Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Michael Wilson
Student ID #000546637
25 June 2016
The middle class of the United States has been a global symbol of prosperity and the
principal economic driver of the world’s number one economy for decades, but if recent trends
continue, there may not be much of a middle class left in the years to come. For the past forty
years there has been an unmistakable decline in real wages when adjusted for inflation even
though productivity and corporate profits have increased. But how do we define the middle
class? Interestingly, there is no specific definition of the “middle class” or “middle income”
households. When asked, many people will identify themselves as middle class even if they
don’t fit the more traditional definitions. Middle class or middle income families can be
identified by income, wealth, consumption, demographics or even aspiration (Luhby & Baker,
2016). The Pew Research Center adopts a more conventional economic standard, which defines
“middle income” households as those with an income that is 67% to 200% (two-thirds to double)
of the overall median household income, after incomes have been adjusted for household size. In
their report from December of 2015 they find that the middle class is shrinking and under
significant pressure in today’s economy (Kochhar & Fry, 2015). This has led to a general decline
inequality within the United States. The systematic dismantling of the middle class in the United
In 2013 the unionized workforce in the United States hit a 97 year low (Collins, 2015).
Since the late 1960’s, union membership in America has been steadily declining to the point
where only 6.7% of the private sector is represented by a union agreement (Union Members
Summary, 2016). It is no secret that corporate and company managers have made a priority out
of limiting the influence of unionized workers for decades, but some of the blame can be laid at
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the feet of unions themselves. With the sensational media attention given Jimmy Hoffa and other
corrupt union bosses and the scandals that surround them, it is no wonder that many associate
unions with corruption and coercive tactics. What may surprise the non-union worker is that
along with the decline of unions has been a steady decline in income for all working Americans.
In 1968 the middle 60 percent of households earned 53.2 percent of the national income. That
number has fallen to just 45.7 percent today (Fairchild, 2013). Along the way local and federal
government actions helped to limit the ability of workers to unionize and represent themselves in
the workplace (Greenhouse, 2011). It has been noted that the U.S. has the lowest unionization
rates in the world. It leads rich nations in low-wage jobs and it lies in the bottom third of all
countries when it come to work-life balance (Ghilarducci, 2015). The International Monetary
Fund (IMF) has recently published research that concluded that countries with higher rates of
union coverage enjoy lower rates of inequality and lower rates of poverty. Its researchers
reasoned that because globalization and technology affect just about every nation, differences in
unionization rates and labor regulations are more likely to explain differences in inequality
across nations (Jaumotte & Osorio Buitron, 2015). It seems clear that a combination of corporate
anti-union tactics, complicit government legislation and union incompetence and corruption have
helped lead to a decline in overall union membership in the U.S. and the subsequent decimation
The concept of globalization really developed politically in the United States under
Ronald Reagan during his administrations’ presidency in the 1980’s. President Reagan
championed globalization all of his adult life. He proposed what he called the “North American
Accord” as his vision for a new trade agreement for North America. It was picked up by his
successor President George W. Bush and was hammered out into what was then referred to as
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“The Framework”. The project was then passed along to President Bill Clinton who was able to
realize Reagan’s original vision with the passage of NAFTA (North American Free Trade
Agreement) in 1993 (Cannon, 2016). Since the initial passage there have been a number of “free
trade” initiatives that have come and gone under both Republican and Democratic
administrations. China was given permanent most favored nation (now referred to as normal
trade relations - NTR) in 2001 when it was admitted as a permanent member of the World Trade
Organization (WTO). During the late 20th century the United States was generally considered to
be an upwardly mobile society with a strong middle class. Subsequent to the trade initiatives
listed above, the expansion of globalization, offshoring of high wage manufacturing jobs to low
wage countries and low cost imports all had a direct negative effect on US middle class workers.
There is strong evidence that globalization has led to a reallocation of workers away from high
wage manufacturing jobs into other sectors and other occupations with in the domestic economy
resulting in large declines in wages among workers who are forced to switch (Ebenstein,
Harrison, & McMillan, 2015). In order to stay even with population growth from 2002 through
2011, the economy needed about 14 million new jobs. However, at the end of 2011 there were
only 1 million more jobs than in 2002. Of those, only 426,000 were in the private sector and the
majority of those private sector jobs were in the service sector – bartenders and waitresses
(Roberts, 2012). With 15 years of hindsight available to us now, we can clearly see that
globalization and offshoring have done much to help wipe out a once vibrant middle class in the
United States.
referred to as financialization. This financialization has been responsible for the rapid rise in
inequality, and income disparity that we are witnessing today throughout the developed world
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(Lazonick, 2012). The term financialization itself is relatively new. It has come about as a means
to reference the emergence of something known as financial capitalism that began to make
strides in developed economies in the early 21st century. Financial capitalism, or financialization,
(financial elites, income, institutions and motivations) relative to the productive sector (Nölke,
2012). John Michael Greer helps us to understand the “productive sector” in relation to the
“financial sector” with his three economies thesis. Borrowing from E. F. Schumacher’s insight
that goods that are provided by nature are primary goods and goods that are produced by human
labor are secondary goods, Greer extends those thoughts to refer to primary and secondary
economies of the productive sector. The primary economy is one that is provided by all of the
complex and synergistic and productive work of nature and the secondary economy that is
provided by all of the complex productive work of humans. In a typical productive economy, the
primary component, nature, actually provides as much as 75% of the productive resources of that
economy. However, this is where Greer injects his third or tertiary economy, the financial
economy which is intrinsically non-productive (Greer, 2011). Professor Michael Hudson expands
on the difference between the productive and financial sectors of the economy by discussing how
finance, insurance and real estate, the FIRE sector, have become a parasitical and destructive
force in contemporary economics (Hudson, 2015). The financial or FIRE sector is now the
largest component of modern political economies around the world and it serves to siphon off a
tremendous amount of capital (money) away from productive investments (factories, equipment,
research, etc.) into the speculative instruments of the FIRE sector such as exotic derivatives, debt
swaps, stock buy-backs, etc. It is this financialization of modern political economies that is
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creating wealth disparity not seen since the gilded age and has done so much to decimate the
While it can be argued that there are other factors which influence and can be associated
with the decline of the middle class in the United States, and there is little doubt that this is true,
jobs from the US due to rampant globalization, and the insidious effects of parasitic
financialization that has sucked capital out of the productive economy and exacerbated the
inequality and wealth disparity that has reached such unprecedented proportions today. It is
because of this that the systematic dismantling of the middle class in the United States is a
problem; all of this is due to a decline in union membership, globalization/offshoring, and the
References
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