190 | Ewin’ EXD “Mirquee Villanueva, Francisco, “Estudio preli Tasauen 7-94, Martn- Marquee, Susan, Dicrentations: Spanish Coloialom in Peformance of Mentity. New Haven: Yale UR, 2008, ‘i “Here's Spain Looking at You: Shifting Perspectives on Otherness in Galdés and Fortuny.” Arizona Journal of Studies 5 (2001): 7-25. ‘Marx, Karl, The 18th Brumaire of Lous Bonaparte, Trans, Dan ‘Chicago: Charles H. Ker, 1907. ignolo, Walter. The Idea of Latin America. Malden, MA: B Dérez Galdés, Benito, Aita Tttauen. Ed. Francisco Marquee Vil ‘Akal, 2004. Carlos Vien La Répita. Madi: Casa Editorial Hernando —— Mibericontia, Madrid: Austral, 1984, Said, Edward, “Andalusia Journey.” Travel and Leisure May 2009, 2011. Orientalism, New York: Vintage, 1979, Out of Place: A Memoir. New York: Vintage, 1999, “Travelling Theory.” The World, the Text, and she Crt MA: Harvard UP. 1983, 226-47. Santer, Ni, “Dela wopa al tropo: Colonialsmo, scrcura de gue Hispanic Review 76.1 (2008): 71-93, ‘Schraibman, Joseph. “Pedro Antonio de Alarcén y Galdés: dos vis (1987): 539-47. Tofiio-Quesads, Ignacio. Colonization of Ameria” Comparative Studies of South Ai ‘Middle Eas 23.12 (2003): 141-48. ‘Tauchiya, Akiko, “History as Language in the Fits Series ofthe 23 (1988): 11-25. ney Diane. The Novel Histories of Galdéa Princeton: Princeton UP. Inscribing Indianos into Modern Imperial Histories Lisa Surwillo Stanford University he Spanish empire in America may have officially ended with the Spanish-American War, bue the How of human and economic capital con- ‘tinued and an imperial mindset survived the victories of the United States. Tn this essay I take the theme of this volume in two directions. First, I ‘question the finality of this end of the Atlantic empire. While the Spanish government did not maintain legal control of Puerto Rico or Cuba afer 1898 (although it did retain colonies on the African Atlantic), an imperial storyline survived among northern Spanish emigrants who continued to ‘ove to the Americas in an attempt to strike it rich, known as hacer las Américas, well into the cwenticth century. My focus also diverges from: Hispanism or Regenerationism as political and ideological questions on a national scale. My questions are grounded instead in the local stories that framed empire as it was lived in daily life in Spain. Second, I consider the ends of the tales of empire, taking into account both their denouement and their present social function. In other words, co what ends has the story of nineteenth-century empite (and the continuation of some of its Practices into the twentieth century) been recast in recent years? The em- grants who returned, known as indianas, remain vital figures for local, regional, and global identities. This chapter examines the ways in which the indiano arc, as a narrative, is rewritten in literature, popular culeure, ‘and the architectural legacy of indiano houses. From the beginning of the colonization of the Americas, the Span- ish monarchy carefully monitored emigration, Carlos Martinez Shaw de- 1192 | Expo's Exo scribes its regulations: “It hardly forced anyone to move co the new however, it did not permit free access to a continent that it consid its exclusive patrimony existing for the benefic of its subjects” (27), ‘exact nature of emigration policies varied considerably over the frst thr hundred years of Spanish colonialism in its American territories, but d Spanish monarchy always attempred to control the movement of p and goods across the Atlantic. After 1824, the Spanish government ened restrictions on emigration co the Anilles in order to facilitate eh influx of Spaniards from the Iberian Peninsula; the policy reflected Spai concerns about maintaining the loyalty of Puerto Rico and Cuba after wars of independence in Central and South America. However, as B git Sonesson has discussed, the government also artempted to keep th «emigrants in Spanish territories and to prevent them fiom departing islands for Venecucla. In 1848, the Spanish government outlawed em gration to South America outright, but lifted the ban in 1853 (15). T military and demographic impact of emigration was too high for Spain allow population and economic growth in lands now out of its sphere influence. Spaniards aspiring to escape a stifling economic situation: sometimes, military service—maintained a vision of the Americas as ala of economic opportunity. Such a belief was both a literary hyperbole, ‘which Galician peasant Ildaras fantasy of stooping to collect gold col rolling down the street in Emilia Pardo Bazén’s shore story “Las medias jas" is characteristic, and an incentive for emigration, The American dre survived the political upheavals of political independence during both first third and final years of the nineteenth century. Official emi policies continued to evolve, but even afier 1898, the official end of dl cempire in the Americas, the former colonies continued to serve as a p for emigrants to enrich themselves. Moreover, during and after the pe litical empire, emigration perpetuated an imperialist discourse that s posed the right of Spaniards to hacer las Américas. q According to the Asturian government, between 1835 and 1930 full 41 percent of the population was directly impacted by emigratio through their own or their family member's departure to the Amé (Asturias Paraiso 18). In just one year, 1860, nearly cwenty-five h departure papers were granted in Asturias (Martinez Cachero 251). ‘were seasonal laborers in other parts of Spain, others emigrated abroad a limited term and returned with sufficient carnings to live comfort and a few managed to climb the social ladder. The discussion of tances documented the sustained goal to hacer las Américas and contien long-standing financial dependencies. Underscoring Spain's undiminish Inseribing Indianos | 193 financial linkages with che Americas, the newspaper ABC reported that during 1923 Asturians abroad remitted staggering amounts back to Spain. In this one year, Asturians in Argentina and Uruguay sent 441 million ppeseras; those in Cuba, 31 million pesetas; in Mexico, 11 million pese- tas; in Brazil and Chile, 10 million peseras each; in Bolivia, Puerto Rico, and Ecuador, 1 million pesetas from each country (Penzol 86). ‘The focus ‘on American money in Spain pointed to established historical trends, Al- though scale, geography, government, and nearly every other structural aspect of Spanish-American relations had changed, money had not ceased, to flow castward. (As a very general comparison, remittances from the ‘Americas constituted 23 percent of the official budger in 1560 under King Philip II [Tortolla and Comin 141].) Emigration to the Americas, as well as to Europe, continues today, but explicit imperial language of conquest and triumph faded by the first chied of the owentieth century. Emigrants not only followed the money, they also followed their fami- eraries were often based on community ties. When chain migrants met success abroad, friends and relatives from their hometowns joined them. ‘Thus, for example, the in dianos in the towns of Malleza (concejo de Salas), Somao, and Labarces ‘went ro Cuba, whereas those from Luarca, Llanes, and Colombres went t0 various cities in Cuba, Mexico, and, in lesser numbers, Guatemala. Local dynamics of space and relations transcended national or imperial limits, as, villages and families were partially reconstituted abroad. ‘The degree of success among migrants varied immensely, and not all emigrants returned to Spain. Among those who did return, generally sistent with established patterns, it known as indianos because of their experience in the “Indies,” only a much smaller subset wielded significane political and economic power, yet cheir trajectories have tended to shape the narrative of ninieteenth- and early twentieth-century emigrations. The most spectacular rags-to-tiches stories of the nineteenth century were those of poor emigrants who rapidly as- cended through direct oF indirect participation in the slave trade as finan- ciers, For example, Domingo Aldama emigrated from the Basque Country to Havana in che first years of the nineteenth century. He intially worked asa clerk in a textile warehouse, invested his savings in slave trafficking during its transition from a lict t illicit erade, and quickly became one of the richest men in Cuba.' Julién Zulueta, the principe de los negreros, followed a similar path from the Basque Country to Cuba. He arrived in Havana poor in the 1830s and labored for several years until he inherited enough money to start his own businesses. After his marriage to Francisca de los Dolores Sama, Zulueta became perhaps the most powerful force in194 | Empire's END the transatlantic slave trade, an influential landowner, businessman, politician. He ultimately returned to Madrid and assumed a position, the Senate. His wifes uncle Salvador Sam’ i Marci was himself a my slave trader who had emigrated to Cuba when young and entered the tra with his uncle Pau Sama, later investing in the sugar and wine trades, lueta formed part of the third generation of Sama slaving inceress, In ‘meteoric rise, Salvador Sama founded the Primer Banco Espaiol de la ‘de Cuba, served as mayor of Havana, and profoundly influenced Antill politics (Rodrigo, “Con un pie"). Ultimately, Salvador Sama was grang the tile of Marqués de Marianao by Isabel II and became a lifelong ber of the Senate. While he did not return permanently to Spain, his hel Salvador Sama i‘Torrents (twice mayor of Barcelona), used his great negrero money to hire the talents of Antonio Gaudi and José Fontse Mestres (who also created Barcelona's Ciutadella) and built the lush P Sam’ in Cambrils (near Tarragona). Today, the Parc Sam’ offers coup the opportunity to purchase the imperial experience in a unique way romantic, colonial garden is available as a wedding location that exple evokes the lost paradise of not Eden but the Antilles. E ‘The frames for interpreting migrations, and the activities of the nnosin the Americas, differ across Spain. For example, in twentieth-centi Galicia, the master narrative ofthat region's migration casts the mass ex as “a contribution to che higher cause of ‘re-Hispanizing America” (Ni 240), Clearly part of a neo-imperial regenerationist discourse, Gali in America and, to a lesser extent, in Spain more generally presented th ‘migrants asthe front line in keeping the Spanish-speaking Americas panic” in the ¢wentieth century (Niifiez 240). Today in Galicia there competing interpretations of what twenticth-century migeation has mea ‘o the patria, and ethnonationalism has been engaged by political gro of all ideologies. Various parties cultivate a positive memory of mi in an attempr to garner the vores of the offthore Galician community. no one doubts the right of Spaniards to live and work, as Spaniards, in t Americas. In the case of Asturias and Cantabria, the standard narrative of gration, economic conquest, and triumphal reeumn during the cent bracketing the official end of empire (1830-1930) was punctuated by construction of American-style mansions with vibrant colors and un structure in the indianos! hometowns. ‘The mansions, which currently tract tourists, offer a space from which to narrate the nineteenth-centt empire, a period beyond the grand narrative of the age of discovery or th ‘ge of conquest (depending on who is remembering). ‘These showpiet Incribingndianos | 195 are the most visible monument to nineteenth- and twentieth-century emi- gration to the Americas. But while each unusual building symbolically rep- resents the individual owner's displacement to a foreign land and display of success, more systemically, indiano architecture demonstrates a commu nity’s American roots. As Morales Saro has written, the typical Asturian {and to a lesser extent Cantabrian) indiano house also can be attributed to an “affective impulse, somewhere between nostalgic and presumptuous” (16). A town anchored by one or more of these mansions proclaimed its ‘American ties in its new character. Indiano architecture refers both to a particular sociology of architec- ture and, especially, “to a given environment that this architectural pres- cence confers distince characteristics. It is the summary} consequences of a construction boom and of urbanistic growth in small population cen- ters whose economies had only one visible transformation: the arrival of ‘money from America and with it, highways and byways, reservoirs, wells, parks, statues from a grateful citizenry [etc (Morales Saro 16). Indeed, in addition to his mansion, the indiano often buil up the urban core of his village, distributing his spoils according to both family expectations and also moral and civic concerns. Through the construction of schools, build- ings for religious communities, and community centers, indiano wealth ired a moral legitimacy.’ (One oft-visited example is the conjunto cévico in Somao, discussed below.) Their interventions materially improved lives in innumerable small towns and sometimes weakened the influence of the clergy on the local population. In La Regenta, Clarin sativizes this display of devotion and moral anxiety by the American wealthy in the character of Francisco Piez. However, while it is impossible to gauge the actual ethical code of the returned emigrants, high-minded concerns for the “people” should be considered wich some caution: one nominal re- quirement for the granting of a noble ttle (in addition to cold hard cash) was the demonstration of public works and actions dedicated to the good of Spain. Some indianos constructed both their private mansions and civic structures, and tourists may visit an array of constructions that display their American triumphs. Of course, my aim is nat to judge the intentions of specific indianos but rather to consider how they are remembered today in imperial terms. Many of the indiano mansions that draw tourists are integrated into ‘route or have been profiled in the media. Principal among the man- sion sites are the Cantabrian village of Comillas and the Asturian hamlet of Somao. The latter was rebuilt in the early ewentieth century by pro- gressive indianos who returned from Cuba, postempire, with a project to