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By HANS A. BAER
There has been considerable debate as to the origin of the term hoodoo.
While some have argued that hoodoo is an adulteration of voodoo, others
have maintained that the former term is traceable to the term juju,
meaning conjure.3 At any rate, there has been since the nineteenth
century a tendency both among black Americans and in scholarly
publications to use the two terms interchangeably. In this regard,
perhaps Raboteau is correct in asserting that "Since New Orleans was
looked upon as the prestigious center of conjuring, the term 'voodoo'
was extended to conjuring and conjurers throughout the United States
regardless of the term's original reference to Afro-Haitian Cults."4
Kuna stresses the importance of making a precise distinction between
hoodoo and Vodun, or voodoo, noting that the former, "although a system
of belief and therapy, is not a cult, nor does it engage in cult or group
activities or worship."5 Voodoo as a full-bloom ceremonial complex is
widespread in Haiti, was common during the nineteenth century in
southern LouLsiana, and still occurs in scattered parts of the United
States on a regular or sporadic basis. For analytical purposes, I will
follow the distinction that Kuna makes while at the same time recogniz-
ing that in the minds of many the two terms are not so finely dif-
ferentiated.
EARLIER TYPOLOGIES OF BLACK FOLK HEALERS
While Puckett, Hurston, and Hyatt, and more recently, Snow carried
out extensive fieldwork on the ethnomedicine of blacks, none of them
made a concerted effort to differentiate the various kinds of folk healers
that they encountered.6 Although Snow's work, which includes an
ethnography of ethnomedicine in a black neighborhood of a Southwest-
ern city, has contributed considerably to overcoming the paucity of in-
formation on black ethnomedicine, one writer7 notes that a serious short-
coming of her research is that it is based "primarily on small and non-
representative samples" in two cities. In each one of her publications
sSee James Haskins, Voodoo and Hoodoo: Their Tradition and Craft as Revealed by Actual
4 Practitioners (New York, 1978), p. 66.
Albert J. Raboteau, Slave Religion (New York, 1978), p. 66.
'Ralph R. Kuna. "Hoodoo: The Indigeneous Medicine and Psychiatry of the Black American,"
Ethnomedizin 3 (1974-75): 276.
* See Newbell N. Puckett, Folk Beliefs of the Southern Negro (Chapel Hill, 1936); Zora
Hurston, "Hoodoo in America," Journal of American Folklore 44 (October-December 1931):
317-417; Harry M. Hyatt, Hoodoo, Conjuration, Witchcraft, 4 volumes (Hannibal, Mo.,
1970-74); Loudell F. Snow, "'I Was Born Just Exactly With the Gift': An Interview with
a Voodoo Practitioner," Journal of American Folklore 86 (July-September 1973): 272-81;
Loudell F. Snow, "Folk Beliefs and Their Implications for Care of Patients;" Loudell F.
Snow, "Popular Medicine in a Black Neighborhood," in Edward F. Spicer, ed., Ethnic
Medicine in the Southwest (Tucson, 1977), pp. 19-95; Loudell F. Snow, "Sorcerers, Saints and
Charlatans: Black Folk Healers in Urban America." Culture, Medicine and Psychiatru 2
(March 1978): 69-106; and Loudell F. Snow, "Mail Order Magic: The Commercial Ex-
ploitation of Folk Belief," Journal of the Folklore Institute 16 (1979): 44-74. Hyatt's
lengthy and rambling account is based upon the verbatim transcription of Edipone and
Telediphone cylinders, which were used to record interviews with 1606 informants (all of
whom, except for one individual, were black). In essence, the data in its very raw form
still need to be sifted through in order to make some generalizations about those aspects of
ethnomedicine that Hyatt researched. Such a project might prove to be a worthwhile,
although painstaking, endeavor.
7 Jacouelyne Johnson Jackson. "Urban Black Americans," in Alan Harwood, ed., Ethnicity and
Medical Care (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), pp. 37-219.
BLACK FOLK HEALERS 329
8 Arthur L. Hall and Peter G. Bourne, "Indigenous Therapists in a Southern Black Urban
Community," Archives of General Psychiatry 28 (January 1973): 137-42.
9Wilbert C. Jordan, "Voodoo Medicine," in Richard A. Williams, ed., Textbook of Black-
Related Diseases (New York, 1975), pp. 715-38.
0 Hazel Weidman, et al. Miami Health Ecology Projects, Volume I (Miami, 1979).
lVivian Garrison, "The Inner-City Support Systems Project (ICSS): An Experiment in
Medical Anthropology and Community Psychiatry, A Preliminary Report" (Mimeographed,
College of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey, 1979).
330 PHYLON
1. Independent Generalists
The central character in ethnomedicine among blacks traditionally
has been the conjurer, who also goes under a wide variety of other labels,
including conjure doctor, hoodoo doctor, and hungan. Whitten describes
the conjurer as a professional diviner, curer, agent finder, and general
controller of the occult arts."17His portrayal of the conjurers' function
and role makes it clear that these healers are generalists.18 There is a
strong tendency to refer to the conjurer also as a rootworker. Some,
however, tend to make a distinction between the two while admitting
there may be a certain amount of overlap between their respective roles.
Hurston maintains that the term roots is used by blacks to refer to
folk doctoring by herbs and prescriptions.19 She also notes that "Nearly
all of the conjure doctors practice 'roots,' but some of the root doctors
are not hoodoo doctors."20
17 Norman E. Whitten, Jr., "Contemporary Patterns of Malign Occultism Among Negroes in
North Carolina," Journal of American Folklore 75 (October-December 1962): 315-16.
18The distinction between general practitioners and specialized or limited practitioners, while
useful for analytical purpozes, is in reality not alwavs clear-cut. Although most hoodoo
doctors are generalists, Hurston, op. cit., p. 320, cites examples of some who are specialists,
such as one practitioner who makes court cases his specialty and another who specializes
in restorinq broken relations, or breaking up relations.
19 Ibid., p. 318.
20 Ibid., p. 414.
BLACK FOLK HEALERS 333
Gilbert E. Cooley, "Root Doctors and Psychics in the Region," Indiana Folklore 10 (1977):
193.
Hurston, op., cit., p. 319.
8 George J. McCall, "Symbiosis: The Case of Hoodoo and the Numbers Racket," Social
Problems 10 (Spring 1963): 364.
s"Wilbert C. Jordan, "The Roots and Practice of Voodoo Medicine in America," Urban Health
(December, 1979): 39.
X Snow, "Sorcerers, Saints and Charlatans," pp. 96-104.
336 PHYLON
2. Independent Specialists
Probably the best known independent specialists are herbalists or
rootworkers in the strict sense of the word. Herbalists are specialists
in the application of various medicinal plants and other remedies for
common ailments. In her discussion of four famous "voodoo doctors"
who resided within a fifty mile radius of Cottonville (a pseudonym for
a town in Mississippi), Powdermaker refers to a Mr. T, who explained
that although he was considered a conjurer, he really was an herb doc-
tor.37 "He does not believe in charms or voodoos, nor does he give
3. Cultic Generalists
Religion as a group ceremonial activity and medicine are interwined in
most sociocultural systems. Consequently, it should be no surprise that
healing activities are part and parcel of various black religious groups in
the United States. Although Vodun emerged among African slaves on the
island of St. Dominique (present-day Haiti and the Domincan Republic)
as a syncretism of West African religions and Roman Catholicism, it
reportedly was brought to Louisiana as early as 1716.48Its principal
impetus in the region apparently occurred around 1809 when French
masters escaping the Haitian revolution brought slaves with them.
During the nineteenth century, Voodoo meetings presided over by
"queens" and "witch doctors" catered to slaves, free blacks, and some
white women.49After the passing of two or three generations of Marie
Leveaus, voodoo in New Orleans disintegrated into a multitude of small
groups, each with its own titular head.50Although various small Voodoo
groups have functioned during the present century, for the most part
it appears that aspects of this religious system became incorporated
into the syncretistic black Spiritual religion and the magicial system of
hoodoo.51On the other hand, Voodoo in recent decades has enjoyed a
revivalism of sorts, perhaps particularly due to the large influx of
Haitians into New York, Miami, and other areas of the country.52 Un-
fortunately, relatively little data exist on how the ethnomedical systems
of Haitians, Bahamians, and Afro-Cubans may be influencing that of
black Americans in general.
Voodoo priests and priestesses in their roles as healers in many ways
resemble hoodoo doctors or independent conjurers, but also serve as
important religious functionaries in Voodoo cultic groups. Although
Puckett, Hurston, Tallant, and Hyatt make note of various Voodoo
doctors, the only relatively recent account which describe in some detail
the activities of a specific individual functioning in this role is based
upon an interview that Snow had with Mother D, a Voodoo practioner
in a Southwestern city.53The main clue to Mother D's interest in Voodoo
is the presence of the image of Danballah Quedo, the West African
serpent god, upon the altar in her chapel. Although the members of her
48 See Raboteau, op. cit., 76.
49 See Robert C. Reinders, "The Church and the Negro in New Orelans, 1850-1860," Phylon 22
(Fall 1961): 241-48.
50 See Robert Tallant, Voodoo in New Orleans (New York, 1946).
51See Hans A Baer, "Black Spiritual Churches: A Neglected Socio-Religious Institution,"
Phylon 42 (September 1981): 207-23.
52 See Weidman, et al., Miami Health Ecology Project and Michael S. Laguerre, "Haitian
Americans," in Harwood, ed., Ethnicity and Medical Care, pp. 172-210.
53Pucket, op. cit., Hurston, op. cit., Tallant, op. cit., Hyatt, op. cit., Snow, "I Was Born Just
Exactly With the Gift;" and Snow, "Popular Medicine in a Black Neighborhood."
340 PHYLON
4. Cultic Specialists
Many healers functioning within religious congregations tend to focus
on a somewhat narrower range of problems than the cult generalists. In
addition to prophets or advisors, for example Spiritual churches have
60See Merrill Singer, "Saints of the Kingdom; Group Emergence, Individual Affiliation and
Social Change among the Black Hebrews of Israel" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Utah,
1979) and Hans A. Baer and Merrill Singer, "Toward a Typology of Black Sectarianism as a
Response to Racial Stratification," Anthropological Quarterly 54 (January 1981): 1-14, for a
discussion of the nature of messianic-nationalist sects in the black community.
61 Merrill Singer, "The Social Meaning of Medicine in a Sectarian Community," Medical
Anthropology 5 (Spring 1981): 207-32.
62 Ibid., p. 213.
63Ibid., p. 218.
342 PHYLON
CONCLUSION
This paper has attempted to illustrate the diversity of ethnomedicine
among black Amercians by focusing upon the various kinds of healers
that function within it. In creating a typology of black healers, two vari-
ables have been recognized: (1) the scope of a particular healer's prac-
tice and (2) the presence or absence of affiliation with a cultic group
on the part of the healer. It is important to note that other criteria could
have been used in the construction of a typology of black folk healers.
For example, my typology might take into consideration the system of
disease causation with which a particular healer operates. Foster con-
tends that most nonWestern disease etiologies are either "personalistic"
or "naturalistic."67 In a personalistic medical system, illness is regarded