97
“The Karapans and the Kavis, through their domination and evil deeds, have yoked
mankind to the destruction of life. Their own souls and evil consciences will torment them
when they reach the Bridge of Judgement. They will remain in the House of the Lie for
ever” (Y 46:11). 98
“Evil rulers, evil doers, evil speakers, those of evil conscience and evil thinkers, such
wicked ones will fall headlong into the House of the Lie. There the souls will receive them
with foul food…” (Y 49:11). 99
“The conscience of the wicked man destroys for himself the reality of Truth. His soul
shall torment him with retributive vengeance at the Bridge of the Separator, the Bridge of
Judgement, for his own deeds and his tongue strayed from the path of Truth. The
Karapans are not submissive to the principles of good husbandry. They have condemned
themselves to be placed in the House of the Lie in the end because of their injury to the
herd by their actions and beliefs” (Y 51:13-14). 100
The fact that the House of Lie was a dark place brings to mind the passage from the Ṛg Veda
where “darkness that hath no support” is described (RV VII.104.3), and also shares the
characteristic with the ancient Israelite netherworld. The rotten food, crying, torment, and
retributive vengeance is in line with the Jewish notion of Hell that developed in the Roman
period. We can be fairly sure, due to the phrase “in the end” in Yasna 51:14, that the House of
Lie is a place that one could only travel to when they died. The Bridge of Judgment (or Bridge
of the Separator) is undoubtedly the Činwat Bridge known from later Zoroastrian tradition 101 –
the soul would use this bridge to cross into the next life. If its good deeds outweighed the bad,
97
Piloo Nanavutty, The Gathas of Zarathustra: Hymns in Praise of Wisdom (Middletown: Mapin, 1999), 87.
98
Nanavutty, The Gathas of Zarathustra, 130.
99
100
101
For example Y 71:16: “As thou dost desire, O holy one! so shalt thou be, holy shalt thou cause (thy) soul to
pass over the Kinvat Bridge; holy shalt thou come into Heaven;” James Darmesteter and Lawrence H. Mills, The
Zend-Avesta: The Yasna, Visparad, Âfrînagân, Gâhs, and Miscellanous Fragments (Sacred Books of the East 31;
Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1887), 330-331.
the path would widen and it would be permitted to enter the House of Welcome to receive
pleasantries. If it had instead committed more evil acts, the bridge would become as thin as a
razor and the soul would fall down into the dreaded House of Lie. 102
Though there is no conclusive evidence to suggest that Indo-Iranians believed in Hell, we
can say with a fair degree of certainty that Zoroastrians did – the House of Lie was a place where
all evil souls went after death to experience discomfort and torment. We do not know of any
other Zoroastrian compositions relating to the afterlife until well after the time of Jesus, so we
cannot say precisely to what degree the religion may have developed during the Achaemenid
period when they may have influenced the Jews. We know that by the Sasanian times, their
concept of Hell was fully developed and perhaps more frightening than that of the Christians,103
but the Gāthās remain the best example of the ancient religious tradition.
3. Zoroastrian Influence on the Judeo-Christian Hell
3.1 The Achaemenid Kings
The Achaemenids, who took over the ANE in the 6th century BCE, 104 appear to have
worshiped Ahura Mazda. 105 We can gather this, first of all, by examining their royal
inscriptions. Ariaramnes, one of the first Achaemenids we know anything about, was a
Zoroastrian king (or prince) before the great expansion of the empire. 106 This is not to say that
102
Boyce, Zoroastrians, 14.
103
The Ardā Wīrāz-nāmag contains a dream journey to Hell. It is described as pitch black to the extent that no
one is aware of anyone else’s presence, there is a thick foul stench in the air, and there are ferocious beasts that deal
out various punishments to the wicked; Destur H. J. Asa, The Book of Arda Viraf: The Pahlavi Text (Bombay:
Government Central Book Depot, 1872), lxiv-lxv.
104
Cyrus and Darius expanded the empire as far west as Africa and as far east as India; Ara, Eschatology in the
Indo-Iranian Traditions, 67.
105
“The inscriptions of the Achemenid kings in Old Persian provide a glimpse into some notions of their faith,
though only a tantalizingly defective one;” Shaked, “Iranian Influence on Judaism,” 312.
106
His royal inscription reads: “I, Ariaramnes, great King, King of Kings, King of the land of Parsa. This land
of the Persians which I possess, provided with fine horses and good men, it is the great god, Ahuramazda who has
given it to me. I am King of this land;” Nanavutty, The Gathas of Zarathustra, 17.
the Persians did not worship other gods as well, but they held that Ahura Mazda was the Creator
of all things. Artaxerxes’ dedicatory inscription makes clear that the old Indo-Iranian gods are
also important:
“Saith Artaxerxes the Greek King… by the favor of Ahuramazda, Anaitis, and Mithras,
this palace I built…” 107
Xerxes mentions the god Arta in his royal inscription, but then emphasizes the pre-eminence of
Ahura Mazda:
“A great god is Ahuramazda, who created this earth, who created yonder sky, who created
man, who created happiness for man, who made Darius king…” 108
In addition to this textual evidence, there is archaeological evidence that the Achaemenids were
Zoroastrians. Stone-carved fire altars have been found in the palace complex at Pasargadae,
suggesting that daily ritual before the divine flame could have been carried out, something
required by the religion. 109 Boyce refers to other kinds of evidence as well – she believes it was
no accident that Cyrus named his daughter ‘Atossa,’ which resembles ‘Hutaosa,’ the wife of
Zoroaster’s disciple Vištāspa. 110 Though we cannot be sure that any of the Achaemenid kings
actually practiced the religion, they portrayed themselves to the public as adherents to the
Zoroastrian faith and there has not been sufficient evidence to suggest otherwise.
3.2 The possibility of influence
We have examined the similarities between the later Jewish developments of the notion of
Sheol and the ancient Zoroastrian House of Lie. We have also discussed the strong possibility
that the Achaemenid kings, who effectively controlled the entire ANE in the 6th century BCE,
were Zoroastrians. It is possible that their unique ideas about Hell were influential to the
107
Solomon A. Nigosian, “The Religions in Achaemenid Persia” Studies in Religion (1975): 379.
108
Ibid.
109
Boyce, Zoroastrians, 51.
110
Ibid.
surrounding cultures, and that they may have served as a catalyst for some of the Jewish
developments that began at the time of exile and continued into the Hellenistic and Roman
periods. We know that the Persians had a significant impact on many other areas of Jewish
belief. Arguably the most revolutionary change in the history of Judaism took place due to
contact with Zoroastrianism, that is the notion of dualism. Before the Persian period, Yahweh
was presented as both good and evil. Suddenly, only good things were attributed to him, while
evil was said to come from the ‘Satan.’ 111 This may have also affected the belief that all souls
go to Sheol – the righteous and the wicked could have been imagined to be separated physically,
not just categorically. 112
Many scholars have noted that the elevation of Yahweh to the position of Creator and the
sole god worthy of worship occurred during the Persian period, for the first time in the writings
of Second Isaiah (Isa 44:24; 45:8,12). Many close parallels have been noted between Yasna 44
and this book, which have been explained as an indication that the author was heavily influenced
by the Zoroastrian religion. 113 It is interesting that Second Isaiah also calls Cyrus ‘mashiach,’114
a title reserved for prophets and kings who carry out the divine will of Yahweh, suggesting that
perhaps Jews equated Ahura Mazda with Yahweh.
To be sure, though some aspects of Zoroastrianism were incorporated into the Jewish
religion, this does not mean that all their practices were viewed as acceptable. For example, the
Bible speaks negatively about those who “kindle a fire” (Isa 50:11), and scholars have
111
Hallote, Death, Burial, and Afterlife, 127. In the Hebrew Bible, ‘Satan’ is merely a role taken on by a
divine being acting as Prosecutor for Yahweh (Num 22:22, Job 1-2).
112
In fact, it is well known that the Pharisees incorporated the Zoroastrian notion of afterlife punishments and
rewards into their religion, and it is also because of this that angelology and demonology became so prominent in
Second Temple Judaism; Hallote, Death, Burial, and Afterlife, 129.
113
Mary Boyce, “Persian Religion in the Achemenid Age,” in The Cambridge History of Judaism, Volume 1:
Introduction; The Persian Period, ed. William D. Davies and Louis Finkelstein (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1984), 283.
114
The actual reference occurs in Isaiah 45:1; see also Boyce, Zoroastrians, 51-52.
interpreted this as a direct reference to Zoroastrian fire worship. 115 Ultimately, it is impossible to
say for sure if the Jews adopted their view of Hell from the Persians. Around the time of exile,
questions about the universality of Sheol began to arise, as we saw in Job 21:23-26. Thus,
arguably the conditions were perfect for the reception of foreign ideas. Jews were satisfied
knowing that justice would be served, for example that the ‘evil’ Babylonians would pay for
their destruction of Jerusalem. Persian officials were held in high esteem, due to the policies
they enacted that allowed the Jews to rebuild the Temple and practice their religion without
persecution. Ezra’s reputation as a “scribe of the law of Moses” (Ezr 7:6) demonstrates the
extent of his impact on the Jews. His enforcement of Zoroastrian purity laws in Yehud led to the
inclusion of some of these rites in the Priestly Code (Lev 18-26). 116 One might say there is a
good chance that Zoroastrian ideas were influential in the development of the Jewish Hell,
however we can be sure that the notion of fire as a punitive element in Judaism did not originate
with Zoroastrianism. It may have originally been an Egyptian idea or an internal development
based on the sacrificial fire in the Gehenna, or perhaps some amalgam of the two.
This paper has provided some evidence for the transfer of Zoroastrian ideas into Jewish
thought in the area of afterlife judgment. Unfortunately, no definite conclusion was reached –
new information would be required to make any such statements. The lack of Zoroastrian
religious texts after Zoroaster but before Christ is certainly an obstacle, as is the Jews’
unwillingness to admit foreign influence. This should not be discouraging to the scholar who
wishes to explore this topic in the future, but it does not appear that, at this moment in time, we
can answer the question “Was there Zoroastrian influence on the Judeo-Christian Hell?”
115
Shaked, “Iranian Influence on Judaism,” 313.
116
Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism, Volume II, 191-192.
Sarlo References 23
4 References
4.1 Abbreviations
Israelite/Jewish:
Gen Genesis
Lev Leviticus
Num Numbers
Deut Deuteronomy
Josh Joshua
2 Sam 2 Samuel
1 Kgs 1 Kings
2 Kgs 2 Kings
Ezr Ezra
Job Job
Ps / Pss Psalms
Isa Isaiah
Jer Jeremiah
Lam Lamentations
Dan Daniel
Amos Amos
1 En 1 Enoch
Wis Wisdom of Solomon
2 Bar 2 Baruch
4 Ezr 4 Ezra
Greek:
Th Theogony
Christian:
Matt Matthew
Luke Luke
Rev Revelation
Indo-Iranian:
RV Ṛg Veda
Indian:
ŚB Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa
Zoroastrian:
Y Yasna
Sarlo References 24
4.2 Bibliography
Ahlström, Gosta W. The History of Ancient Palestine from the Paleolithic Period to
Alexander’s Conquest. Edited by Diana Edelman. JSOTSup 146; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic
Press, 1993.
Andrews, Carol. The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead. Translated by Raymond O. Faulkner.
New York: Macmillan, 1972.
Albinus, Lars. The House of Hades: Studies in Ancient Greek Eschatology. Oxford: Alden Press,
2000.
Ara, Mitra. Eschatology in the Indo-Iranian Traditions: The Genesis and Transformation of a
Doctrine. New York: Peter Lang, 2009.
Asa, Destur H. J. The Book of Arda Viraf: The Pahlavi Text. Bombay: Government Central Book
Depot, 1872.
Bar, Shaul. I Deal Death and Give Life: Biblical Perspectives on Death. Piscataway: Gorgias
Press, 2010.
Bauckham, Richard. “Hades, Hell.” In The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Volume 3, edited by David
N. Freedman, 14-15. New York: Doubleday, 1992).
Bloch-Smith, Elizabeth. Judahite Burial Practices and Beliefs about the Dead. JSOTSup 123;
Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1992.
Boyce, Mary. Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices. New York: Routledge, 2001.
Boyce, Mary. A History of Zoroastrianism, Volume II. Leiden: Brill, 1992.
Boyce, Mary. “Persian Religion in the Achemenid Age.” In The Cambridge History of Judaism,
Volume 1: Introduction; The Persian Period, edited by William D. Davies and Louis
Finkelstein, 279-307. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984.
Budge, Ernest A. Wallis. The Egyptian Heaven and Hell (three volumes in one): The Book of the
Am-Tuat; the Book of Gates; and the Egyptian Heaven and Hell. New York: Cosimo,
2010.
Coogan, Michael D. and Smith, Mark S. Stories From Ancient Canaan. Louisville: Westminster
John Knox Press, 2012.
Crenshaw, James L. “Book of Job.” In The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Volume 3, 858-868. New
York: Doubleday, 1992.
Dahood, Mitchell, Psalms I: 1-50 (AB 16; Garden City: Doubleday, 1966).
Sarlo References 25
Darmesteter, James and Mills, Lawrence H. The Zend-Avesta: The Yasna, Visparad, Âfrînagân,
Gâhs, and Miscellanous Fragments. Sacred Books of the East 31; Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1887.
Day, John. Yahweh and the Gods and Goddesses of Canaan. JSOTSup 265; Sheffield: Sheffield
Academic Press, 2002.
Ford, J. M. Revelation: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. AB 38; Garden
City: Doubleday, 1975.
Goldingay, John E. Daniel. Word Biblical Commentary 30; Dallas: Word Books, 1989.
Griffith, Ralph T. H. Hymns of the ṚgVeda: Translated with a Popular Commentary, Vol. I. New
Dehli: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1987.
Griffith, Ralph T. H. Hymns of the ṚgVeda: Translated with a Popular Commentary, Vol. II.
New Dehli: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1987.
Gurtner, Daniel M. Second Baruch: A Critical Edition of the Syriac Text. JCTCRS; New York:
T&T Clark, 2009.
Hallote, Rachel S. Death, Burial, and Afterlife in the Biblical World: How the Israelites and
Their Neighbors Treated the Dead. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2001.
Johnston, Philip S. Shades of Sheol: Death and Afterlife in the Old Testament. Downers Grove:
InterVarsity Press, 2002.
Katz, Dina. The Image of the Netherworld in the Sumerian Sources. Bethesda: CDL Press, 2003.
Kuzʾmina, Elena E. The Origin of the Indo-Iranians. Leiden: Brill, 2007.
Most, Glenn W. Hesiod: Theogony, Works and Days, Testimonia. Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 2006.
Nanavutty, Piloo. The Gathas of Zarathustra: Hymns in Praise of Wisdom. Middletown: Mapin,
1999.
Nickelsburg, George W. E. 1 Enoch 1: A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, Chapters 1-36;

81-108. Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001.
Nickelsburg, George W. E. and VanderKam, James C. 1 Enoch 2: A Commentary on the Book of

1 Enoch, Chapters 37-82. Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2012.
Nigosian, Solomon A. “The Religions in Achaemenid Persia.” Studies in Religion (1975): 378-
386.
Sarlo References 26
Raphael, Simcha Paul. Jewish Views of the Afterlife, Second Edition. Plymouth: Rowman &
Littlefield, 2009.
Shaked, Shaul. “Iranian Influence on Judaism: First Century B.C.E. to Second Century C.E.” In
The Cambridge History of Judaism, Volume 1: Introduction; The Persian Period, edited by
William D. Davies and Louis Finkelstein, 308-325. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1984.
Smith, Brian K. Reflections on Resemblance, Ritual, and Religion. New York: Oxford University
Press, 1989.
Stone, Michael E. Fourth Ezra: A Commentary on the Book of Fourth Ezra. Hermeneia;
Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990.
Stausberg, Michael. “Hell in Zoroastrian History.” Numen 56 (2009): 217-253.
Turner, Alice K. The History of Hell. New York: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1993.
Watson, Duane F. “Gehenna.” In The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Volume 2, 926-928. New York:
Doubleday, 1992.
Winston, David. The Wisdom of Solomon: A New Translation with Introduction and
Commentary. AB 43; New York: Doubleday, 1979.
Wyatt, Nicolas. Religious Texts from Ugarit: The Words of Ilimilku and His Colleagues.
London: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002.

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Was there Zoroastrian Influence on the Judeo-Christian Hell?

April 29, 2013

served (Y 31:20, Y 49:11).

(ANE) beliefs about the afterlife.

If these eschatological developments cannot be traced back to the ANE worldview, we

the Greeks during the Hellenistic period. 10

Zoroastrian influence on the Judeo-Christian Hell will be carefully considered.

1. The Israelite/Jewish tradition

1.1 The ancient Israelite netherworld, Sheol

affect the destination of their souls.

1.2 The judgment of the soul in Jewish literature

A passage often referred to as an early example of eschatological judgment in Jewish

Hellenistic period in response to the persecution of the Jews by Antiochus IV Epiphanes. 23 He

wickedness to a group of rebellious angels whose transgressions include the impregnation of

our discussion to the Roman period.

1.3 Fire imagery in Jewish literature

evidence of a fiery Hell in Jewish thought.

torment itself (4 Ezr 7:80,84-86). 55

concept of fire in Hades, or perhaps (c) some combination of these.

that connected the upper world directly to the netherworld. 61

may suppose that it is one of the following ancient Egyptian texts.

the Devil and his association with a fiery serpent.

the most intriguing:

2. The Zoroastrian tradition

2.1 The Indo-Iranians and the Ṛg Veda

least a separate fate for the wicked after death. 87

traveling to Heaven can be demonstrated to be misinterpretations. For example, in VII.85.5 the

2.1 The Gāthās

mentioned [underlined below].

Though there is no conclusive evidence to suggest that Indo-Iranians believed in Hell, we

3. Zoroastrian Influence on the Judeo-Christian Hell

3.1 The Achaemenid Kings

3.2 The possibility of influence

not just categorically. 112

perhaps Jews equated Ahura Mazda with Yahweh.

Boyce, Mary. A History of Zoroastrianism, Volume II. Leiden: Brill, 1992.

Kuzʾmina, Elena E. The Origin of the Indo-Iranians. Leiden: Brill, 2007.

Nickelsburg, George W. E. 1 Enoch 1: A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, Chapters 1-36;

Nickelsburg, George W. E. and VanderKam, James C. 1 Enoch 2: A Commentary on the Book of

Stausberg, Michael. “Hell in Zoroastrian History.” Numen 56 (2009): 217-253.

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