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today’s shape and form. The process of modernization, technological advancement, and changes
in patterns of subsistence have been creating disagreements among different groups of people.
Over time, collectivism, tolerance and mutual understanding have been deteriorated, and
individualism and selfishness ascended. Such a shift in perception and pattern of life leads to
various kinds of conflicts. One of the major conflicts among a group of people is an ethnic conflict.
Ethnic conflict defined as a situation in which two or more actors undertake unsuited, yet entirely
desirable goal from their individual perspectives that the goals of at least one party are defined in
exclusively ethnic terms (Karl Cordell and Stefan Wolff, 2009). Even though the conflict can arise
in any group of people, nations with multiethnic groups like Ethiopia are highly vulnerable to the
risk.
Ethiopia, located in the Horn of Africa, embraces more than eighty-five ethnic groups having
diversified language and cultural heritage. In the year 1991, following the downfall of Derg1,
Ethiopia’s ruling coalition, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), took
power. The coalition has created ethnolinguistically organized regional states of the federal
republic. Since then, though the degree and intensity vary, ethnic conflict has been a common
phenomenon in the country. For ease and clear understanding, this paper will focus on the ethnic
conflict between Oromo – the largest ethnic group and Gedio ethnic group. The ethnic groups are
located in southern Ethiopia. Associated with ethnic federalism, several reasons have been
contributing to the conflict. To understand more about the Oromo and Gedio ethnic groups
1
Military junta that governed Ethiopian from 1977 to 1991
conflict, it is necessary to discuss the underlying reasons for the conflict, the linkage of the conflict
with economic and political power, and changes revealed on the ethnic identities over time.
The underlying cause of the conflict is ethnic based federalism introduced by Ethiopian People's
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in 1991. Historically, the country was structured into
governorate-general. This structure comprised multi-ethnic groups within one administrative unit
that intended to facilitate tax collection, governmental service delivery, and smooth
communication with the central government. Though the current ethnic groups did exist in the
past, the unifying elements, the national culture, and solidarity in the name of Ethiopia were quite
bold. The nature of the ethnolinguistically established structure overtime weakened such a bold
national interest and divided the people in an inarticulable manner. The structure did not only
delineate the areas of the region but also made access to resources, in the new administrative unit,
based on ethnic identity. According to Debelo Regassa, “when former common resource bases are
divided into different regions, access rights strongly depend on ethnic membership rather than
being negotiated through a traditional approach” (2012). This scenario created hate among the
groups, and group conflict became a common phenomenon whenever one of the groups wanted to
An intention behind the introduction of ethnic federalism was to sustain the political power of the
coalition, particularly the Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF). In the ruling coalition, TPLF
controlled key political positions where it had practiced almost all forms of tyranny and looted the
nation’s resource to their backyard for personal benefit. The TPLF dominance and embezzlement
of resources described by McCracken as, “Along with resources obtained from other regions
within Ethiopia, the international aid has been disproportionately diverted to the [officials on
power and their followers] by the TPLF-dominated central government” (McCracken, Matthew,
2004). Surprisingly, TPLF represents the ethnic group that comprises 6% of the nation’s
population. On the other hand, the Oromo – the largest ethnic group accounting about 34% of the
total population – is politically under-represented. This state of affairs made the Oromo people
angry and initiated conflict across the nation with neighboring ethnic groups including the conflict
Over the passage of time, the divergence among people escalated to its maximum state. Resulting
from the oppression and under-representation of the larger ethnic groups, massive protest and
political unrest have erupted and shook the nation for the past three years. The protest, primarily
led by the youth, forced the existing prime minister to resign and brought the new prime minister
to the power. The new prime minister, Dr. Abiy Ahmed, was from the Oromo – the largest ethnic
group. He came up with various reform ideas ranging from making peace with the extreme enemy
Eretria, freeing political prisoners, pledging to open the state-controlled economy to private
investors, and promising to undertake reconciliation with exiled opposition parties. However, the
reform could not stabilize ethnic conflicts in different parts of the nation. A few previous
authorities and their followers, who have been largely benefiting from political and economic
power, were significantly affected by the new prime minister’s reform agenda. As a result, they
started ethnically agitating people by providing misleading information regarding the ethnic
identity and land ownership to sabotage a peaceful transition of the power. Thus, as compared to
previous ethnic conflicts, a huge one has occurred between the Oromo and the Gedio ethnic groups.
As stated in the Washington Post, the conflict between the Oromo and Gedio ethnic groups was
the most serious and triggered immense displacement (Schemm Paul). Both ethnic groups were
killing and forcing the people of their counter ethnic group to leave their residences.
Previously the government’s ethnic federalism has been over politicizing ethnic differences and
drawing ethnic boundaries instead of emphasizing on the long existed shared elements that
underscore peaceful cooperation between the groups. As a result, the bondage between the groups
became fragile. Using this fragile status as an opportunity for their personal benefit, the defeated
and crooked political elites from both groups in collaboration with TPLF started sowing a hatred
seed between the groups. Thus, the rural households who could not carefully analyze the
consequence that has been involved in the conflict. The political elites are organizing and initiating
the conflict assuming either to gain political power or to abort the ongoing reform in the nation.
A dramatic shift has been revealed in the relationship between the Oromo and Gedio ethnic groups.
Before the introduction of ethnic-based federalism in Ethiopia in the early 1990s, the groups
exhibit an interethnic relationship. However, right after the introduction of the state structure,
situations have radically changed. The Oromos established a relationship with neighboring Oromo
brothers, and they collectively became an enemy of the Gedio. The Gedio’s friendly relationship
has also been changed. This primarily stemmed from the new federal policy and structure that
ethnically grouped the Oromo under Oromia regional state and the Gedio under the Southern
peoples’ regional state. Consequently, the administrative and social services, shared cultural
elements that the two groups had in common have been falling apart. As a result, their great identity
of Ethiopianess and solidarity among themselves deteriorated and small group identities emerged.
Overall the current problem emanated from ethnic based federalism. The ruling party of the
country has been awfully politicized the ethnic differences and inarticulably divided the people in
order to sustain its political power. As a result, with the change in the governmental administration,
severe conflict has erupted between the Oromo and Gedio ethnic groups which resulted in the
capable, determined, and committed to bringing peace, and the conflicting parties move away from
a maximum demand and towards the compromise that recognizes each other's needs, the situation
will worsen.
References
Cordell, Karl, and Stefan Wolff. Ethnic Conflict: Causes, Consequences, Responses. Cambridge,
UK; Malden, MA: Polity, 2009., 2009.
Debelo, Asebe Regassa. “Emerging Ethnic Identities and Inter-Ethnic Conflict: The Guji- Burji
Conflict in South Ethiopia.” Studies in Ethnicity & Nationalism, vol. 12, no. 3, Dec.
2012, pp. 517–533. EBSCOhost, doi:10.1111/sena.12007.
McCracken, Matthew J. “Abusing Self-Determination and Democracy: How the TPLF Is
Looting Ethiopia.” Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law, vol. 36, no. 1,
Winter 2004, pp. 183–222.
Schemm, Paul. “Ethiopia’s Reforming Prime Minister Runs into a Roadblock of Ethnic
Unrest.” The Washington Post, 2018.