THE SETTLEMENT SUCCESSION CF THE BOEUF RIVER BASIN, LOUISIANA

A D is s e rta tio n

Subm itted t o th e Graduate F a c u lty of th e

L ouisiana S ta te U n iv e rs ity and
A g ric u ltu ra l and M echanical College
i n p a r t i a l f u lf illm e n t of the
requirem ents f o r th e degree of
D octor of philosophy

in

The Department of Geography and Anthropology

John C larence Lewis

B .S ., U n iv e rs ity of Akron, 19^2
M.A., Kent S ta te U n iv e rs ity , 1965
A ugust, 1973
 ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

S tim u la tio n f o r t h i s study came from many so u rc es. In itia lly ,

exposure to th e work and thoughts of Dr. Fred B. K niffen and Dr. M ilton

B. Newton, J r . c re a te d general i n t e r e s t in se ttle m e n t geography.

T rips through th e B asin, d isc u ssio n s w ith stu d e n ts from th e a re a in

my c la s s e s a t N o rth east L ouisiana U n iv e rs ity , and the r e a liz a tio n th a t

l i t t l e had been done on th e se ttle m e n t of th e B asin provoked s p e c if ic

i n t e r e s t in th e a re a .

I n a d d itio n , th e enthusiasm of th e re s id e n ts of th e a re a w ith wham I

came in to c o n ta c t in my v a rio u s re s e a rc h p r o je c ts prompted me to c o n tin u e .

Many o f them an x iously aw ait th e com pletion of t h i s work, r e a liz in g t h a t

much has a lre a d y been l o s t fo re v e r in th e u nderstanding o f hew the

B a sin ’s p re s e n t c u lt u r a l landscape came t o b e.

The a id and c o n s tru c tiv e c r itic is m o f Dr. M ilto n B. Newton, J r .

s u s ta in e d me through many d i f f i c u l t moments. V aluable comments were a ls o

giv en by Dr. w illiam G. Haag, Dr. M iles Richardson, Dr. Roland E. Chardon,

and Dr. Sam B. H i l li a r d .

G ra titu d e must be expressed to th e s t a f f s o f th e l i b r a r i e s a t

L ouisiana S ta te U n iv e rs ity , N o rth east L ouisiana U n iv e rsity , and L ouisiana

Tech U n iv e rs ity , and t o th e s t a f f s of th e l i b r a r i e s o f O uachita, Morehouse,

R ichland, F ra n k lin , West C a r ro ll, C aldw ell, and Catahoula p a ris h e s .

S im ila rly , those i n th e courthouses o f O uachita, Morehouse, F ra n k lin ,

R ichland, and West C a r ro ll p a ris h e s c h e e rfu lly made a v a ila b le many rec o rd s

u s e fu l i n my work, and deserve a p p re c ia tio n .

 iii

F in a lly , re c o g n itio n o f th e p a tie n c e and s a c r i f i c e s of my w ife and

c h ild re n m ust be m entioned.

 iv

TABLE CF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS * ii

LIST CF T A B L E S ............................................................... vi

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS................................................................................................. v i i i

ABSTRACT...................................................................................................................................x i i

INTRODUCTION . . ....................................................................................................... 1

C hapter
1. SETTLEMENT PATTERNS PRIOR TO THE UNITED STATES ERA. . . . 10

In d ia n . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
P r e h is to r ic S ite s and A reas . • • • • . • • . . 10
H is to ric S ite s .................................................................................. 22
In flu e n c e upon Subsequent S ettle m e n t P a tte rn s . . . . 23
Im pressions o f E a rly European E x p lo re rs............................................. 2h
French S e ttle m e n t 27
S p an ish S e ttle m e n t. . . . • • • • « .................................33

2. ANTE-BELLUM SETTLEMENT........................................... 37

Landscape and V e g eta tio n . . . • • 37

T ra n sp o rta tio n ............................... JUO
A g ric u ltu re and Other Economic A c t iv i t ie s ................................ h3
S e t t l e m e n t ........................................................................................ 52
C o n c l u s i o n ......................................................................................................82

3. WAR, RECONSTRUCTION, AND EXPANDED SETTLMENT (1860-1890). . 81

Landscape and V e g eta tio n . . . • • • • • • • • • 8I1

T ra n s p o rta tio n • • . • ...................................... 87
Water . . ................................................................................................87
R a ilro a d • • • • • • • • • • ............................... 88
Road. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
A g ric u ltu re and Other Economic A c tiv itie s • • • • . . 91
A g r i c u l t u r e .................................................. 91
L u m b e rin g ............................................ 97
S e t t l e m e n t ............................... 97
C onclusion 117
 V

C hapter Page

li. RAIL EXPANSION, LIMBERING, AND INTENSIVE SETTLEMENT

(1 8 9 0 -1 9 3 0 )........................................................ 119

Landscape and V e g eta tio n . ................................................... 119

T ra n sp o rta tio n 120
A g ric u ltu re and Other Economic A c tiv itie s . . . . . 123
A g ric u ltu re .............................................................. 123
Lumbering and M i n e r a l s . ......................................................... 130
S e t t l e m e n t ......................................................................................... 131
C o n c l u s i o n ......................................................... ......

5. WITHDRAWAL ANDMODIFICATION ( 1 9 3 0 - P r e s e n t ) .............................. 107

Landscape and V e g eta tio n ............................................................... 107

T ra n sp o rta tio n . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15*7
A g ric u ltu re and O ther Economic A c tiv itie s . . . . . 158
A g ric u ltu re ............................................................................ 15>8
Lumbering . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166
M ineral E x p lo ita tio n ................................................................ 166
M anufacturing .................................................. 167
S e t t l e m e n t ......................................................................................... 170
Orthodox Upland South . . . . . 189
M odified Upland S o u t h ..................................... • • • • 198
Lowland South . . • • « 201
C onclusion . • • • • • • • • . • • . . . 208

6. CONCLUSION................................................... .............. .............................. 210

REFERENCES CITED..................................................................................................... 217

 vi

LIST CF TABLES

Table Page

1. In d ia n and European Usages o f In d ia n S ite s i n th e Boeuf

R iver B asin ............................... 22

2. S e le c te d A g r ic u ltu ra l C h a r a c te r is tic s in 1 8 5 0 ..................................Ij8

3. S e le c te d A g r ic u ltu r a l C h a r a c te r is tic s in i860 ii9

iu Land Purchases on P r a ir ie s Mer Rouge and J e ffe rs o n 1805-1813 53

5. R elig io u s Bodies i n Boeuf Basin i8 6 0 • • • • • • • . 77

6. B irth p la c e Data f o r In h a b ite d S e c tio n s o f Boeuf Basin f o r

R esid en ts w ith R ural Real E s ta te Valued a t #2,000.00 o r
More, 1800 - P e r c e n ta g e ............................... 79

7. S ta te o f B irth of C h ild ren Under 18 Years of Age, 1850 -

P e r c e n t a g e .................................................. 81

8. S e le c te d A g ric u ltu ra l C h a r a c te r is tic s in 1880 93

9. S e le c te d A g ric u ltu r a l C h a r a c te r is tic s in 1890 . . . . • 9$

10. B irth p la c e Data f o r In h a b ite d S e c tio n s of Boeuf B asin 1880 . 108

11. R elig io u s Bodies in Boeuf Basin 1890 . 115

12. P opulation by Wards i n 1890 116

13. Comparison of S e le c te d A g r ic u ltu r a l C h a r a c te r is tic s 1890

and 1900 ...................................................................................................... 121}

ill. Comparison of S e le c te d A g ric u ltu ra l C h a r a c te r is tic s 1910

and 1920 ...................................................................................................... 126

15. S e le c te d A g r ic u ltu r a l C h a r a c te r is tic s 1930 127

16. R e lig io u s Bodies in Boeuf B asin 1906, 1916, 1926 . . . . 153

17. P o p u la tio n by Wards i n 1930 . 151*

18. S e le c te d A g ric u ltu ra l C h a r a c te r is tic s 19h0 . . . . . . 160

19. S e le c te d A g ric u ltu ra l C h a r a c te r is tic s 195k l 6l

 v ii

Table Page

20. S e le c te d A g ric u ltu ra l C h a r a c te r is tic s 1961;......................................161;

21. P o p u latio n by Wards in 19l;0 ................................171

22. R elig io u s A f f i l ia ti o n s in Boeuf Basin 1936... ...................... 171;

23. Folk S tru c tu re Types Along th e Boeuf R iv er . . . . . . 182

21;. R eligious A f f i l ia ti o n s in Boeuf B asin 1957 . . . . . . 187

2£. Comparison of S e le c te d Speech and P erso n al C h a r a c te r is tic s . 190

26. 1970 P o p u latio n ............................................................................ 198

 v iii

LIST CF ILLUSTRATIONS

F ig u re Page

1. Boeuf B a s i n ................................................................................................ £a

2. The Boeuf B asin i n L o u i s i a n a ........................................................................ lib

3. In d ia n A reas and S i t e s ....................................................................... . 1 1

1. P r e h is to r ic In d ia n S ite ............................................................................. 12

5. P r e h is to r ic In d ia n S i t e .................................................................................. 12

6. Hegwood Is la n d Area ................................lh

7. S ite P r o f ile s on Hegwood I s l a n d ......................................................... . 1 5

8. 1973 Towns and R iver C rossings R elated to In d ia n S i t e s . . . 18

9. S e le c te d Boeuf R iv er Landings . . . . . . . . . . . 1 9

10. P re h isto r ic In d ian S i t e ................................................................. . . 2 0

11. P r e h is to r ic In d ia n S i t e .................................................................................. 21

12. P o s s ib le Routes of E a rly E x p l o r e r s ......................................................... 26

13. P r a i r i e Areas a t S e ttle m e n t. ............................................ 29

lU. Boeuf B asin Stream s and Bayous................................ . . . . . . 3 2

15. Spanish Land G r a n t s . 35

.y"
16. Canebrake A r e a ........................................................................ X . . . 39

17. Routes in i860 ................................................................ 12

18. B asin Communities in 1830 . . . . ............................. I»6

19. Large S laveholdings i860 (50 or M o ............................... 5 l

20. R ectan g u lar Survey. 57

21. C. A. Lewis Home ............................................ . . • • • 5 9

22. G irod House ................................6Ii

 ix

F ig u re Page

23. Girod House. . . . . • • • • • • • • • « • • 65

21. Richland P a rish Land P u r c h a s e s ................................................................ 67

25. Hatch Home......................... . ............................................................................69

26. Thomason Hom e............................................................... 69

27. Thomason Hom e.......................................................................................................70

28. Basin Communities in i860 ......................................................... 73

29. F ie ld L ocation a t Time of O rig in a l Survey. . . . . . . 7l

30. R ectangular F ie ld P a tte rn ................................................... 75

31. Old F i e l d ............................................................................................................. 76

32. R iver R o a d ............................................................................................................. 76

33. S ettle m e n t Types i n i860 83

31. P h y sic a l A g ric u ltu ra l A reas of B asin i n 1880................................ 86

35. D ailey Landing.......................................................................................................89

36. P o in t J e ff e r s o n Landing....................................................................................89

37. B asin Roads in 1890 90

38. P urvis Hone. ................................................... 101

39. Purvis Home. . • • • • ................................ 101

10. Basin Communities in 1890 ............................... 103

111* Ribbon F ie ld s P a t t e r n ..................................................................................105

1(2. Ku Klux Klan S ig n .............................................................................................. I l l

ii3. B asin P la n ta tio n P a tte r n ........................................................ 113

till. C h a r lie v ille C o m m issa r y ............................................................................ llli

Ii5. C h a r lie v ille C o m m is s a r y ....................................... Ill

16. S e ttle m e n t Types in 1890 ............................... • • • • • 118

17. Upland South S i t e ............................... 121

18. R a il L ines in 1930 122

 X
F ig u re Page

1*9. Sawmill Communities* • • • • • • • • • • • • • 131

50. Lumber Company House ................................ 132

51. Lumber Company H o u s e ................................................................ 133

52. Landerneau House..........................* ............................................................... 136

53* Noble H o u s e ................................. 136

Sh» P la n ta tio n House. • • • • . * . • . . • • • • 137

55. P la n ta tio n House. .................................................... 137

56. P la n ta tio n House.................................................................................................138

57. P la n ta tio n House. . . . . . • • • . • • . < > « 138

58. P la n ta tio n House. .........................................139

59. P la n ta tio n F a r m s t e a d .................................................................................... lliO

60. C o llin s to n House. ........................................ lli2

61. C o llin s ton House.......................................................... Ih2

62. C o llin s to n House • • • • • • ll*3

63. Oak Ridge H o u s e ................................................................................... ll3

61*. Oak Ridge House ................................. ll*U

65. A lto House..............................................................................................................l iil

66. A lto House...................................• • • • ................................................Ili5

67. A lto House..............................................................................................................11*5

68. B asin Communities i n 1930.............................................................................. li*9

69. S ettle m e n t Types i n 1930 ................................................................ l5 l

70. Lowland South D ispersed Communities in 1930............................... 156

71. Boeuf Basin Highways ..............................................• • • . . 159

72. B asin Communities in 1972............................................. 169

73. B asin B u n g a lo w .................................. * ...................................................... 173

7i*. B asin Bungalow ................................. 173

75. Oak Ridge Church............................................. 177

 xi

F igure Page

76. C o llin s ton Church....................................... 177

77. Folk Housing .........................................................179

78. Folk H o u s i n g .......................................................... 179

79* Folk H o u s i n g ...................................................................... 180

80. F olk H o u s i n g ................................................................................... 180

81. Folk H o u s i n g ............................................................................ 181

82. Folk Housing .................................................................................. 181

83* O u tb u ild in g.................................................................................... 18U

81}. Outbuilding. ................................................... 18U

85. O u tb u ild in g............................................................................................................ 185

86. O u tb u ild in g ................................................................................... 185

87. O u t b u i ld i n g .................................................................................... 186

88. O u tb u ild in g . 186

89* Sacred Square • • • • . . • • « • • • • • • . 188

90. West C a rro ll P a ris h F ie ld • • • • . . . . • • • • 193

91. Macon Ridge S i t e ................................ 193

92. Upland South D ispersed Ccranunities in 1972 . • • • • • 195

93. Jigger . 196

9h» Modern P la n ta tio n Heme ........................................................... 202

95* W orkers' Home ................................................................................................202

96. W orkers' Home.................................. 203

97. Modern p la n ta tio n Home .........................................205

98. Modern P la n ta tio n Home.. ...................................... 205

99. S e ttle m e n t Types i n 1972 207

 x ii

Lewis, John C lare n ce , B. S . U n iv e rs ity o f Akron, 1952

M. A. Kent S ta te U n iv e rs ity , 1965
Doctor of P hilosophy, Summer Commencement, 1973
M ajor: Geography; M inor: A nthropology
The S e ttle m e n t S u ccessio n o f th e Boeuf R iver B asin, L o u isian a
D is s e r ta tio n d ir e c te d by Dr.. M ilto n B. Newton, J r .
Pages in D is s e r ta tio n , 229. Words in A b s tra c t, 572.

This D is s e r ta tio n i s a stu d y of th e c u lt u r a l geography o f th e Boeuf

B asin of n o r th e a s t L o u isia n a . The B asin i s d rain ed by th e Boeuf R iv e r

and i s lo c a te d i n C aldw ell, F ra n k lin , Morehouse, O uachita, R ich lan d , and

West C a r ro ll p a ris h e s .

The stu d y seeks to determ ine th e c u ltu r e a f f i n i t y of th e B asin; in

p a r t i c u l a r , w hether i t i s t h a t o f th e Upland South or Lowland South or

same o th e r, l i k e l y a b le n d in g of th e two.

The fin d in g s a re based on th e c u ltu r e lan d scap e p rim a rily . The

w r i t e r a ls o e n li s t e d p e r tin e n t l i t e r a t u r e , p u b lic and p r iv a te re c o rd s,

and th e a id of knowledgeable r e s id e n ts o f th e B asin.

The stu d y a tte m p ts t o tr a c e th e c u ltu r e development th ro u g h a study

o f s e ttle m e n t p a tte r n s from In d ia i occupance t o th e p re s e n t.

P r e h is to r ic In d ia n occupance seems to have g r e a tly exceeded th a t a t

C o n tac t. I n c o n tr a s t to th e presence of dozens of e x ta n t p r e h i s to r i c

mounds, European e x p lo re rs re p o rte d few v i l l a g e s . Both p r e h is to r ic and

h i s t o r i c In d ia n groups lo c a te d on n a tu r a l le v e e s of th e B asin stream s or

nearby p r a i r i e a re a s . S e t t l e r s e s ta b lis h e d t h e i r towns and m ost of t h e i r

v illa g e s away frcm im p o rtan t In d ia n s i t e s .

The French and S paniards lim ite d t h e i r se ttle m e n t e f f o r t s m ainly to

th e O uachita V a lle y . The p r i n c i p a l h e rita g e o f th e French p erio d l i e s in

 x iii

the names of seme streams (such as the Boeuf River i t s e l f ) and p r a ir ie s .

The Spanish rule l e f t some square grants th a t remain to th is day,

although th ese have long been in the hands o f Anglo-Saxons, No pocket of

French or Spanish culture remains in the Basin,

Although some Anglo-Saxon settlem en t took place during the Spanish

period, t h is phase, in gen eral, awaited the United S ta tes era. Settlem ent

concentrated on the southern and northern margins o f the Basin p rior to

1830 .
Both Upland South and Lowland South groups entered the B asin, but the

Lowland South culture appeared dominant p rior to 1830, Upland South

aversion to lowlands and the a v a ila b ilit y of upland areas may have accounted

fo r t h i s . However, by i860, Upland South s e t t le r s had appeared in many

areas, but a g r ic u ltu r a l c h a r a c te r istic s and extant housing in d icated th a t,

even a t th is early date, a blending of cu ltu res was taking p la c e.

Between i860 and 1890, an in c re a s e in th e number o f m ig ran ts and an

expansion in to u n s e ttle d p a r ts of th e Basin o ccu rred . Upland South groups

appear to have accounted f o r most of th e s e ttle m e n t, w ith a s c a tte r in g of

N orthern m ig ra n ts . However, some s e c tio n s , e s p e c ia lly in M orehouse,

O uachita, and R ichland p a ris h e s , showed a Lowland South in flu e n c e . S till,

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s f o r 1890 continued to give th e Basin a g e n e ra l p a tte r n o f

i t s own.

The p e rio d o f 1890-1930 saw th e g r e a te s t m ig ra tio n o f Upland South

s e t t l e r s t o th a t tim e . D esp ite two m ajor flo o d s , th e se s e t t l e r s showed

l i t t l e of t h e i r form er a v e rsio n to low land c o n d itio n s . In a d d itio n ,

lum bering a c t i v i t i e s gave tem porary employment to many new s e t t l e r s u n t i l

th e y became e s ta b lis h e d . However, p h y sic a l c o n d itio n s i n th e low lands

and c o n ta c t w ith new m arket o p p o rtu n itie s caused a m o d ific a tio n of t r a d i ­

t io n a l Upland South a t t i t u d e s and o p e ra tio n s .

 The span from 1930 t o th e p re s e n t has seen f i r s t a c o n tin u a tio n of

th e m ig ra tio n of Upland South s e t t l e r s in to th e B asin , follow ed by

o u t-m ig ra tio n , e s p e c ia lly sin c e The D epression, changing m arket

c o n d itio n s , and m echanized fan n in g , re q u irin g expensive l a r g e - s c a l e

o p e ra tio n s , caused t h i s o u t-m ig ra tio n , p rim a rily . I n tu r n , th e c u ltu r e

landscape o f the Boeuf B asin has become le s s and l e s s s im ila r t o th e

t r a d i t i o n a l Upland South and, y e t, a ls o u n lik e th e Lowland South. It

appears to have a c u ltu re landscape of i t s own, w ith a tte n d a n t values

r e le v a n t to th e la n d and l i f e .
 1

INTRODUCTION

The context of th is t h e s i s .

Regional c u ltu r a l geographies o f Louisiana have long marked the

advanced geographical study o f Louisiana at L .S .U ., and each o f these

traces the development of the c h a r a c te r istic patterns in the cu ltu r a l

landscape in each region stu died . These includes northeast Louisiana

(P h illip s , 1903), French southeast Louisiana (Knipmeyer, 1956), north-

cen tra l Louisiana (K niffen, 1952; Trout, 19$k), southwest Louisiana (P ost,

1939) and the Atachfalaya Basin (Comeaux, 1969). This study of the Boeuf

Basin contributes to the completion o f the c u ltu r a l geographic study o f

Louisiana.

S t i l l another L.S.U. tr a d itio n i s the system atic examination of

s p e c ific culture complexes; fin d in gs o f these have been employed here*

survey systems (H all, 1970), p arish evo lu tio n (Kyser, 1938), place names

(Detro, 1970), lo g construction (Wright, 1956), fo lk arch itectu re(K n iffen ,

1962), the peasant farm (Newton, 1967), s o c ia l organization of the land­

scape (Newton, 1973-A), and others.

Thus a tr a d itio n of modest region al stu d ie s, embedded in a m atrix o f

system atic stu d ie s, stands behind th is present d is se r ta tio n which i s unique

in two regards? i t covers one of the few remaining regions of Louisiana

th a t have not been stu died as c u ltu r a l landscapes; and i t deals-—to a

greater degree than the previous region al stu d ies mentioned—with the

m ingling of s e t t le r s of d iv e rse, r e la te d o rig in s to form a new, sy n cretic

c u ltu r a l landscape r e su ltin g from the processes of c u ltu r a l borrowing,

environm ental a d ju stm en t, and te c h n o lo g ic a l advancement. A s im ila r study

in a d i f f e r e n t , e a r l i e r s e t ti n g i s t h a t o f Newton (1973-B ), who d e a ls w ith

th e development o f th e Upland South c u ltu r e from v a rio u s European and

American elem ents. O bliquely r e l a te d papers em phasizing s p e c ia l a sp e c ts

of S outhern s y n c re tic landscape development in c lu d e , f o r example, P r ic e ’s

(1968) stu d y o f courthouse sq u a re s, M itc h e ll's (1969 and 1972) s tu d ie s o f

f r o n t i e r economy, and P ru n ty 's (1950) stu d y of p la n ta tio n m odernizatio n .

These re g io n a l and sy stem atic s tu d ie s of th e c u lt u r a l landscape have

r e s u lte d in th e heightened a p p re c ia tio n of fo u r f a c t s , namely: (1) men

norm ally do what th e y have been accustomed to do. (2) C u ltu ra l groups

fre q u e n tly occupy a reas because o f t h e i r customs. (3) High s o c ia l v a lu e

fre q u e n tly c o n trib u te s to th e success o f a c u ltu re elem ent on th e lan d ­

scap e. (ij) T echnological change le a d s to landscape change and t o so c io ­

economic change which a lso le a d s to landscape change. P ro sa ic as th ese

concepts m ight seem, th sy n o n eth eless d e scrib e a g re a t d e a l of w hat we see

in the s e ttle m e n t su c ce ssio n of an a re a , such as th e Boeuf B asin. I t is

th e p r in c ip a l aim o f t h i s th e s is to i n te r p r e t th e c u ltu r a l landscape o f

th e Basin i n th e l i g h t of th e s e and r e la te d co n ce p ts. Prim ary accents

f a l l upon landscape elem ents—b o th as f i t t i n g o b je c ts of g eo g rap h ical

study and as documents in se ttle m e n t su c c e ssio n .

IWo meanings o f " s e ttle m e n t" .

Geographers are gen erally aware o f the ambiguity in the term " s e t t le ­

ment". Where English provides one term, German provides "Landaufnahme"

(th e act or process o f tak in g p o ssessio n o f land; s e t t lin g ) and l’Siedlungtt

(the in s ta lla tio n s and th e ir pattern s r e su ltin g from Landaufnahne) . in

nearly a l l in sta n ces, however, the in te n t of the E nglish usage i s clea r

from th e con text. In any event, th is th e s is concerns both kinds o f " s e t t le -

merit”. In the term ”settlem en t su ccession ”, the ambiguity p e r s is ts so

th a t we are concerned here w ith the su ccession of both a cts and p a ttern s.

Careful con sid eration o f a lter n a tiv e terms le d to adherence to tr a d itio n

because no a lte r n a tiv e term seemed to help more than i t hindered.

Study o f rural settlem en t patterns in the South has d e a lt m ainly w ith

house typ es, building arrangements, road networks, f i e l d p a ttern s, and

other m anifestation s of p a r ticu la r cultures? so w i l l we here, although

communities w i l l a lso be in v e stig a ted to illu m in ate more v iv id ly the

working o f the elements o f the settlem en t complex, and to understand

b e tter the a c t of settlem en t.

The replacement of the older forms, a h is to r ic a l problem in most areas,

i s perhaps more so in the Basin because o f i t s rapid a g ricu ltu ra l develop­

ment, p a r tic u la r ly in the past f i f t e e n years. As a r e su lt of such rapid

landscape r ev isio n , th is th e s is has r e lie d to an unusual degree on public

and private documents. This open blending o f paper and landscape docu­

ments, together w ith th e taxonomic (type) concept, places t h is th e s is in

both c u ltu r a l and h is t o r ic a l geography and further h ig h lig h ts the value

of the s in g le , ambiguous teim "settlem ent”• Forms and processes (and

t h e ir various c h a r a c te r istic docunents) imply each other.

The s e le c tio n o f the study area.

The Boeuf River Basin l i e s between the h i l l parishes of North Loui­

sia n a , w ith th e ir Upland South cu ltu re1, and the riv er parish es of the

^The h i s t o r i c Upland South c u ltu r e e x h ib ite d th e follow ing t r a i t s *

a g e n e ra l choice of uplands f o r settlem e n t? c e n tr a l—passage houses and
tr a n s v e r s e - c r ib barns? w oodland-clearing farms? an e v e r-p re s e n t k itc h e n
garden f e a tu r in g g reen s, ro o t c ro p s, p e a s, and com ? emphasis on both hogs
and c a t tl e ? a b e l i e f i n open range f o r liv e s to c k grazing? th e burning o f
f o r e s t p a stu res? and lo g c o n s tru c tio n f o r permanent houses (Newton, 1967*
88? 1973-B*39, 1*1, 1*2? 1972*89, 91, 92? K n iffen , 1965*565, 566, 57h).
The Lowland South tends to favor the follow ing tr a its* choice of
M is s is s ip p i, w ith t h e i r marked Lowland South in flu e n c e (Newton, 1972:86)*

This stu d y re p o rts th e m ixture of th ese two c u ltu re s i n the Basin* A new

c u l t u r a l lan d sca p e, r e s u ltin g from m ixing o f elem ents of two c u ltu re s can

be seen on the ground and r e f le c te d in thfe a tt i tu d e s o f th e B asin’s i n ­

h a b ita n ts . Because the landscape p a tte rn s of Upland South and Lcwland

South c u ltu re s a re y e t stro n g e r th an those o f th e new c u ltu r e , elem ents

w ill be d e sc rib e d , i n most in s ta n c e s , i n terms o f th e Upland South o r

Lowland South.

The Boeuf B asin, ly in g in n o rth e a s t L o uisiana and drain ed by th e

Boeuf R iver and i t s t r i b u t a r i e s , ta k e s up no p a r is h com pletely, b u t m ost

of West C a r r o ll, R ichland, and F ra n k lin and la r g e p a rts of O uachita and

Morehouse and ana 11 p a r ts of C aldw ell and C atahoula (F ig . 1 ) . The Tensas

and O uachita b a sin s sta n d to the e a s t and w est, r e s p e c tiv e ly . Because

Macon Ridge lim its th e rig h t-b a n k drain ag e o f th e Tensas River and th e

n a tu r a l le v e e s of th e O uachita lim i t th a t stre a m ’s le ft-b a n k drainage i n

th e l a t i tu d e s o f th e Boeuf R iv er, th e Boeuf Basin extends over n e a rly

2,000 square m ile s fo r th e L ouisiana p o rtio n (Hammond, 19h$tl3) (F ig . 2 ) .

Although Geddes co n sid ered th e r i v e r b a sin to be a ’’n a tu ra l" geo­

graphic reg io n o f c u l t u r a l e v o lu tio n (Geddes, 1968:161;-165), such was not

th e th in k in g behind s e le c tin g th e B asin. The choice was anim ated by th e

sim ple, h i s t o r i c , and human f a c t t h a t the B asin, more or l e s s a s a whole,

was s e t t l e d l a t e , s e le c tiv e ly , and d i f f e r e n t l y when compared to a d ja c e n t

and nearby a re a s . Even though th e Boeuf Basin i s sm a ller th an th e u n it

low lands c lo s e to a r i v e r or co ast in s te a d of u p lan d s; "V iig in ia " house

ty p e s; a more c le a re d appearance t o th e c o u n try sid e ; frame c o n s tru c tio n
f o r permanent houses; l e s s emphasis on greens and corn in d i e t ; and th e
c lo sed range (Newton, 1972:80; K n iffen , 1965:566; L ouisiana S ta te Uni­
v e r s i ty Sem inar, 1969).
 Oak G ro v a

B^ u PL I J g O M e r Rouge W EST."
■
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CALDWELL

BOEUF BASIN

• P ariah S eat
C A T A H O U L A
B a a in L i m i t s
H arrisonburg

93 30 *

F ig . 1
Note: C ity symbols re p re s e n t m un icip al c o rp o ra te l i m i t s .
 THE BOEUF
LAKE
BASIN IN
PROVIDENCE
LOUISIANA
■Basin Limit
VICKSBURG

50 100
MILES
Geddes had in mind, the c h a r a c te r istic s of the area did , as he suggested,

ex ert c h a r a c te r istic s e le c t iv e pressure on landscape development.

The Boeuf Basin has been in clu d ed , along w ith th e n o r th - c e n tr a l p a r t

o f th e s t a t e , i n th e Upland South (Newton, 1972:86} K n iffen , 1968tl3l4)——

a p p a re n tly because th e Basin has lack ed the im portance o f th e a d ja c e n t

M is s is s ip p i p a ris h e s in c o tto n p ro d u c tio n , numbers of p la n ta tio n s and

s iz e o f sla v e h o ld in g s .^ F u rth e r, b a sin p o l i t i c a l sen tim en ts (such as

th o se toward se ce ssio n and th e Longs), along w ith lo c a l te c h n ic a l arid

economic problem s, have d if f e r e d from those i n the M is s is s ip p i R iver

p a ris h e s .^ B asin re s id e n ts i n s i s t t h a t i t i s th e home o f m id d le -c la s s ,

independent c it i z e n s o f modest acreages and w e a lth .^ M oreover, th ey

q u ic k ly deny Upland o rig in s or adherence to h a b its t h a t they a t t r i b u t e to

t h a t so u rc e . (Even so , Upland S o u th ern ers—among o th e rs—commonly o f f e r

p ro forma d e n ia ls of a s s o c ia tio n w ith c u ltu re s co n sid ered s o c ia lly i n ­

fe rio r llew ton, 1973*Atl83).

A number o f com plications a r is e i n c la s s if y in g th e landscapes of th e

B asin a s Upland South o r Lowland South. The o rig in s of many o f th e s e t t l e r s

d e f i n i te l y la y i n th e Upland South. Even so , th e d o g - tr o t house ( b a s ic a lly

two ro a n s w ith a c e n tr a l p a ssa g e ), hal3mark of th e Upland South, was

r a r e l y en countered, and m issin g e n ti r e l y over wide a r e a s . Other

2
I n p e rc en ta g e, th e b lack p o p u latio n ranged from 1 9 .1 p e rc e n t in
West C a r ro ll P a ris h , to h2,$ p e rc en t i n Morehouse P a rish (U.S. Bureau of
th e Census, P o p u la tio n S chedules, 1970). I n th o se wards under stucjy, th e
b lack p ercen tag e ranged from 3 p e rc en t to 66 p e rc e n t.
■i
■"Terry H. Howard ex p lo res t h i s s u b je c t in sane d e t a i l in h is
P o l i t i c a l Tendencies in L ouisiana (Howard, 1971).

^Since raapy have held t h a t th e absence o f yecman fa n n e r in th e South

was a g r e a t weakness o f th e a re a (Sm ith, 1 9 5 0 tl5 l), lo c a l claim s t o be a
reg io n o f m id d le -c la s s farm ers seonrid to make the s e c tio n unusual and
i n t e r e s t i n g . I n t h i s la y f u r t h e r m o tiv a tio n f o r stu d y in g th e Boeuf B asin.
d ia g n o s tic o u tb u ild in g s , such a s the tra n s v e r s e - c r ib b arn , appear r a r e ly .

C em eteries, new o r o ld , possess few s i m i l a r i t i e s to t r a d i t i o n a l Upland

South types (Je a n e , 1969). F u rth e r, th e in h a b ita n ts tak e b e t t e r c a re o f

t h e i r houses th an has been re p o rte d in t r a d i t i o n a l Upland South a re a s .^

Farm steads u s u a lly b e ar only vague resem blances to th o se of th e Upland

South. A g ric u ltu ra l a c t i v i t i e s a re much more p r o f i t- o r i e n t e d , even from

th e beginning o f s e ttle m e n t, than among the peasant^ c la s s i n oth er

Upland South a re as (Newton, 1967:152). The courthouse square holds l i t t l e

s ig n ific a n c e in th e p a ris h s e a ts o f the B asinj main roads le a d to com­

m e rc ia l s e c tio n s , r a th e r than to th e sq u a re , as g e n e ra lly noted f o r Upland

South county s e a ts (Newton, 1973-A:13). Thus, th e landscape Im p rin ts o f

th e ’’c h a r a c t e r i s t i c conmunity” (A rensberg, 1956:98) f o r th e Upland South

seems to be m issin g or s e v e re ly changed i n th e B asin.

The t r a v e l e r s e e s , in s te a d , f u l l y c le a re d f i e l d s , w e ll m ain tain ed

farm ste ad s, and an obvious emphasis on modern, com m ercial, and s p e c ia liz e d

a g r ic u ltu r e . He m ight imagine h im self t o be in th e M idwest, w ere i t n o t

f o r th e c o tto n , pecans, and the absence o f lai^ge b a rn s.

These o b serv atio n s le d to such q u estio n s a s : (1) Boes th e Basin se rv e

as an example o f th e meshing o f Upland South and Lcwland South c u ltu re s ?

(2 ) Are th e s o c ia l and economic t r a i t s observed th o se t h a t any Upland

South group would have chosen in a B a sin -lik e environm ent? (3) Was t h i s

s e c tio n dominated by th e e l i t e o f th e Upland South (Newton, 1973-B)?

^Tn a sem inar on se ttle m e n t geography a t L .S.U . i n the sp rin g o f

1969, observers re p o rte d th e common c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of poor house m ainte­
nance in Upland South a re a s .

^For th e purposes o f t h i s p ap er, a p e asa n t farm er i s one who employs

t r a d i t i o n a l methods in t r a d i t i o n a l a g r ic u ltu r e , who has only a sm all s u r­
p lu s , who i s la r g e ly c o n tro lle d by an urban e l i t e , and who r e s e n ts t h i s
urban e l i t e . A f u l l e r d e f i n i ti o n i s found in Newton 1973-A.
Methods of research employed.

Students o f L ouisiana's cu ltu r a l geography have u t iliz e d many t a c t ic s

in seeking evidence fo r th eses or in the p resen tation of fin d in g s.

U sually, one method has been emphasized, depending upon in d ivid u al compe­

tence or in te r e s t or upon the nature of the area. Approaches have

included exten sive f i e l d work and study o f land use patterns ( P h illip s ,

1953), exhaustive examination of c u ltu r a l a r tif a c ts (Knipmeyer, 1956}

Kniffen, 1952} Wright, 1956), place names (Detro, 1972) and th e ty p ic a l

farm pattern in b u ild in gs and crops (Newton, 1967).

Due to la te n e ss o f settlem en t, ease o f access to other areas, and

the rapid adaptation of innovations in th is century, the Boeuf Basin has

l i t t l e in the way of m aterial tr a d itio n , Therefore, i t was necessary to

e n lis t a l l p o ssib le methods of research w ithin the bounds o f the w r ite r's

experience. Where p o s sib le , building types and crop and f i e l d patterns

were recorded and analyzed, y ie ld in g valuable r e su lts in lim ite d s e c tio n s.

In other in sta n c e s, public and p rivate records f i l l e d gaps in under­

standing of cu ltu ral developments. A erial photographs o f the 19i;0»s and

1950’s , land ownership maps, and topographic maps o f the 1930's often pro­
vided conclu sive or supplementary inform ation.

F in a lly , the w riter consulted newspaper f i l e s and interview ed a

number o f Basin in h a b ita n ts. While c o n flic tin g opinions, f a ilin g memory,

b ia s , or the trend of the moment may le s se n the value o f th ese sources,

conform ity of inform ation w ith th at of o th e r sources aided in f in a liz a tio n

o f p resen tation s.

Thus, th e w riter emphasized no sin g le method, but depended upon v e r i­

f ic a t io n of h is fin d in g s by a v a r ie ty o f supplementary sources.

 8

Some d e f i n i ti o n s .

Owing to a d i s t a s t e f o r jarg o n and s y n th e tic nom enclature, p la in

term s have been used wherever p o s s ib le . Moreover in an e f f o r t to have

th e g eo g ra p h er's teim s r e f l e c t c a te g o rie s n a tiv e t o th e Boeuf B asin , th e

c a te g o rie s d efined below were developed m erely to d e s c rib e th e a c tu a l

occurrences in th e B asin. That they r e f l e c t a c c u ra te ly th e landscape o f

th e Basin i s a m a tte r f o r fu tu re te s ti n g as i s th e degree to which they

agree w ith o th e r c l a s s if i c a t io n s .

C lasses o f A g ric u ltu ra l e n te r p r is e s in th e B asin in c lu d e : (1)

p la n ta tio n - - a n o p e ra tio n upon which more th an th re e w orker fa m ilie s r e s id e

a t p r e s e n t, more th an fiv e p r i o r t o 1930; (2) la rg e farm —an o p e ra tio n

upon which one to th re e worker fa m ilie s e ith e r liv e o r work a t p re s e n t,

one t o f iv e p r i o r t o 1930j (3 ) fam ily farm—an o p e ra tio n worked by one

fam ily w ith b u t o c c a sio n a l, tem porary use of h ire d la b o r. These term s

and t h e i r a s s o c ia te d concepts commonly occur among lo c a l r e s id e n ts and

t h e i r n eig h b o rs, urban and r u r a l ; th e v e rn a c u la r usage s tro n g ly ag rees

w ith th e landscape f e a tu r e s , and f o r th a t rea so n th ey appear h ere.

The c la s s e s o f community f o r th e B asin in c lu d e : (1) m ajor town—a

community dominated by t e r t i a r y economic fu n c tio n s (in c lu d in g co u rth o u se,

as w ell a s conm ercial and s e rv ic e e n te r p r is e s ) and w ith a p o p u la tio n of

a t l e a s t 3,000; (2) Minor town—a community w ith a v a r ie ty of s e rv ic e s ,

b u t no governm ental (e x c e p t, perhaps p a ris h or s t a te highway-maintenance

f a c i l i t i e s ) and a p o p u latio n o f 500 to 3,000; (3) ham let—a r u r a l com­

m unity lim ite d to few er than fiv e commercial e s ta b lis h n e n ts and few er th a n

500 in h a b ita n ts , most o f whom commute t o o th er communities f o r t h e i r

liv e lih o o d ; (h) a g r i c u lt u r a l v i ll a g e —a r u r a l community o f farm ers; m ost

a g r i c u lt u r a l v illa g e s have fewer than 500 in h a b ita n ts , and most of t h e i r

re s id e n ts own and farm la rg e acreag es i n th e area about th e community, b u t

 9

choose to l i v e away from t h e i r la n d s ; (5) "S e ttle m e n t”—a r u r a l agglome­

r a tio n of one to s ix houses (f> to 30 in h a b ita n ts ) u s u a lly w ith no

commercial estab lish m en ts (w hile o c c a sio n a lly th e term i s used a s Newton

in d ic a te d H.973-A ], i t i s r a r e ly heard in th a t sense h e re ). This c l a s s i ­

f i c a t i o n i s e m p iric a l and c a s u a l; b u t based upon o b se rv a tio n , stu d y of th e

v a rio u s cen su ses, and d isc u ssio n s w ith knowledgeable r e s id e n ts , v i r t u a l l y

a l l agglom erations f a l l q u ite e a s ily in to th e s e c a te g o rie s .

 10

CHAPTER 1

SETTLEMENT PATTERNS PRIOR TO THE UNITED STATES ERA

Indian

The o b ject of t h is s e c tio n i s not to stu<fy Indian l i f e per s e , but,

rather, to determine the lo c a tio n s and nature of Indian settlem en t in the

Boeuf River Basin. Then, the r ela tio n sh ip w ith subsequent European

settlem en t patterns can be determined. I n i t i a l European settlem en t

p a ttern s, we should exp ect, have been in flu en ced by evidences o f Indian

p a ttern s, as w e ll as the experiences of the Europeans in former areas.

P r e h is to r ic S ite s and Areas

I n v e s tig a tio n s o f th e B asin have produced few er reco rd s of In d ian

s i t e s th an one m ight have expected from knowing th e im m ediately a d ja c e n t

Tensas and O uachita b a s in s . The Boeuf B asin i s poorer i n number of s i t e s

and in t h e i r im p ressiv en ess in s iz e and com plexity. However, th e Euro­

pean s e t t l e r s found evidence o f In d ia n occupance i n a r t i f a c t s tu rn ed up

w hile plow ing; th e w idespread n a tu re of t h i s occupance was s tu d ie d even

d uring th e n in e te e n th c e n tu ry (Brodnax, 1879:388). A tte n tio n focused

e a rly on th e most obvious c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f In d ian s i t e s —t h e i r c lu s te r in g

along th e v a rio u s stream s of th e B asin (F ig s . 3-5)* A s c a tte r in g o f

s i t e s can be found alo n g th e le n g th of th e Boeuf R iver and many o f i t s

t r i b u t a r y stre am s. Turkey Creek sta n d s o u t among th e s e . H is to ric su r­

v e y o rs’ n o tes m ention e x te n siv e swamps along th e Boeuf and o th e r stream s

 ARK.

+ X O M e r Rouge

t Jefferson
% Oak R l d g e O

K '
♦♦ ;

Korog

-3 2 *

INDEAN AREAS
AND SITES
S ettlem ent A reas
X Village S i t e s
G o ldm ine P la n ta tio n

9a*30

F ig . 3
S ources: M anuscript F i l e s ; Swanton, 1911; F ie ld T rip s.
 12

F ig . U. P r e h i s t o r ic In d ia n S i t e . A mound s i t e i s b eh in d th e pho­
to g ra p h e r. The d e p re ssio n i n th e c e n te r i s occupied by Hegwood Bayou, an
in te r m itte n t stream , though i t appears a la r g e r and perm anent stream once
occupied th e ch an n e l. A p a stu re ta k e s up th e a re a shown. C lose by was
th e o ld P o in t J e f f e r s o n (F ig . 3 ) . (L ouisiana S ta te U n iv e rs ity A nthro­
pology Museum S i t e Number RL 2 ),

F ig . 5 . P r e h is to r ic In d ia n S i t e . Throughout th e B asin, th e re e x is ts
a number o f rid g e s w ith e le v a tio n s as much a s 25 f e e t h ig h er than th e
su rro u n d ing a re a s . An example appears j u s t beyond th e tu rn i n th e r^ a d ,
sin c e i t r i s e s a b ru p tly t o i t s maximum e le v a tio n . Goldmine P la n ta tio n
(F ig . 3 )f which has y ie ld e d many a r t i f a c t s to th e lo c a l a r c h e o lo g is ts ,
occupies th e g e n e ra l a re a .
 13

o f th e B asin, b u t n o t along Turkey c re e k . T h erefo re, Turkey Creek would

have been more a t t r a c t i v e to In d ia n groups. A lso, note t h a t th e Oak

Ridge s i t e i s n o t i n th e m id st of a c o n c e n tra tio n o f s i t e s . Since t h i s

s i t e had much more im pressive earthw orks th a n o th e rs in the B asin, a

group much advanced o r more re c e n t th a n o th e rs probably occupied i t .

The choice o f r e l a t i v e l y high ground, u s u a lly a c tiv e o r d e r e l i c t

n a tu r a l le v e e s (F ig . 5 ) , i s a ls o c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . The Arkansas E iv er

formed some of th e s e when i t flow ed in th e B asin i n a b ra id e d manner

(S au cier and Fleetw ood, 1970). Few In d ia n s i t e s in th e B asin have mounds.

However, some mounds s tu d ie d by o b se rv e rs, even i n t h i s c e n tu ry (Moore,

1909), have been d estro y ed by a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s or e ro s io n . This

d e s tr u c tio n , more w idespread than has been su sp ec ted , could account f a r

some o f th e p a u c ity of mounds. S ite s w ith abundant evidence of In d ia n

o ccu p ation (and, th u s , p o s s ib ly lo n g er occupance) occur m ainly on mellow

s o i l s , t h a t i s , on s o i l s r i c h i n hunus and easy to c u ltiv a te (Durham,

1970).

Although more n o ta b le s i t e s occupy r e l a t i v e l y h igh and dry ground

(F ig . 6 ) , th e re is b u t l i t t l e d iffe re n c e betw een th e s i t e e le v a tio n s of

85 to 90 f e e t and th e e le v a tio n o f th e surrounding a re a in g e n e ra l, which

d ip s below 80 f e e t only by th e Boeuf R iver and in g u l li e s occupied by

m inor stre am s. O bviously, e le v a tio n i n i t s e l f d id n o t a t t r a c t In d ia n

s e ttle m e n t, b u t th e com bination of e le v a tio n and th e presence o f a

stream . The In d ia n s b u i l t th e s e mounds a s h o r t d ista n c e t o th e r e a r ,

r a t h e r th a n on the edges, of th e g u l l i e s (F ig . 7 ). For s i t e A, th e r e i s

room enough f o r a modern r i v e r road between th e mounds and the edge o f

th e g u lly . Both s i t e s a re lo c a te d on what i s now Hegwood I s la n d (th e

only known such use f o r the word '•isla n d " in th e B a sin ), and European

c em eteries a re found on b o th . Land c le a re d f o r farm ing in 1935 (in d ic a te d

 Ill

§ 9 9 9 9
9
• 9• • • 9 9
9*9 9 9 9
• ■ • .•• ••• ••
...
—— . » ».» • ♦. • ' - • • *• I

^ l l l f (H M M f |

HEGWOOD ISLAND
AREA
Favl Land Below 85'

I I Land 8 5 - 9 0 '

IV I L and A bove 90'

0 Indian S ite

«— M ajor R oad

C u ltiv a te d Area in 1935

■IIU 92 4 0
L . . i..

F ig . 6
S ources: U. S. Department o f th e I n t e r i o r , "H urricane Q uadrangle";
F ie ld T rip .
 o-

o*
,n
CM

£E
<
4)

o■

o«

U.

m
U.

F ig . 7. S ite P r o f ile s on Hegwood Is la n d .

S ources: U. S. Department o f th e I n t e r i o r , "H urricane Q uadrangle";
F ie ld T rip .
 16

by th e dashed lin e in F ig u re 6) can be c o n sid ered th e l im i ts of th e

is la n d . Since th a t t,ime, in h a b ita n ts have c le a re d and are c u ltiv a tin g

v i r t u a l l y a l l of th e la n d i n th e v i c i n i t y . The m ajor ro u te s of th e a re a

s t i l l focus on Hegwood Is la n d . However, th e caranunity (S tevenson’s Gin)

has so d e c lin e d i n im portance t h a t i t s name no lo n g er appears on s t a t e o r

p a ris h road maps.

P ro fe s s io n a l and am ateur o b serv ers have found few, i f any, a g r i ­

c u lt u r a l t o o ls , suggesting t h a t th e in h a b ita n ts were h u n ters and g a th e re rs

o r were liv i n g under th e c o n d itio n s o f "prim ary f o r e s t e f f ic ie n ty "

(C aldw ell, 1 9 ^ 8 ) , alth o u g h p e r i s h a b i l i t y of to o ls co u ld be a f a c t o r .

C aldw ell p o s tu a lte s t h a t , under prim ary f o r e s t e f f ic ie n c y , In d ia n s

depended m o stly upon h u n tin g , f i s h i n g , and g a th e rin g f o r t h e i r food

s u p p lie s , w ith a l e s s e r dependence on a g ric u ltu r e ( o r b e t t e r , h o r t i ­

c u lt u r e ) . Dependence on th ese two so u rces of food le d t y p ic a l l y to a

r a p id r i s e and d e c lin e of in d iv id u a l p r im a r y - f o re s t- e ff ic ie n c y s e t t l e ­

m ents, th u s accounting f o r th e absence o f evidence o f many permanent

In d ian v illa g e s i n th e B asin. Most o f th e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s l i s t e d t y

C aldw ell f o r p rim a r y - f o re s t- e ff ic ie n c y c u ltu r e s have been noted in th e

B asin. These in c lu d e : fle x e d and bundled b u r i a l s , th e use of mounds, th e

g r e a t im portance of s h e l l f i s h (re v e a le d by la r g e middens of s h e l l f i s h a t

sane s i t e s , as noted on L o u isian a S ta te U n iv e rs ity Anthropology Museum

f i l e c a rd s , am ateur o b se rv e rs, and p e rso n a l e x p e rie n c e ), and the la rg e

and complex earthw orks a t Oak Ridge. The sp a rse p o p u la tio n found in th e

B asin a t C ontact was p ro b ab ly , to some e x te n t, th e r e s u l t o f an o th er

h t t h i s su g g e stio n has v a l i d i t y , l i t t l e r e la tio n s h ip could be ex­

p e cted between In d ia n and European s e ttle m e n t p a tt e r n s , as th e two groups
would have d i f f e r e n t p e rc e p tio n s o f th e usage o f th e n a tu ra l environm ent.
 17

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c —fre q u e n t w ars, alth o u g h epidem ics of in tro d u c ed d is e a s e s

l i k e l y p layed a ro le as w e ll.

I n summary, p r e h is to r ic In d ia n s i t e s a re le s s numerous i n th e Basin

than i n seme o th er p a r ts o f th e s t a t e , in c lu d in g a d ja c e n t r i v e r b a s in s .

The fre q u e n t and le n g th y flo o d s , m entioned i n In d ian myths (Swanton, 1907),

noted in g e o lo g ic a l s tu d ie s (S a u cie r and Fleetw ood, 1970), and experien ced

by e a r ly European s e t t l e r s , may be h e ld r e s p o n s ib le . The p r e h is to r ic

p o p u la tio n seems to have p ra c tic e d a h u n tin g -a n d -g a th e rin g economy. S ite s

and a re a s would n o t have been s e le c te d fo r a l l of th e sane reasons

im p o rtant i n European s i t e s e le c tio n . S ite s where firm banks e x is te d on

b o th s id e s o f stream s i n th e Basin fre q u e n tly became European r iv e r

c ro s s in g s , many rem aining im p o rtan t to th e p re s e n t (F ig . 8 ) . C o rre la tio n s

may have been g r e a te r i n th e p a s t, i f one knew th e c ro ssin g s now f o r g o tte n

and u nrecorded; n o n e th e le ss , c u rr e n tly used c ro ssin g s were used in th e

n in e te e n th c e n tu ry , according to e a r ly maps (F ig. 1 7 ). R iverboat lan d ­

in g s o fte n occupied form er In d ia n s i t e s f o r much th e same reasons as

ro u te c ro s sin g s (F ig . 9 ). Although a few v illa g e s occupy In d ia n s i t e s ,

m ost o f them a re e x p erien c in g a d e c lin e in im portance. No c o r r e la tio n

e x is ts betw een th e im portant p re s e n t towns and In d ia n s i t e s of th e B asin.

Mounds and s i t e s on high ground were sometimes employed f o r cem eteries

(F ig . 1 0 -1 1 ). The in c re a s in g im portance of w ater r e c r e a tio n a l a c t i v i t i e s

i n th e p a s t te n y e a rs has made seme s i t e s re c e iv e a tt e n t i o n . However,

i n g e n e ra l, l i t t l e r e l a ti o n can be found between a re as of c o n c e n tra te d

In d ian s e ttle m e n t and European s e ttle m e n t, p a s t or p re s e n t (Table 1 ) ^

In d ia n s i t e s have had l i t t l e v a lu e f o r European usage a t th e a c tu a l s p o t.

I n s te a d , m ost s i t e s a re sim ply p a r ts of th e c u ltiv a te d la n d . In d ia n

v i ll a g e s hold p r a c t ic a l l y no a t t r a c t i o n f o r European v i ll a g e s . R iver

 18

ARK.

La. 835

La. 134

32*30
3 2*30

□ R a y v il la

1973 TOWNS
AND RIVER
CROSSINGS
RELATED TO
INDIAN SITES

MI LES 9 3 '3 0

F ig . 8
S ources: M anuscript F i l e s j L o uisiana Department o f P u b lic Works, 1?66.
 ARK.

W alla ce

Pt. Jefferson

irs o
□
•T illm an

Rhymes

■ I v 1 ti” f
S A Iab am a* C harlieville >
L an d ern eau
Red Bluff

H eb ert
um Point
Thomas
e R ivers
c
h ite O a k

ailey
a g le Island
ones
*
tu a rt SELECTED
BOEUF RIVER
LANDINGS

9 2 * JO"

F ig . 9
S ources: Noble, 1970; P u rv is , 1970; Gunby, 1970; Moore, 1909:109.
 20

F ig . 10. P r e h is to r ic In d ia n S i t e . An In d ia n mound i n th e m iddle o f

a cem etery, n e a r Hegwood Bayou, R ichland P a ris h . The c le a re d a re a
g e n e ra lly encompasses w hat has long been term ed “Hegwood I s l a n d ”, bounded
t y th e Boeuf R iver ( l i n e o f tr e e s i n background t o th e southw est) and
Hegwood Bayou (to th e r e a r o f th e cam era). The mound m easures Ij f e e t
h ig h by bS f e e t w ide; and i t sta n d s 210 f e e t from Hegwood Bayou. While
most graves d a te f r a n th e 1 9 3 0 's , th e o ld e s t d a ted sto n e b e a rs the d ate
1898. (L ouisiana S ta te U n iv e rs ity A nthropology Museum S ite Number 2 ).
 F ig . 11. P r e h is to r ic In d ia n S i t e . Two mounds lo c a te d about 3
m ile s n o rth of th e mound i n F ig . 10. Encroaching c u lt i v a t io n shows the
f a t e of many mounds. The c e m e te iy 's presence should p rev en t u ltim a te
d e s tr u c tio n . Note th e few graves on th e fla n k s o f th e la r g e mound. To
th e l e f t and r i g h t can be seen o ld f r u i t t r e e s . F re q u e n tly , an e a r ly
u se f o r mounds was fa m ily -s iz e d o rch a rd s. Trees i n th e d is ta n c e l i n e
Boeuf R iv er. (L o u isian a S ta te U n iv e rs ity A nthropblogy Museum S ite
Number Ri 1 ).
c ro s sin g s w i l l l i k e l y show l e s s p o s itiv e r e la tio n s h ip as highways and

equipment beecme more ccmplex and advanced.

TABLE 1

INDIAN AND EUROPEAN USAGES CF INDIAN SITES IN THE BOEUF RIVER BASIN

European Usage In d ia n Usage and C la s s if ic a tio n

Mound V illa g e Other P r e h is to r ic H is to ric

I

V illa g e 1 1 2

Farm stead 3 3 2

Faim 18 13 35 1

Cemetery h 1 h
R iver C rossing 3 1 h

H iverboat Landing 1 1

O ther 1* h 5 13

Note; Sane s i t e s have m u ltip le c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .

The "O ther” c ateg o ry f o r European usage g e n e ra lly in clu d e s id le
lan d or lan d u sed , a t m ost, f o r fo ra g e . The "O ther” c ate g o ry f o r
In d ia n s g e n e ra lly means workshops. The number of mound s i t e s may
g iv e an exaggerated im pression of t h e i r im portance, when a c tu a lly ,
i t may in d ic a te ease in d isc o v ery of such s i t e s .

S ources; M anuscript F i l e s , A nthropology Museum, L o u isian a S ta te U niver­

s i t y ; P ersonal F ie ld T rip s.

H is to r ic S ite s

There were few h i s t o r ic s i t e s in th e Basin (T able 1 ). Only one

t r i b e , th e Koroa, i s c o n s is te n tly m entioned as being p re s e n t a t C ontact,

and t h i s t r i b e seems t o have e s ta b lis h e d only one v i l l a g e . The core a re a

o f th e Koroa encompassed th e a re a about th e Yazoo R iver i n M is s is s ip p i.

The presence o f t h i s one group in L o u isia n a probably r e s u lte d from th e

ravages o f sm all pox in th e main Koroa a re a and from p re s su re i n th e Yazoo

B asin f r a n groups of In d ia n s m ig ra tin g from th e e a s t (B jo rk , 1926»lj01)»

 H is to ric maps, as w e ll as in v e s tig a tio n s i n t h i s c e n tu ry , have

p laced th e Koroa v illa g e a t s e v e ra l p o in ts , h u t u s u a lly c lo s e to th e

Boeuf R iv er. The most common s i t e choice has been i n so u th e rn R ichland

P a ris h (F ig . 3 ) .

Swanton (1911:330) p la c e s th e number o f Koroa in n o rth e a s t L o u isian a

a t 500, b u t K n iffen th in k s t h i s i s a c o n se rv a tiv e f ig u r e (K n iffen , 1935:

1 1 ). The Koroa sta y ed in th e Basin only te m p o ra rily , r e jo in in g the r e s t

o f th e t r i b e on th e Yazoo R iver by 1701* (Swanton, 1911:331)» T h eir s h o r t

occupance, p lu s th e l i k e l y dominance o f hunting and g a th e rin g i n th e

economy, r e s u lte d i n l i t t l e a tt e n t i o n bein g given to them and t h e i r a re a

from th e e a r l i e s t European s e t t l e r s .

O therw ise, evidence o f h i s t o r i c occupation i s extrem ely r a r e ,

according to s tu d ie s made in th e l a s t cen tu ry (Brodnax, 1879), lo c a l

amateur a rc h e o lo g is ts , and th e m an u scrip t f i l e s in th e A nthropology

Museum of L ouisiana S ta te U n iv e rs ity . I n a d d itio n , th e r e i s no rec o rd o f

s a le of la n d by In d ian s to Europeans i n th e B asin (D a rt, 1921).

I n 1803, th e Spanish a u th o r itie s d isp e rse d 1*00 to 500 Choctaw

fa m ilie s w ith in th e D i s t r i c t of W ashita, b u t, w ith th e e x cep tio n s o f th e

v illa g e s near Mer Rouge and a t Landerneau (F ig . 3 ) , t h i s occupance seems

a ls o t o have been tem porary. Maps show a Tensas v illa g e a t P o in t J e f f e r ­

son as l a t e as I81j0, and p a r t o f th e Basin i s u s u a lly co n sid ered i n th e

Tensas domain (Tanner, I 8I1O). A part from th e s e v i l l a g e s , In d ian s e t t l e ­

ments a f t e r 1810 u s u a lly co in c id e d w ith European fa im s, where th e In d ia n s

serv ed as la b o r e r s , according to fam ily re c o rd s (W hatley, 1970j Landerneau,

1970).

In flu e n c e Upon Subsequent European S e ttle m e n t .p a tte rn s

I n many c a s e s , th e f i r s t European s e t t l e r s lo c a te d on form er In d ia n

s i t e s , e i t h e r because th e s i t e was on high ground, or because a mound

a ffo rd e d refu g e f r a n f lo o d . In d ia n h u n te rs ' camps on sand banks by

r iv e r s and lak e s would be near w a ter and a means of c aim u n ic a tio n , y e t be

re3a t i v e l y dry and b ree zy enough to be f r e e of bothersome in s e c ts

(T rig g e r, 1968:61).

L i t t l e In d ia n h e rita g e e x is ts in p lac e names in th e B asin. Colewa

C reek, in th e n o rth e rn p a r t of th e B asin , re p re s e n ts th e best-known

example. This name co u ld be d eriv e d from the Choctaw word Kalowa,

meaning "crooked", b u t could also be a c o rru p tio n of "cold w ater" and

have no In d ia n connection a t a l l (Read, 1 9 2 8 .

Many p re s e n t-d a y c e m e te rie s a re found on In d ia n mounds o r s i t e s , f o r

th e purpose—acco rd in g to l o c a l c i t i z e n s —o f p r o te c tio n a g a in s t flo o d in g .

However, h i l l s a re fre q u e n tly chosen f o r c em eteries i n o th e r a re a s , such

as th e P iney Woods, where flo o d in g i s not a concern. Since e le v a te d

p la c e s are few in th e B asin, we m ight have expected c em eteries to be

focu sed on In d ia n s i t e s , i f B asin p eople share such an i n t e r e s t i n high

p la c e s f o r c e m e te rie s. I n a v ery few in s ta n c e s , orchards a re found on

mounds (F ig . 1 1 ), and th e se o ld remnants probably re p re s e n t sm all p la n t­

in g s w hich serv ed o n ly one fa m ily . No commercial o rch ard s have been

found on such mounds ( o r s i t e s ) .

O therw ise, th e c u rre n t s e ttle m e n t p a tt e r n , w hether o f towns o r farm­

s te a d s , shows a tre n d away from th o se a re a s where In d ia n s i t e s a re most

numerous, except f o r th e p reviously-m entioned r e c r e a tio n a l p o s s i b i l i t i e s .

Im pressions of E a rly European E x plorers

Few of th e e a rly European e x p lo re rs v i s i t e d th e Boeuf R iver B asin , a t

l e a s t , few w rote of any t r a v e ls through th e B asin. Where w r itte n reco rd s

rem ain, th e la c k of d i s t i n c t i v e landm arks in t h i s p a r t of th e s t a t e makes

p o s itiv e re c o n s tru c tio n o f t h e i r ro u te s extrem ely d i f f i c u l t .

 A m a jo rity o f stu d e n ts now seems t o accep t a L o u is ia n ro u te f o r de

Soto (Gibson, 1968), one which le d him through th e extrem e so u th e rn p a r t

o f th e B asin (F ig . 1 2 ). The c h ro n ic le r was u n fav o rab ly im pressed w ith

th e B asin , r e f e r r i n g to i t as a c o u n try "so f u l l of la k e s and e v i l ways,

t h a t th ey tr a v e le d one whole day i n w a te r, sometimes knee deep, sometimes

to th e s t i r r u p , and sometimes th e y swam" (H akluyt, 1851:116). T his was in

M arch, a month o f high w a te r, and th e d e s c r ip tio n conforms t o o th e rs g iv en

o f th e low er B asin b e fo re c o n s tru c tio n o f modern d rain ag e system s.

The p a r ty saw few In d ia n s and m entioned no f i e l d s o f m aize, although

th ey d id d e sc rib e la r g e In d ia n v illa g e s a few m ile s so u th of th e B asin ,

The emphasis i n th e r e p o r t on a p a u c ity o f In d ia n s and th e flo o d ed n a tu re

o f th e B asin would a t t r a c t l i t t l e a tt e n t i o n t o i t by p o te n tia l European

s e ttle rs ,

De Soto tra v e rs e d th e a re a i n 15>U2. m oscoso re c ro ss e d th e so u th ern

s e c tio n of th e Basin w ith de S o to ’s group, b u t m entioned l i t t l e about i t ,

ex cep t th e e x is te n c e of mounds h e re and th e r e . B ie n v ille c ro sse d th e

B asin in 1700, a ls o making h is t r i p i n March. He d e sc rib e d th e a re a as

p a r t l y flo o d e d , and c o n ta in in g many stream s i n th e unflooded s e c tio n s .

A lso m entioned w ere savannahs and p r a i r i e s , one b ein g a h a lf lea g u e wide

and very long (Margry, 1879-88, V ol. it:3 3 ). His p a rty k i l l e d a b u ffa lo

on one of th e s e p r a i r i e s , which seems t o account f o r th e name o f Boeuf

P r a i r i e i n so u th ern H ichland P a r is h , w hile he spoke w e ll o f th e p r a i r i e s ,

th e emphasis o f h is re p o rt was on th e bad, wet country and poor t r a i l s

(Margry, 1879-88, V ol. I n 3 3 ). B ie n v ille cro ssed th e Basin from Lake

Providence t o the p re s e n t s i t e of Monroe i n th e same y e a r, seem ingly

fo llo w in g much th e same ro u te as L o u isia n a Highway 2 (F ig . 1 2 ), Again,

th e flo o d ed n a tu re o f th e re g io n was th e theme.

 26

a— /

s»*'

•V

M' -------------------
POSSIBLE
ROUTES
-N- OF EARLY
EXPLORERS
d e S oto
B ie n v ille
H O IC O IO ———

10 20
MILES.

F ig . 12
S ources: M argry, 1879-88; H akluyt S o c ie ty , l8 £ l; Gibson, 1968.
 27
B ernard de l a Harpe appears to have been on th e w estern frin g e o f th e

Basin i n 1719 and re p o rte d fin d in g many la r g e p r a i r i e s , only a few In d ia n s ,

and no European s e t t l e r s (Margry, 1879-88, V ol. 5 :2 8 8 ).

W ell in to th e e ig h te e n th c en tu ry , th e n , th e B asin was one o f th e

least-know n p a rts of what was to become th e s t a t e o f L o u isia n a . One e a r ly

map showed th e B asin to be on high lan d behind an a p p a re n t e x te n sio n of

th e K isa tc h ie Wold (lePage du P rabz, 1 7 7 ^ :1 ), f u r th e r i l l u s t r a t i n g th e

g e n e ra l la c k of knowledge of th e a re a . O therw ise, th e few re p o rts t h a t

e x is te d emphasized th e w ater-lo g g ed n a tu re o f th e B asin , w ith o c c a sio n a l

in te r r u p tio n 'ey d r i e r p r a i r i e s . These r e p o rts d id l i t t l e to a t t r a c t

s e t t l e r s to th e a re a .

French S ettle m e n t

A lthough aware o f th e B asin e a rly i n i t s a d m in is tra tio n , th e French

c o lo n ia l government promoted s e ttle m e n t elsew here; n e v e r th e le s s , some

development was attem p ted . The p r a i r i e s (F ig . 13) and th e n a tu r a l le v e e s

of th e O uachita R iver a t t r a c t e d th e f i r s t s e t t l e r s . I n th e n o rth , the

d i f f e r e n t p r a i r i e s appear to have merged im p e rc e p tib ly , one i n t o th e o th e r;

in th e so u th , th e a reas were d i s t i n c t i n name and l i m i t . The wording of

th e e a r ly d e s c r ip tio n s in d ic a te s t h a t t h i s term a p p lie d to a landform

d r i e r th a n i t s su rro u n d in g s, as w e ll as to a g ra s sy lan d . The named

p r a i r i e s occupy th e p a r ts o f th e B asin f i r s t s e t t l e d or ex p lo red .

A warehouse f o r f u r tr a d e , e s ta b lis h e d a t th e mouth of th e Boeuf

R iver b e fo re 1720 (G reen, 1 9 3 6 jP late I I ) , may have stim u la te d se ttle m e n t

on th e nearby Boeuf P r a i r i e . L ocal legend has i t t h a t F rench farm ers on

Boeuf P r a i r i e were m assacred by Natchez In d ia n s . A sm a ll s e ttle m e n t d id

e x is t a t th e same tim e in th e v i c i n i t y o f Monroe. T hreat of s t a r v a t io n amd

 F ig , 13* P r a i r i e Areas a t S e ttle m e n t,

Sources: M argry, 1879-88; U,S, Departm ent o f th e I n t e r i o r , "B astro p ”

”C o llin s to n ”, "F o rt N e c e ssity " , "H a rriscn b u rg ", "H urricane"
Q uadrangles; P la ttb o o k s , F ra n k lin P a ris h , P la ttb o o k s ,
Morehouse P a ria h ,
 ARK.
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AREAS AT
SETTLEMENT

20
MILES

F ig . 13
 30

the menacing a t t i t u d e o f th e Natchez In d ian s fo rc e d abandonment of th e s e

s e ttle m e n ts in th e 1730»s (M onette, 181*6j2li5»).

S e ttle m e n t in th e B asin does no t appear to have been attem pted

o f f i c i a l l y ag ain u n t i l th e S panish e ra . Newness o f s e ttle m e n t, lac k o f

ex p erien ce i n th e B asin environm ent, and d is ta n c e to m arket and p o in ts o f

supply can be held p a r t i a l l y re s p o n sib le f o r th e f a i l u r e of th e French

s e ttle m e n ts .

To 1783, l i t t l e use had been made of th e B asin, except f o r Boeuf

P r a i r i e , so f a r as permanent s e ttle m e n t i s concerned. The stu d e n t can be

m isle d by the p resen ce of seme fam ily names o f obvious and n o t-so -o b v io u s

F rench background. A c tu a lly , th ese people e n te re d th e B asin up to h a lf a

c e n tu ry l a t e r (Landerneau, 1970). Nor can French survey system s, based

on th e a rp e n t, be found, a f u r th e r in d ic a tio n of q u ite tem porary s e t t l e ­

m ent, sin c e th e a rp e n t system i s so common i n o th e r p la c e s i n L ouisian a

where French groups s e t t l e d as farm ers (H a ll, 1970).

I n th e names of w ater b o d ie s, th e F rench presen ce can be d e te c te d .

B esides th e Boeuf R iv er, th e bayous La Fourche, Boeuf, G allo n , Bonne Id e e ,

and, p o s s ib ly , Coulee show a F rench h e rita g e (F ig . ll* ). These names

r e l a t e t o f e a tu r e s of th e w ater bodies o r o th e r n a tu r a l f e a t u r e s , w ith

th e e x cep tio n of Eonne Id e e (good id e a ) and, p erh ap s, G alion, which could

mean '’strip e '* o r "b raid e d " or r e f e r t o some p e rso n . The name "Boeuf"

l i k e l y r e f e r s t o th e b u ffa lo e s encountered by th e f i r s t e x p lo re rs .

P r a i r ie s Mer Rouge and G allon (names no lo n g er used) i n th e n o rth of th e

B asin , and Boeuf P r a i r i e a ls o show French a f f i l i a t i o n (F ig . 1 3 ).

Perhaps the Boeuf R iver B asin sym bolizes th e f r u s t r a t i o n o f F rench

c o lo n iz a tio n hopes i n L o u isian a i n g e n e ra l. The F rench, as th e o r ig in a l

European s e t t l e r s , endured th e t r i a l - a n d - e r r o r p e rio d which d iscourag ed

 31

Fig* lit* Boeuf B asin Stream s and Bayous. Note t h a t Big Creek
changes i t s name t o Colewa Creek approxim ately i n th e m iddle o f i t s course*
The Bayou Boeuf channel connects the Ouachita: and Boeuf sy stem s, b u t i t s
sm all s iz e has p rev en ted n a v ig a tio n . Bayou Bonne I d e e ’s m eanders b e a r a
g re a t resonblance t o th o se of th e Boeuf, O uachita, and Bayou Bartholomew,
in d ic a tin g sane l a r g e r stream cnee occupied t h a t c h a n n e l.

Source: L o u isian a S ta te Department o f P u b lic Works, 1966,

-92*30

BOEUF BASIN
STREAMS AND
BAYOUS

92 90

F ig , 11*
 33
many o f th e f i r s t a r r i v a l s . B efore adjustm ents could be made, th e French

e ra came to an end.

S panish S ettlem en t

The French abandoned t h e i r se ttle m e n t e f f o r t s a f t e r th e Natchez up­

r i s i n g in th e 1730»s and, though F i l h i o l spoke of th e " v e s tig e s " of e a r ly

i n h a b ita n ts , he found no a g r i c u lt u r a l s e t t l e r s . A census o f 1769 d id l i s t

110 w h ites f o r th e e n ti r e O uachita d i s t r i c t (Calhoun and M itc h e ll, 1937s

8 ). However, i n th e case of th e O uachita R iver a re a , th e se a p p a re n tly

in v o lv ed them selves e x c lu s iv e ly as h u n ters and tr a p p e rs , lac k in g a ry b a s is

f o r p ro d u c tiv e a g r i c u l t u r a l s e ttle m e n t. Among them, i t was s a id , liv e d

many f u g itiv e s o f F rench, S p an ish , and B r i t i s h o r ig in ( F i l h i o l , 1786:10).

The S panish government seems to have ignored th e Basin u n t i l 178£,

when Commandant F i l h i o l was ordered to the upper O uachita, e v e n tu a lly

s ta tio n in g h im self a t F o r t Miro (Monroe) (M iro, 1783). The lo c a tio n of

t h i s p o st on th e O uachita in s te a d o f th e M is s is s ip p i was r e la te d to con­

t r o l o f roads running n o rth and so u th and e a s t and w est (Holmes, 1781;

Holmes, 1810, Map 23; L afon, l8 o 6 sP a rt 2 of it), and t o th e low banks on

th e S p anish s id e o f th e M is s is s ip p i. Maps of th e tim e show no o th e r

ju n c tio n s or n o rth -s o u th roads t o th e e a s t in L o u isia n a. F o rt M iro*s

g r e a te r e le v a tio n gave i t g re a te r p ro te c tio n from flo o d in g . I n a d d itio n ,

th e p o st co u ld c o n tro l a b u f f e r zone between th e Americans on the e a s t

and th e Spanish claim s to th e w est. D istan ce from a re a s c o n tro lle d by th e

U nited S ta te s may a ls o have given th e Spanish a d m in is tra tio n a g r e a te r

sense of s e c u r ity .

F i l h i o l was in s tr u c te d by h is s u p e rio rs to en fo rce c o n se rv a tio n i n

h u n tin g , to encourage a g r ic u ltu r e , and t o organize th e in h a b ita n ts in to

v i ll a g e s (M iro, 1783). Soon a f t e r h is a r r i v a l , he had le a rn e d much about

 3h

th e la n d under h is command. He re p o rte d on th e quick d rain ag e o f th e

a re a in g e n e ra l, b u t adm itted t h a t overflow m ight handicap th e use of

some p la c e s to th e e a s t o f the O uachita, i . e . , th e Boeuf B asin. F u rth e r,

F i l h i o l e x to lle d th e su p e rio r q u a li t ie s of th e s o i l , d e sc rib in g i t as

b e in g topped by a la y e r o f b lack e a r th tw elve to e ig h te e n in ch es deep; he

b e lie v e d i t to be e s p e c ia lly prem ising f o r tobacco, c o tto n , v e g e ta b le s ,

and in d ig o . Other observers spoke of th e lik e lih o o d o f success o f f r u i t

and n u t-b e a rin g tr e e s (du F o s s a t, 1963:39).

G rants were made to in d iv id u a ls of w ealth or p o s itio n during the

L ater y e a rs o f th e S p an ish a d m in is tra tio n . M ost of th e g ra n ts a c tu a lly

s e t t l e d a t t h i s tim e were o u tsid e th e B asin. However, th e l a r g e s t of

th e s e , th e de B astrop Grant of 1795, in clu d ed alm ost h a lf th e Boeuf B asin.

The g ra n t comprised an are a tw elve leagues square (II1I4 square le a g u e s , or

about 6^0,000 a c re s ) (F ig . 1 5 ). The government in s tr u c te d de B astrop to

in tro d u c e p r i n c i p a l l y German and F la n is h s e t t l e r s and to c o n c e n tra te on

th e c u ltiv a tio n o f w heat. The e n tir e L o u isian a colony had su ffe re d from

a chronic shortage o f wheat, im porting i t fro n Mexico and elsew here

( F i l h i o l , 17 9 h :8 ). A u th o ritie s hoped f o r a su rp lu s from de B a s tro p 's

p la n , i n re tu r n f o r t h i s g ra n t, de B astrop agreed to s e t t l e 500 fa m ilie s

on i t , each r e c e iv in g hOO a re a l arp en ts (338 a c re s ) (American S ta te

P a p e rs, 1809-1815, Vol. 1 1 :7 7 2 ). I n r e a l i t y , de B astro p in tro d u c e d few er

th a n f i f t y fa m ilie s , and th e government forbade in 1797 h is continuance o f

h is e f f o r t s . The a u th o r itie s had in te n d e d , by th e de B astrop G rant, t o

s tim u la te s e ttle m e n t, b u t i t s g re a t s iz e and the confusion reg a rd in g th e

tr u e t i t l e of th e land h indered s e ttle m e n t of th e n o rth e rn p a r t of th e

B asin u n t i l th e m iddle of th e n in e te e n th c en tu ry .
 ARK .
L A.

f de Bastrop

Pargoud

I-------■—

F a rf a r •v

□ G a lla rd o J
da L a o n ^ |

-N- SPANISH
LAND GRANTS

20
MILES

F ig . 15
S ources: P la ttb o o k s, F ra n k lin , Morehouse, O uachita, and R ichland
p a ris h e s ; Calhoun and M itc h e ll, 1937.
 Thus, w h ile th e Spaniards were co n sid ered more a g g re ssiv e th an th e

French in s e ttle m e n t attem p ts in n o rth e rn L o u isia n a, a t th e end of th e

Spanish e r a , o b serv ers d e sc rib e d i t a s m o stly ’‘prim eval f o r e s t" (Calhoun,

l?3St62i).
D e fin ite evidence o f Spanish h e rita g e i s even more d i f f i c u l t th a n f o r

th e French to fin d today in th e B asin. No n a tu r a l f e a tu re b e a rs a Spanish

name. There a re n e ith e r c lu s te r s of p o p u la tio n nor communities w ith

Spanish c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The de B astrop G rant, though shown on maps as

l a t e as th e m id -n in e te e n th c e n tu ry , has disap p eared com pletely. The re c ­

ta n g u la r s e c tio n s a t Mer Rouge and Oak Ridge, so ld a f t e r the Spanish e ra

by th o se who had gained p o ssessio n of p o rtio n s o f th e g r a n t, a r e , th e r e ­

f o r e , only i n d i r e c t l y a h e rita g e o f th e Spanish e ra . Five of th e square

Spanish g ra n ts ( s i t i o s ) (H a ll, 1970) a re found i n M orehouse, R ichland ,

and F ra n k lin p a ris h e s (F ig . 1 5 ). I n th e lo c a tio n s o f th e sm a lle r g r a n ts ,

th e Im portance of waterways and th e Boeuf P r a i r i e are a can be c le a r ly

seen. These could have been fo re -ru n n e rs o f e x te n siv e r i v e r i n e s e t t l e ­

ment on th e re s p e c tiv e stream s.

Anglo-Saxon s e t t l e r s e n te re d n o rth e a s t L ouisiana in th e l a s t y e ars

of th e Spanish e r a . The o r ig in s o f th e s e s e t t l e r s in clu d ed Kentucky,

Ohio, and v a rio u s s t a te s o f th e n o r th e a s t and so u th e a s t U nited S ta te s

(M iscellaneous P a p e rs, Index 29, Documents i n French and S panish l ? 8 l -

1818 o f O uachita P a ris h Conveyance R eco rd s). Most of th e se s e t t l e r s

lo c a te d along th e O uachita R iver and Bayou Bartholomew. The sp a rse

s e t t l s a e n t and s c a n tin e s s of re c o rd s make i t d i f f i c u l t to determ ine th e

n a tu re and e x te n t of Anglo-Saxon c u ltu r e f o r th e Basin a t th e end of th e

Spanish a id French e ra s .
 CHAPTER 2

ANTE-BELLUM SETTLEMENT

Landscape and V egetation

The beginning of t h i s e ra found th e Basin little -k n o w n and s p a rs e ly

s e t t l e d , much o f i t s t i l l a hunting ground f o r In d ia n s and Europeans.

O f f ic ia l re p o rts give l i t t l e in fo rm a tio n about th e a re a ( G a lla tin , 1809:

586).
The g e n eral tone of tra v e le rs * re p o rts was more fa v o ra b le th a n

e a r l i e r (Darby, I8 l6 :li9 ; Brown, 1817:130; M a rtin , 1 827:25). W riters

m entioned a ll u v i a l la n d , renewed y e a rly by flo o d s . They f a i l e d to men­

tio n th a t t h is renew al meant p o s s ib le d e s tr u c tio n of liv e s to c k and

f a c i l i t i e s , as sp rin g flo o d s o c c a s io n a lly reached th e banks of the

O uachita River frcm th e e a s t.

In s te a d o f d e sc rib in g th e e n ti r e a re a as a canebrake, t r a v e le r s

s tr e s s e d th e g re a t amount of lan d unencumbered by In d ia n or S panish

claim s (S toddard, 1812; 261j). However, a canebrake d id take up much o f

th e c e n te r o f th e B asin (F ig . 1 6 ), though no p a r t of i t rem ains a t

p re s e n t.

The annoyances and t h r e a t of in s e c ts and d is e a s e s s t i l l im pressed

most v i s i t o r s t o th e B asin and l ik e l y r e s u lte d frcm th e je a r l y flo o d in g ,

follow ed by poor drainage over much of th e a re a .

 Fig , 16* Canebrake Area.

Sources: P la ttb o o k s, C aldw ell, F ra n k lin , Morehouse, O uachita, R ichland

p a ris h e s ; U. S . Department o f A g ric u ltu re , #ljR-lfjli85-A, #ljR-
15069-A, #iR-1^071-A, #hR-13778TA, #IiR-llt767-A, '‘O uachita
P a r i s h .'1
 ARK
LA

32

'1J • • • #k*
w m m m

•V

32

CANEBRAKE
AREA

20

MliCS

F ig . 16
 10
Transportation

Water tran sp ortation stood as the most important means o f entry

in to the Basin a t the opening of t h is era. The Ouachita River and Bayou

Bartholomew, but e s p e c ia lly the Boeuf River and Bayou Macon provided

a c ce ss. However, each of these streams would o cca sio n a lly have l e s s than

two f e e t of water in the f a l l (J effe rso n and Dunbar, 1 9 0 iisl8 ). Therefore,

th e ir use was season al. During periods of high w aterr the Boeuf River

could be navigated to P oint J efferso n and, in seme y ea rs, to w ith in 30

m ile s of the Arkansas border (P lattbook, West C arroll P a r ish ).

A s i g n i f ic a n t event occurred i n 1819, w ith th e opening o f th e stream s

o f th e B asin to steam boat tr a n s p o r ta tio n . Even though no g re a t o b s ta c le s ,

such as th e "G reat R aft" on th e Red R iv e r, had h in d ered i t , improvement

o f n a v ig a tio n stim u la te d m ig ra tio n in to th e O uachita V alley more than

i n to th e Boeuf B asin.

F o r la n d tr a n s p o r ta tio n , t r a i l s a lre a d y e x is te d and a few roads

could su p p o rt wagons. The v a rio u s roads and t r a i l s fre q u e n tly tra v e rs e d

th e c o u n try sid e from p r a i r i e to p r a i r i e or e le v a te d a re a to e le v a te d

a re a , in s te a d of proceeding d i r e c t l y a c ro ss th e Basin (F ig . 17)• Boeuf

P r a i r i e was connected to Monroe, although th e t r a i l ' s ex ac t course

depended upon th e amount o f w ater i n th e a re a (Hendry, 1839-181|2). The

ro u te from Monroe to Bayou Bartholomew, Mer Rouge, and Lake Providence

had lo n g been used, as had th e ro ad n o rth to A rkansas. I n th e I8lj0«s, a

road was c o n stru c te d between Monroe and V icksburg, b u t could be used o n ly

in dry w eather (W illiam son, 1939:185). A u th o ritie s e s ta b lis h e d a m a il

ro u te in th e l8 1 |0 's connecting Vicksburg w ith H arrisonburg, through R ich­

mond, and using Macon Ridge as f a r as p o s s ib le (Snyder, l8 1 |2 ;L e tte r, Dec.

10.
 Fig* 17* Routes i n i8 6 0 . Comparison w ith F ig u re 28 in d ic a te s th a t
th e prim ary fu n c tio n of mary o f th e se r o u te s was t o connect p o in ts o u t­
s id e th e B asin , r a t h e r th a n to serve th o se w ith in th e B a sin . Records
in d ic a te t h a t ro u te s c ro ssin g swamp a re a s i n e a s te r n Morehouse P a ris h and
i n th e a re a w est o f th e Boeuf, so u th o f t h a t p a r is h , changed c o u rse
fre q u e n tly due t o boggy roadbeds. Most o f th e s e ro u te s have l o s t th e
im portance h e ld a t t h i s tim e.

Sources: P lattbooks, C aldw ell, Franklin, Morehouse, Ouachita, Richland,

West C arroll parish es; Hardee, ca. 1895>J M arshall, 1858.
 ARK
LA.

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1
► ^

( T lH M I I I H I H H I

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- N -
ROUTES
IN 1860
' Defini te R o u t e Locati on
P o s s i b l e R o u t e L oca t i on

to

F ig . 17
 R a ilro a d c o n s tru c tio n i n n o r th e a s t L ouisiana was a c tu a lly p a r t o f a

la r g e r scheme to connect th e e a s t and west c o a sts of th e U nited S t a te s .

C onsidered c ro ssin g s of th e M is s is s ip p i R iver in clu d ed Lake P rovidence,

V icksburg, and V id a lia , w ith th e V id a lia r o u t e 's being abandoned e a r ly in

th e d isc u ssio n s (Bry, 18U7)• Sane p lan n ers argued t h a t the Lake Providence

ro u te co u ld ta k e advantage of Macon Ridge and P r a i r i e Mer Rouge, and t h a t

th e swamp i n t h a t s e c tio n of th e Basin was not so w ide. O thers b e lie v e d

t h a t th e V icksburg ro u te was more d i r e c t and would be i n l i n e w ith c i t i e s

o f th e S outh, such as C h a rle sto n , M ontganery, S h rev ep o rt, and P a lla s (B ry,

18147). In a d d itio n , a b rid g e over Bayou Bartholanew could be avoided.

The a v a ila b ilit y o f c a p ita l for promotion and investment decided th e d is ­

pute; the greater c a p ita l in Vicksburg, Monroe, and Shreveport lay along

the route f in a lly accepted.

Construction began in th e 18E>0's and the l i n e had almost reached

Monroe by i8 6 0 . However, the C iv il War prevented further work. Water

remained the most important form of tran sp ortation , and, th u s, had the

g r ea test in flu en ce on settlem en t.

A griculture and Other Economic A c tiv itie s

While commercial farming was the goal of the f i r s t Anglo-Saxon

s e t t l e r s , as was true of most areas o f new settlem ent (M itch ell, 1969*

113), rem oteness posed a d i s t i n c t handicap. D istance to g in s and m il l s

s e v e re ly lim ite d emphasis on c o tto n and hopes f o r g ra in e x p o rt. In

a d d itio n , su p p lie s (equipm ent, to o ls ) o fte n had to be o b tain ed a t p ro b ate

s a l e s , as no convenient s to r e s e x is te d .

V isito r s to the Basin spoke o f th e increasing e sta b lish in g o f cotton

p la n ta tio n s along the navigable stream banks. Sugar and cotton were

claimed to do q u ite w e ll (During these years these two crops became

com m ercially im p o rtan t i n L o u is ia n a ), and de B a s tro p 's g ra n t was r e f e r r e d

to as "th e garden o f th e O uachita bottom s" (Brown, 1817:130). By t h i s

tim e, due to th e la c k of stream s e a s t of th e O uachita t h a t could be used

to d riv e m i l l s , wheat and o th er sm all g ra in s were l e s s f re q u e n tly men­

tio n e d as p o s s ib le crops (Darby, l8 l6 :l|lj) .

A v a r ie ty of a g r i c u lt u r a l a c t i v i t i e s was a p p a re n tly a ttem p ted . Seme

s e t t l e r s emphasized th e r a i s i n g of liv e s to c k , b o th c a t t l e and hogs.

P ra c tic e s employed on the p r a i r i e s in th e so u th of th e Basin resem bled

ran ch in g o p e ra tio n s.^ - These o p e ra tio n s may have r e s u lte d from herds o f

f e r a l c a t t l e in th e B asin. O bservers m entioned th e p resence of th e s e

herds (Dunn, l8 8 |?:£ 7 ). O thers allowed t h e i r tame c a t t l e and hogs to roam

th e f o r e s t s . The a d a p ta tio n of th e t r a d i t i o n a l open-range g ra z in g o f th e

Upland South t o th e new c o n d itio n s of a low land swamp f o r e s t , as opposed

to an upland f o r e s t , i s seen h e re . Owners rounded up t h e i r anim als i n th e

f a l l w ith th e a id o f a s p e c ia l fo lk b re e d , th e "C atahoula hog dog"

(Cottingham , 1938:33* LeBon, 1970:31).

W hile many s e t t l e r s e s ta b lis h e d fa m ily -s iz e d farm s (as in d ic a te d by

th e fre q u e n t m ention on su rv e y o rs' p l a t t s o f f i e l d s b elonging to v a rio u s

in d iv id u a ls ) , o th e rs o p erated la rg e t r a c t s . This occurred p a r t i c u l a r l y

in th e so u th e a s t of the B asin c lo s e to Bayou Macon n e a r Upper S e ttle m e n t

and Lower S e ttle m e n t (to d a y 's Como and Oakley) (F ig . 1 8 ). Farms o f up to

1,000 a cres were found h e re , some having a s much a s liOO a c re s in b o th

co m and c o tto n . A s e a s o n 's crop m ight amount to 100,000 pounds o f l i n t

(200 b a le s ) . P a rc e ls of land sometimes so ld fo r $l,f>00 (Snyder P apers,

1810-1829).

here means an o p e ra tio n where c a t t l e - r a i s i n g i s th e p re ­

dominant a c t i v i t y , and th e anim als a re herded.
 F ig . 18* B asin Canm unities in 1830* Communities in clu d e s e ttle m e n ts
m entioned i n p u b lic and p r iv a te re c o rd s.

Source: U* S* Bureau o f th e C ensus, 1820, 1830j Ouachita P a ris h ,

Conveyance Records*
 ARK.
LA.

• Point J a ff a r a o n f
■ 1

•v

v.
• Uppar i ^
? • S attlam on t

Boauf
Pralrla
■ 32 ' 32

BASIN
-N- COMMUNITIES
IN 1830
[ H a rr iso n b u r g

20
MIIIS

F ig . 18
 1*7
S e le c te d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s f o r th e B asin p a ris h e s r e v e a l t h a t th e se

p a ris h e s bore seme marked d iffe re n c e s (T ables 2 and 3 ) . C a r r o ll, w ith

many la rg e p la n ta tio n s , m ight be expected to have th e l a r g e s t average

faim s iz e . The same should be tru e f o r O uachita, w ith i t s la r g e e a rly

lan d g r a n ts . While th e average t o t a l s iz e s f o r th e rem aining p a ris h e s

a re much th e same, F ra n k lin has a much sm a lle r average improved a re a .

This would seem to in d ic a te the presence o f many an a l l fan n ers, as would

the value o f implements. The value of farm implsnerrts appears to go up

w ith a d eclin e in average farm s i z e , perhaps r e f le c t in g the greater

numbers of farmers and th e r e p e titio n o f types o f equipment.

The le s s e r importance of th e mule, as opposed to the horse, in most

of th e Basin p arish es con trasts sharply w ith th e nearly even fig u res for

C arroll Parish in 1850. Beportedly, the mule did not appear in the Basin

u n t il 1835 (K ilp a trick , 1852: V ol. I2 ;2 2 li). The r a tio o f horses to mules

changed considerably between th e 1850 and i860 cen su ses. The mule gained

popularity in those sectio n s where la rg e r farms were th e r u le . Planta­

tio n operators employed mules before sm all farmers and the id e n tity of

cu ltu res cannot be determined by tr a c tio n types (Newton, 1973-Bili*).

However, the importance of the mule f i r s t in C arroll P arish and then in

those sectio n s o f the Basin w ith la rg e farms may serv e, in a d d itio n to

other c h a r a c te r is tic s , to underline the presence o f the Lowland South.

By 1850, s la v e ry held g r e a t im portance in a l l th e B asin p a r is h e s ,

except C aldw ell, and much of t h a t p a r is h l i e s o u tsid e th e B asin . F ra n k lin ,

alth o u g h n e ar the average, had th e s m a lle s t p ercen tag e of s la v e -h o ld in g

f a m ilie s . A ll o f th e Basin p a ris h e s combined had only 17 sla v e h o ld e rs

w ith more th an 50 s la v e s (U. S. Bureau o f th e Census, S lave S chedules,

1850), b u t only F ra n k lin and C aldw ell had a m a jo rity o f w h ites in the

p o p u la tio n .
 TABLE 2

SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS IN 1850

Promi­
Percentage nence of
Average T o ta l Value of Slaves in
Average Improved o f Farm F am ilies T o tal S lav e-
Farm Size Acreage Implements w ith P opulation holding P a ris h
P a ris h Acres p e r Farm - D o llars Horses Mules Slaves Percentage Average P o pulation

C aldw ell 171* 89 133,636 397 175 16 1*3 9 .1 2,816

C a rro ll I487 159 206,71*7 1,61*3 1,1*1*6 51* 71* 21.1 8,778

F ra n k lin 200 51 10l*,8l8 1,01*5 352 1*8 1*8 9.5 3,227

Morehouse 235 87 56,917 791* 325 51 51 9.8 3,883

Ouachita 290 82 50,590 798 1*52 62 58 11.2 It, 727

Source; U. S. Bureau o f th e Census, A g ric u ltu re and G eneral, 1850.

 TABLE 3

SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS IN i860

Promi­
Percentage nence of
Average T o ta l Value of S laves in
Average Improved o f Farm F am ilies T otal S la v e- Nunber
Farm S ize Acreage Implements w ith P o p u latio n holding Slave­
L o catio n Acres per Farm - D o llars Horses Mules Slaves Percentage Average h o ld ers

C aldw ell 338 81* 88,166 798 1*02 31 1*0 7 .7 226

C a rro ll
Ward 5 21*2 70 Ii2,25>0 390 31*7 30 1*0 11.1* 86
Ward 6 276 80 100,lt79 371 21*7 1*6 1*8 7.9 97
Ward 7 261* 80 3l*,7l*l* 237 303 6o 1*8 9.3 66

F ra n k lin 368 98 69,682 1,300 990 1*2 00 11.1 291*

Morehouse
Ward 5 1*31* 166 28,050 202 332 1*1 71* 2i*.9 1*8
Ward 6 307 126 12,370 11*0 21*7 00 78 21*. 3 36
Ward 10 U88 111* 8,220 109 120 01 06 11.3 37

O uachita
Ward 2 1*20 173 13,760 11*6 101* 61 08 21*. 0 19
Ward 3 1*32 110 12,208 81 126 n /a n /a 1 7 .0 16
Ward 1* 170 99 20,070 92 69 n /a n /a 1U.6 26

Note: Where th e census fig u re s a re l i s t e d by wards, only B asin wards are shown.

Source: U. S . Bureau of th e Census, A g ric u ltu re and G eneral, i8 6 0 .

.c-
VO
 So
I n reg ard to la rg e sla v eh o ld in g s in i860 (F ig . 1 9 ), F ra n k lin and

C aldw ell appear to have been s im ila r to a number of p a ris h e s i n th e

n o r th - c e n tr a l h i l l a re a and th e F lo r id a P a ris h e s . A lthough C aldw ell i s

p a r tly i n th e h i l l a re a , F r a n k lin ’s low land s i t u a t i o n makes i t s a f f i n i t y

to the m ainly h i l l p a ris h e s more im p re ssiv e . O uachita and Morehouse f a l l

in to th e category g e n e ra lly held by a number of low land p a ris h e s , and, in

c an b in atio n w ith o th er fe a tu r e s of Morehouse P a ris h , te n d s to more firm ly

p lace i t under seme Lowland South in flu e n c e . C a r r o l l ’s high sta n d in g

r e la te d to th e g r e a t number o f la rg e sla v e h o ld in g s in i t s e a s te rn p o rtio n .

While slaveholdings c h a r a c te r is tic s , in them selves, serve as no

culture stamp, s im ila r itie s and d iffe r e n c e s w ith parishes in other areas

in th is resp ect can be an a id .

The p o s s i b i l i t y e x is ts th a t th e im portance of s la v e s in the B asin

and t h e i r e a r ly use se rv ed as a d e te r r e n t to sm all farm er Upland South

e n try , thus lim itin g th e Upland S o u th ’s in flu e n c e in th e c u ltu r a l la n d ­

scape. The sla v e s serv ed as cheap la b o r and were in v o lv ed , i n sane c a se s,

in s e l li n g com and pork in th e m arkets o f th e g en eral a re a (McGuire,

I 8 l8 - l8 £ 2 ). Thus, they were w e ll en tre n ch e d in an a c t i v i t y i n which

sm a ll, yeoman farm ers would norm ally be in v o lv e d .

A ll in a l l , comparison o f a g r i c u lt u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n th e B asin

p a ris h e s w ith those in o th e r p a ris h e s about th e s t a t e le a d s to a te n ta ­

t iv e co nclu sio n th a t th e Upland South dom inated w estern C a rro ll P a r is h ,

Ward h in so u th e a st O uachita P a ris h , and C aldw ell P a ris h ; and t h a t th e

Lowland South d aninated i n Morehouse P a ris h and Wards 2 and 3 in O uachita

P a rish ( e a s t - c e n t r a l and n o r th e a s t) . I n m o s t c a te g o rie s , F ra n k lin P a ris h

shows a f f i l i a t i o n w ith the Upland South.

Source: Menn, 196b:7

LARGE SLAVEHOLDINGS 1860

(5 0 or more)
11-10
111-25
□ ABOVE 2 6
1 NO RETURNS
►*) n B O E U F BASIN LIMITS
H*
TO
(-*
VO

- N -

WILES
 5>2

S ettla n en t

By the end of the French and Spanish era s, almost 1|00 Europeans had

s e t t le d in the Ouachita D is t r ic t , w ith United S ta tes c itiz e n s already

accounting fo r over h a lf (Berquin-Duvallon, 1860*136).

During th e f i r s t 2£ y e a rs of th e American e ra , s e ttle m e n t concen­

t r a t e d in th e so u th of the B asin (on Boeuf P r a i r i e ) and on Macon Ridge

(n e a r Bayou Macon), and, toward th e n o rth , on p r a i r i e s Mer Rouge, G alion,

and J e ffe rs o n (F ig . 1 3 ). These c o n c e n tra tio n s re s u lte d from r e l a t i v e

ease of a c c e ss , the expansion o r r e i n s t i t u t i o n of previous s e ttle m e n t,

and th e a t t r a c t i o n o f h ig h e r ground.

Abraham Morehouse, who had cane in to p ossession o f much of the de

Bastrop Grant, was prim arily resp onsib le fo r settlem en t of th e P ra irie

Mer Houge area in the ea rly 1800* s . Between 180JU and 1813, he made

approximately 100 land sa le s to people who a c tu a lly s e t t le d on the land

(Calhoun and M itc h e ll, 1937:130). He so ld land m ostly to people fran

outside Louisiana, e s p e c ia lly from Kentucky. A mixed c u ltu r a l background

i s suspected fo r th ese e a rly s e t t le r s (Table lj). Sane of the names

represent fa m ilie s canmon in the Upland South, w hile other patrinyms were

d is tin c t iv e o f other se c tio n s, inclu ding New England; and, of course,

many names were ubiquitous (R o ssite r , 1909). R egistration s o f marks and

brands in Ouachita Parish fo r 182£ revealed only one d e f in it e ly Scotch-

I r is h name in 110 e n tir e s (Ouachita P arish Conveyance Records, Declara­

tio n s of Marks and Brands). While not a l l Upland South people were

S co tch -Ir ish , they were an important group in the Upland South, so that

th ese name l i s t s seem to qu estion the importance o f th e Upland South a t

th a t tim e. Thus, blending, or meshing, w ith no d isce rn ib le pattern o f

culture c h a r a c te r is tic s may w e ll have been a featu re of the Basin from

ea rly days o f settlem en t.

 TABLE h
LAND PURCHASES ON PRAIRIES MER ROUGE AND JEFFERSON 1805-1813

Purchaser Year Sold Location Acres Zone o f Concentration of Nane

Buckner, Samuel 1805 P ra irie Mer Rouge 150 V irg in ia , North Carolina

B a lls , W. 1807 P rairie Jefferson 500 M assachusetts, V irginia

Bowmar, Capt. Joseph 1807 P rairie Mer Rouge 500 Pennsylvania, V irgin ia

B a llin g er, Nancy 1810 P rairie Mer Rouge 272 Not A vailable

Barlow, James & Than as 1809-1810 P rairie Mer Rouge 1,199 M assachusetts, Vi rginia

Clack & Frazier 1808 P rairie Jefferson 875 North Carolina, Pennsylvania

Clack, Thompson, e t a l 1811 P ra irie Jefferson 87? Ubiquitous

Darley, P atrick 1809 P rairie Mer Rouge IjOO Not A vailable

D avis, Nathaniel 1810 P ra irie Jefferson 500 Ubiquitous

New York, M assachusetts,

o
o
Davenport, Josiah 1807 P ra irie Mer Rouge
North Carolina, V irginia

Egg, Joseph 1810 P ra irie Mer Rouge 200 Pennsylvania, North Carolina

Floyd, Moses 1809 P ra irie Jefferson & Bonnee 950 North Carolina, South
Idee Carolina

Guffy, John 1807 P ra irie Jefferson 500 Not A vailable

 Table 1*—Continued

Purchaser T ear Sold L ocation Acres Zone o f C oncentration of Name

G r if f in g , A rch ib ald , John, 1807-1812 P r a ir ie s J e ffe rs o n & 2,000 New York, North C aro lin a
Jerem iah Mer Rouge

Hamilton, George 1807 P r a ir ie Mer Rouge 1,338|- U biquitous

Hughes, Benjamin (John) 1811 P r a ir ie Mer Rouge bOQ P en n sy lv an ia, V irg in ia

Henderson, James L* 1809 P r a ir ie Mer Rouge 1*00 P ennsylvania, V irg in ia ,

North C arolina

Hook, George 1812 P r a i r i e Mer Rouge £00 P ennsylvania, M aryland, New

Hampshire

Kay, R obert 180? P r a i r ie Mer Rouge 1*00 V irg in ia , North C aro lin a

Linderman, Conrad 1811 P r a ir ie Mer Rouge 1*00 Not A v ailab le

Lewis, Judge Thomas C. 1810-1812 P r a i r ie s J e ffe rs o n & Mer

Rouge, Bayou Bonne Id ee 1,1*23 U biquitous

Lamy, L . and M. L eV illan 1809 P r a i r i e Mer Rouge 1*00 Not A vail able

M ille r , John 1811 P r a ir ie Mer Rouge L00 U biquitous

Morhouse, C harles F . 1805-1813 P r a ir ie Mer Rouge 1,500 C on n ecticu t, New York

M iddleton, Hatton 1801* P r a ir ie Mer Rouge 1,^00 South C a ro lin a, Pennsylvania

M erriw ether, E liz a , M ildred 1805-1806 P r a i r ie Mer Rouge & 750 Not A vailable
Reuben, John M., N icholas Bayou G allio n
 TABLE I —Continued

Purchaser Year Sold Location Acres Zone o f Concentration o f Name

S c o tt, Gabriel 1809 P rairie Mer Rouge 150 Ubiquitous

Stewart, George 1809-1810 Bayou G allion 1,000 Ubiquitous

Van A llen , William 1810 P rairie Mer Rouge loo New York (Only)

Ward, Isaac 1808-1810 P rairie Jefferson 875 North Carolina, M assachusetts

Welch, Thcmas 1812 P ra irie Mer Rouge & i,o lo New York, Pennsylvania
Bayou G allion

Wence, John 1811 G allion & Jefferson 6,081 Nob A vailable

Townships

W iley, Robert 1811 P rairie Mer Rouge 33 New Hampshire, Pennsylvania

Yarborough, Swanton 1811 P rairie Mer Rouge 30 North Carolina

Sources: Calhoun and M itc h e ll, 1937:119-153 J R o s s ite r, 1909:227-270.

vn.
vn.
 Though s e ttle m e n t seemed r a th e r permanent in P r a ir ie Mer Rouge, a

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c could a lre a d y be seen i n P r a i r i e J e ffe rs o n s e ttle m e n t t h a t

was to h in d er development of th e r e s t of th e B asin u n t i l a f t e r th e C iv il

War. That i s , th e B asin (as did L ouisiana in g e n e ra l) serv ed as a k in d of

r e s t s to p fo r m ig ra n ts e i t h e r on t h e i r way to Texas, o r sp e c u la tin g on

th e f u tu r e v alue of th e la n d (Craven, 1939s361i) • I n a d d itio n , many

m ig ra n ts, p a r t i c u l a r l y th o se from Upland South a re a s , sought the sandy

and clay ey s o i l s to which they were accustaned (Owsley, 19149 : 60), This

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c would ten d to encourage than t o by-pass th e B asin. One

e a r ly in h a b ita n t spoke o f P r a ir ie J e ffe rs o n as '‘c lo se to M exico, f o r

which we a l l sig h " (G reen, I960j 62).

Land in these northern p r a ir ie areas was divided in to rectangular

l o t s , employing a kind o f metes-and-bounds system (F ig . 20). The domi­

nance o f rectangular l o t s in early settlem en t in d ica tes the in flu en ce of

a cu ltu re other than Upland South, or an Upland South cu ltu re a ffe c te d by

seme other, perhaps French o r Spanish. Units of measurement included

arpents, p oles (ro d s), chains, and paces. Width frequ en tly reached 30

chains in P rairie J efferso n (Short, l85>2:6lij). Forty arpens (arpents)

was considered a normal depth on each sid e of a bayou. Lot o r ie n ta tio n

sometimes focused on streams and sometimes n o t. Lot d escrip tio n s o ften

referred to c er ta in t r e e s , sta k es, and other surface featu res as com er

markers. However, the ch aotic appearance so o ften found w ith the m etes-

and-bounds system i s not seen here, perhaps due to the prevalence of

rectangular dimensions.

2
This d escrip tio n lik e ly r e fe r s to s o i l s w ith a th in sandy loam to p -
s o i l and a clayey s u b s o il. The w riter has noted s o i l s o f th is type on
f i e l d tr ip s and from s o i l maps fo r the Ouachita H ills ju s t west o f the
Ouachita R iver.
 k o u u ^
RECTA
SUBV6T
rl»n* RO»d
Ro»d
•S«c ° nd»*» Souna*»V

k X J
iMY*”
ROuSf
w«*ia»«a»

-N

/ /
I

£
/
5

U*o'

•0rt«W«*

w e n t of H i ^ S>
lvf»' 20 Depar
p ig
Lo u i9 iatia
1—u s e ?ariS^lJ
 The surveyed l o t s a re found a t e3e v a tio n s of 80 to 90 f e e t , only 10

to 15 f e e t above th e surrounding a re a s (U. S. Departm ent of th e I n t e r i o r ,

B astro p , C o llin s to n , and H urricane Q uadrangles, Topographic M aps), b u t,

a p p a re n tly , enough to make the s e t t l e r s b e lie v e them selves s a fe from

flo o d s.

The n o rth e rn s e c tio n of th e Basin a ls o appealed to Aaron B urr. He

planned f o r each of h is fo llo w e rs to re c e iv e 100 a c re s in the de B astrop

Grant (A bernethy, 1951): 115). He was apprehended b e fo re he reached th e

a re a w ith h is sm all band, b u t t h i s episode does f u r t h e r i l l u s t r a t e th a t

much o f n o rth e a s t L o u isian a la y open f o r s e ttle m e n t d uring th e f i r s t

decade o f the n in e te e n th c e n tu ry . Had he been s u c c e s s fu l, t h i s m oderate-

s iz e farm e sta b lish m e n t m ight have changed th e s e ttle m e n t p a tt e r n of th e

a re a c o n sid e ra b ly .

S e ttle m e n t began on Boeuf P r a i r i e alm ost as e a r ly as t h a t on P r a i r ie

Mer Rouge. A few Anglo-Saxon fa m ilie s a rr iv e d th e r e b e fo re 1800, b u t

m ajor s tim u la tio n s to se ttle m e n t r e s u lte d fro n assum ption of c o n tro l o f

L ouisiana by th e U nited S ta te s and th e co n clu sio n of th e War of 1812.

H ere, to o , m ost of th e m ig ran ts came from s t a t e s to the e a s t , w ith

some from Tennessee, V irg in ia , and Kentucky (u. S . Bureau of th e Census,

1850). About o n e -th ird o f th e t o t a l f a m ilie s p o ssesse d s la v e s (U. S.

Bureau of th e Census, 1810, 1820, and 1830) and seme had s u f f i c i e n t funds

to purchase more lan d than they homesteaded. Fam ily t r a d i t i o n s h old t h a t

th e s e e a r ly s e t t l e r s c o n stru c te d la rg e homes of lo g s w ith e la b o ra te

d in in g and g u e st rooms (Noble, 1970; S a r to r , 1970), but no id e a e x is ts as

to the la y o u t o f th e se s t r u c tu r e s . As soon as m a te r ia ls and workmen were

a v a ila b le , la rg e frame s tr u c tu r e s were e re c te d by th e more prosperous

fa m ilie s (F ig . 2 1 ).
 59

F ig . 21. C. A. Lewis Heine. B u ilt by th e Lewis fam ily and supposedly

d a tin g to about 1830, t h i s i s t h e o n ly example o f i t s type rem aining i n
th e B asin to d ay . Note th e s i m i l a r i t y to th e C reole s ty le in th e r o o f, th e
space under th e f i r s t f l o o r , and th e depth o f th e s tr u c tu r e . Although an
imposing lan d scap e f e a t u r e , i t now fu n c tio n s as a b a m . The c ed ar t r e e
i n th e f r o n t y a rd i s u b iq u ito u s in th e B asin, as th e c h in a b erry tr e e i s
elsew here. I n t h i s farm ste a d , perhaps th e o ld e s t i n th e B asin , we see
f e a tu r e s of b o th th e Upland and Lowland South, a s w e ll as C reole (C arib b ean ).
 E nglish names held dominance, although there were seme S co tch -Irish

names, such as M u llin s, McDonald, McIntosh, and McClendon (Stok es,

1832-39). Where fam ily genealogies in d ic a te counties or communities of

o r ig in in Georgia, Alabama, or North C arolina, lo c a tio n i s on th e pied­

mont or co a sta l plain^ , in d ic a tin g a mixed Upland South and Lowland South

h e r ita g e .

The e x te n siv e canebrake are a handicapped e a r ly s e ttle m e n t (F ig . 1 6 ).

Except fo r so u th e rn and n o rth e rn R ichland P a ris h , the in d ic a te d canebrake

a re a has only r e c e n tly been c u ltiv a te d and much of i t rem ains in second-

growth tim b e r. The brake was d e sc rib e d as a "shimmering sp in e " and a

"green w a ll" by e a r ly r e s id e n ts (L o u isian a S ta te Department of P u b lic

Works, P lanning D iv isio n , 1958:9). They, as w e ll as surveyors i n th e

I8lj0»s and l8 5 0 * s, regarded i t as im p en etrab le, though some co n sid ered

canebrakes good f o r w in te r g razin g . Owsley m a in ta in s b oth th e p la n te r s

and p la in farm ers avoided them because of m a la ria and the expense of

c le a r in g th e la n d (Owsley, 19li9:52). These impediments g e n e ra lly r e ­

s t r i c t e d s e ttle m e n t to th e e a s t and west edges of th e B asin during much

o f th e f i r s t h a lf of th e n in e te e n th c en tu ry . I n a d d itio n , th ey served

as a s e le c tiv e a g e n t, d iscouraging Upland South s e ttle m e n t, due to th e

p re fe re n c e of th a t group f o r dry e le v a te d f o r e s t a re a . Those m ig ra n ts,

a p p a re n tly from Upland South a re a s , who came in to th e B asin l a t e r , chose

such s e c tio n s i n West C a r ro ll and F ra n k lin p a ris h e s , even though cane­

brake a re a s s t i l l rem ained a v a ila b le (U. S. Bureau of th e Census, 1880).

Sane upland (perhaps n o t Upland South) d w e lle rs attem pted s e ttle m e n t on

■a
-'Towns in clu de Pine H ills , M obile, and A sh v ille in Alabama and
M arietta in Georgia. Counties include Calhoun in Alabama and Clark,
Henry, and Coweta in Georgia (Noble, Thcmason, and Sartor Family
Records).
 61

th e n a tu r a l le v e e s in th e so u th of th e Basin b e fo re 1810, b u t flo o d s in

1813 and ag ain in I 8 l5 drove them perm anently away (Chawner, 1 936:10).

Events took p lac e i n th e 1820's and 1 8 3 0 's to in flu e n c e se ttle m e n t

i n th e B asin. These in clu d ed more a c c u ra te r e p o rtin g , the d isc o v ery o f

r i c h lan d in th e m iddle p a r t of th e B asin, and in c re a se d aw areness o f th e

f e r t i l e rid g e s between th e Boeuf R iv er and Macon Ridge (M artin, 1827:2^).

Knowledge had been gained about th e v e g e ta tiv e co v er, such as th o se t r a c t s

having a pine cover (Dunbar and H unter, 1832:733)• L ater Upland South

s e ttle m e n t o fte n focused on th e p in e f o r e s t a re a s .

The opening up of p u b lic lan d s f o r s a le served as a f u r t h e r stim u lu s .

C onfirm ation—or la c k of i t —f o r th e v a rio u s g ra n ts had delayed p u b lic

s a le u n t i l 1820 (Rohrbough, 1968:1)0). However, t h i s postponement re s u lte d

in th e in c re a s e i n c o s t of lan d to two d o lla r s p er a c re (whereas j u s t a

a few y e a rs b e fo re , th e same la n d m ight have c o st o nly f iv e c e n ts p e r

a c re ) (S toddard, 1812:266), p lu s o f f ic e and surveying f e e s . This in c re a s e

made th e land too expensive f o r many p ro sp e c tiv e Upland South p u rc h a se rs,

p o s s ib ly ex cep tin g th e w e a lth ie r Upland South e l i t e , persons who ape th e

Lowland t r a i t s , anyway. N onetheless, o th e rs were able to a c q u ire la n d .

G ira rd (F ig . 18), th e o ld e s t community i n R ichland P a ris h , was

e s ta b lis h e d in 1821, alth o u g h th e o ld e s t d eath appearing on a grave m arker

shows 1814.7* The agents of Stephen G ira rd , a p h ila n th ro p is t and f in a n c ie r

o f P h ila d e lp h ia who had came in to p o sse ssio n of a la rg e s e c tio n of th e

de B astrop G rant, so ld la r g e acreages of lan d frcm th is holding i n th e

v i c i n i t y o f G irard f o r s p e c u la tio n o r commercial farm ing (B ryy I8 li8 :6 9 ).

Note t h a t G ir a r d 's s i t e was in canebrake a re a . However, th e canebrake i n

th e c e n te r of what i s now R ichland P a r is h served as le s s o f a d e te r r e n t

to se ttle m e n t th an elsew here.

 62
Even on Macon Ridge, however, two scourges a f f l i c t e d s e t t l e r s through­

out the n in e te e n th c e n tu ry : plagues of gn ats and d is e a s e s . A p o s s ib ility

e x i s t s , however, th a t d ise a se in th e a l l u v i a l lan d s was o v e rs tre s s e d , as

evidence in d ic a te s more deaths frcm f e v e r is h d ise a s e s in the uplands

(McGuire, 1818-1852). D espite such a r e a l i t y , th e re was a custom from

p re-C iv il-W ar tim es to the 1 9 2 0 's of sending c h ild re n to the Ruston a re a

d uring th e summer (McGuire, S e p t., 1831?; R ichland Beacon-News, Aug. 8,

1891; Noble, 1970).

In c re a s in g s e ttle m e n t le d t o th e fo rm atio n of new p a ris h e s a f t e r

1830. The f i r s t was C a r r o ll, in 1832, in c lu d in g th e a re as o f p re s e n t E ast

and West C a r ro ll p a ris h e s . While th e w estern boundary extended to Boeuf

R iv e r, the co re o f th e new p a ris h n e s tle d along th e M is s is s ip p i R iv er.

Ease in dem arcation can be held accountable f o r e x te n sio n of th e p a ris h

to th e Boeuf R iv e r. Very l i t t l e se ttle m e n t had occurred i n t h a t p a r t of

Boeuf Basin even as l a t e as th e surveys made in th e 18£0's (P la ttb o o k ,

West C a rro ll P a r is h ) , but Lake Providence had e a s ie r a c c e ss to th e area

th an Monroe. Surveyors co n sid ered th e lan d second- and t h i r d - r a t e w ith

an overflow problem (D earing, 1837). This r a tin g would ten d to hin d er

s e ttle m e n t.

A c lo s e r connection to s e ttle m e n t in th e Basin i s seen in th e forma­

t i o n of C aldw ell P a ris h i n 1838. The Boeuf R iver marked th e g r e a te r p a r t

of th e e a s te rn boundary. Beginning in th e 1 8 3 0 's , French s e t t l e r s

m ig rated i n to t h i s e a s te r n s e c tio n , r e s u ltin g in th e founding o f two

com m unities, Landerneau and H ebert. The l a t t e r rem ains a community today.

H ebert has been i d e n t i f i e d as an A cadian name (p in ta d o P a p e rs ). However,

most of th e French s e t t l e r s came from th e O uachita R iver s e ttle m e n ts , the

E t i e r and Landerneau fa m ilie s having liv e d along th e r i v e r as e a r ly as

l8l!? (O uachita P a ris h Conveyance R ecords, D e c la ra tio n of Marks and Brands,

1813-1828). While t h i s e a r ly s e ttle m e n t on th e Boeuf was p re d a a in a n tly

French i n c u ltu r e , as evidenced by French vendors and p u rch asers (C aldw ell

P a r is h Conveyance Records, Book F:287 and Book A:128, $79), no evidence

o f t h i s c u ltu r e i s to be seen to d ay , except in names. Even Hebert i s

commonly pronounced He’ b e r t , in s te a d of A* b a i r . The French fa m ilie s

owned la n d f o r about s ix m iles along th e Boeuf, bu t no evidence of th e

a rp e n t system i s found. Housing which d ates from t h a t tim e b ears a sim i­

l a r i t y to th e t y p ic a l p la n ta tio n house o f th e B asin, b u t i s no t i d e n t i c a l

(F ig . 2 2 -2 3 ). Most o f th e descendants have become P r o te s ta n t. There i s

no in d ic a tio n o f a French a c c e n t in speech.

Here i s found the f i r s t example of a c h a r a c te r istic which recurs mary

tim es and in a number of ways in the settlem ent su ccession of the Basin*

regard less of d iffe r in g backgrounds, the s e t t le r s have tended toward a

common mode of liv in g , or, a t le a s t , to common g o a ls. (This a lso tends

to make cu ltu re a f f i l i a t i o n more d i f f i c u l t to a sc er ta in than in some

other s e c t io n s .) The example of the French settlem en t i s the most

extreme. Here, both language and r e lig io n were a ffe c te d , t r a it s u sually

held ten a cio u sly . In gen eral, migrants accepted crop p attern s, economic

p r a c tic e s , and house types (For example, the peasant farm held le s s im­

portance here than other areas where Upland South groups s e t t l e d . ) common

to the Basin, u su a lly in le s s than a generation. Perhaps Basin s o i l s ,

topography, and greater ease of communication in fluenced the newcomers in

1
th ese c h o ic e s.

An event of sig n ific a n c e in settlem en t in the Basin was the Panic o f

1837. L i t t le settlem en t had y e t taken p la ce, and the panic did not a f f e c t

the area as g r e a tly as i t did elsew here. However, by the spring of 1837,

the panic had caused "every sp ec ies of property" to f a l l in value

 61*

F ig . 22. Girod House. F acin g th e Boeuf R iver a c ro ss a modern high­

way, t h i s house d a te s t o about 181*0. A lthough c o n stru c te d f o r a French
fam ily i n a French community (R. M. McClanahan Fam ily R ecords), the
s tr u c tu r e b e a rs l i t t l e resem blance to common French s t y l e s . I n s te a d , th e
p la n shows a g r e a te r a f f i n i t y t o the common p la n ta tio n ty p e f o r th e B asin,
w ith i t s w ide f r o n t and e l l to th e r e a r . However, th e r a t h e r la rg e h a lf
s to r y d i f f e r e n t i a t e s i t fra n th e p la n ta tio n ty p e (F ig s . £1*-S>8), which
r a r e l y had a fin is h e d second s to r y , a s w e ll. The house se rv e s no
purpose a t p re s e n t.
 I I I

□ 0
- -f777i-

J L
Fig.
23

GIROD HOUSE
E^Chimnay
mu Addition

On
 66

(McGuire, 1818-1852). m s t a t e s f a r t h e r e a s t , h ig h ta x e s , supposedly-

gen erated by th e p an ic and s t a t e d e b ts , r e s u lte d i n m ig ra tio n to th e west

(D ick, 191+8:59). Land purchases in c re a s e d g r e a tly j u s t a f t e r the p a n ic ,

in th e a re a to become R ichland P a ris h (F ig . 2li).

Commonly, in d iv id u a ls purchased e n ti r e s e c tio n s . A dozen buyers

secured many s e c tio n s a p ie c e (A b s tra c ts of Land Sold to March 31, 1869,

R ichland P a r is h ) . Land valu es in c re a s e d to $30.00 p er acre in th e B asin,

compared to $5.00 i n th e uplands to the w est (D orr, 1938:1199). This

would not have been s e ttle m e n t made by those la c k in g c a p i t a l . However,

no a c tu a l s e ttle m e n t was made on many o f th e s e p u rc h a se s. A e ria l photo­

graphs as l a t e as 19lj0, f o r example, show much of n o r th - c e n tr a l R ichland

P a ris h s t i l l i n f o r e s t cover (index Photographs f o r R ichland P a ris h ,

1 9 l|l). This a ls o holds tr u e f o r s o u th -c e n tr a l and southw est 'Richland

P a ris h and n o r th - c e n tr a l F ra n k lin P a ris h .

Sporadic fo re ru n n e rs of a tre n d , w hich became stro n g h a lf a c en tu ry

l a t e r , appeared i n th e 1810‘s and 1850*s—a movement of in d iv id u a ls f i r s t

♦
from o th e r s t a t e s to th e h i l l p a ris h e s of n o r th - c e n tr a l L o u isian a, then

to th e a l l u v i a l la n d s (G reen, 1960:33; U. S. Bureau o f th e Census, 1850).

Throughout th e B asin, m ig ra tio n i n t e n s i f i e d during th e l a t e l8 li0 's

and th e 1850»s. The f in is h in g o f su rv e y in g , th e c o n stru c tin g of ro a d s,

and th e b eg in n in g o f the V icksburg-S hreveport R a ilro a d g r e a tly stim u la te d

t h i s m ig ra tio n .

P a tte rn s of s e ttle m e n t developed d i f f e r e n t l y frcrn a re a t o a re a in

th e B asin d u rin g t h i s heavy m ig ra tio n . Boeuf P r a i r i e in F ra n k lin P a rish

re c e iv e d l i t t l e new s e ttle m e n t, though th e p a tt e r n of sm all purchases

th e re co n tin u ed . The Bayou Macon a re a was th e c e n te r o f c o n ce n tra te d

s e ttle m e n t i n F ra n k lin P a rish (F rench, 1972:97), b u t m ost of th e Bayou

Macon a re a i s o u tsid e th e B asin.

 67

RICHLAND PARISH
LAND PURCHASES
H 1830-1839

g § 1 8 4 0 -1 8 4 9

EU 1850-1859

|j]3 1 8 6 0 -1 8 6 9

Q 1870 AND AFTER

F ig. 2It
Source: Ab s t r a c t s o f Lands Sold t o March 13. 1869 in R ichland, L o u isia n a .
 68

SmaH fan n e rs were a lso prom inent i n th e s e ttle m e n t of the w estern

p a r t o f C a rro ll P a ris h . Though th e e a s te rn p a r t of C a rro ll P a ris h con­

ta in e d g re a t c o tto n p la n ta tio n s , th e m a jo rity of th e v o te rs o f th a t p a r is h

re s id e d west of Bayou Macon (Oden, 1967:131). The p resen ce of th e Upland

South can be d e te c te d i n the e sta b lish m e n t of the communities o f B eulah,

M acedonia, and Round H i l l, j u s t b e fo re the C iv il War (McKoin, n . d . ) . In

t h e i r otherw ise unusual names, we see a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c i d e n t i f i e d w ith

th e Upland South. I n a d d itio n , i t can be susp ected t h a t th ey were d i s ­

p e rse d com m unities, as n e ith e r t r a d i t i o n nor evidence on th e landscape

in d ic a te s any g r e a te r s iz e f o r them than th a t a t the p r e s e n t.

I n c o n tr a s t , expansion o f s e ttle m e n t in th e p r a i r i e a re as of Morehouse

P a ris h co n tin u ed to be in the form of p la n ta tio n s , w ith la n d p ric e s in ­

c re a s in g from ,$3.00 to $5.00 p er a c re in 1850 to $1}0.00 to $75.00 in i860

(Dunn, 1885:8).

Settlem ent in present-day Richland P arish, concentrated along the

Boeuf River, varied from holdings of I4O to over 200 acres (A bstract of

Lands Sold to March 31* 1869, Richland P a rish ). In some c a ses, im pressive

homes were b u ilt (F ig . 25-27).

While a g r i c u lt u r a l v illa g e s were found in th e V irg in ia , C a ro lin a ,

and G eorgia s e ttle m e n ts (T rew artha, 1962:532), th e s e d id n o t appear in

th e B asin d u rin g t h i s e ra (w ith th e p o s s ib le ex ce p tio n of P r a i r i e Mer

Rouge), even though many of th e s e t t l e r s came fra n th o se s t a t e s .

By th e end of th e Antebellum e ra , th e B asin was re c e iv in g in c re a se d

s e ttle m e n t, and f a m i l i a r i t y w ith i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s had grown. However,

many s t i l l b e lie v e d th e a re a to embrace m o stly bad la n d s , such as gum

f l a t s , cypress b ra k e s, canebrakes, and w illow swamps (B io g rap h ical and

H is to r ic a l Memoirs of L o u isia n a , 1892). In a d d itio n , sane o b serv ers

r e f e r r e d to i t as a " t e r r a in c o g n ita " (Bry, I 8I48) .

 69

F ig . 2$. Hatch Home. D ating to 1858 and one o f th e e a r l i e s t p la n ta ­

tio n homes in R ichland P a ris h . S la v e s , f i r s t a p p re n tic e d t o craftsm en i n
V irg in ia , c o n stru c te d th e house and made m ost of th e m a te r ia ls used from
l o c a l re s o u rc e s , in c lu d in g b r ic k s . O rig in a lly , a porch extended around
th e f r o n t o f th e house, b o th u p s t a ir s and d o w n sta irs. The photo shows the
heme from th e o p p o site s id e ( e a s t ) o f th e Boeuf R iv er.

F ig . 26. Thomason Home. A unique s t y l e i n th e B asin, t h i s s t r u c tu r e

resem bles th e C aro lin a '‘I ” house in s id e and out and d a te s t o b e fo re th e
C iv il War.
 F ig . 27. Thomason Hone. This s id e view re v e a ls a c lo s e a f f i n i t y to
th e C a ro lin a " I" House and u n d ersco res th e South C a ro lin a o r ig in of some
o f th e B asin s e t t l e r s , though i t sta n d s as th e o n ly one o f i t s type
observed.
 I t s culture was already d istin g u ish ed fran th at of th e h i l l country

o f northern Louisiana. Terms, such as "hop" fo r a dance a f f a ir and "bran

dance" (because bran was used to keep down the dust—la te r corrupted to

barn dance), a ls o appear to be unique to th is part of the sta te at the

time (Anderson, 1960:18). Most northern Louisiana upland parishes were

predominantly w hite (Howard, 1957:66), whereas the black element had the

m ajority in seme Basin p a r ish es. D iet a ls o in d ic a tes a mixing of

cu ltu res at th is tim e. Mutton appears to have been as popular as b eef

and pork (W illiamson, 1939:67, 309). Mutton held a favored p o sitio n

among lowland peoples o f th e M ississip p i and Georgia coasts (H illia r d ,

1972:li5-ii6). N either was there dominance o f the Lowland South. Perhaps

these d ifferen ces can be a ttrib u ted p a r tly to s e t t le r s from a great

v a r ie ty o f places (many had come to Franklin P arish from the various

sta te s of the northeast United S ta te s, as w e ll as from other Southern

sta te s).

By i860, a number of communities e x iste d in the Basin, but only

Winnsboro appeared on general maps of the time (F ig. 2 8 ). Even Winnsboro

i s m issing in seme of than.

While surveyors u su a lly only showed f ie ld s on sectio n l in e s , the

absence of f ie ld s on s e c tio n lin e s elsewhere in the Basin su ggests con­

cen tration s of settlem en t in only c e r ta in parts o f the Basin (F ig. 2 9 ).

Often, the f ie ld s show lo c a tio n near a stream. These f i e l d s tended to

la y lengthw ise along the streams, rather than extending inland from them

in the arpent survey system pattern (F ig . 3 0 ) ; th is in d ic a te s Anglo-Saxon

settlem en t. A few o f the o r ig in a l f i e l d s remain in c u ltiv a tio n , but as

parts of large farms (F ig . 3 1 -3 2 ). The s iz e of the f i e l d in d ica tes a

small farm operation, u n less many are clu ste re d togeth er.
 Fig* 28. Basin Communities in i8 6 0 . A lready, community lo c a tio n s
w ere based on a v a r ie ty o f f a c to r s : a m ajor ro u te (Dunn, L i t t l e Creek,
G ira rd ); access to w ater (Redmouth, A lto , Salmagundi, G irard , Io n Landing,
Lake L afourche, P o in t J e f f e r s o n , Jones F erry)} e le v a te d lan d (Lower
S e ttle m e n t, Upper S e ttle m e n t, Boeuf P r a i r i e , Winnsboro, H urricane, Oak
R idge, Gun. R idge, Mer Rouge, B o n ita , Lind Grove)} i s o l a t e d Upland South
(Eden, B askinton, Round H i l l , B e u lah ), Between th e s e p o in ts s tre tc h e d
m ile s o f f o r e s t , canebrake, or general swampland.

S ources: P la ttb o o k s , C ald w ell, F ra n k lin , M orehouse, O uachita, R ichland ,

and West C a r ro ll p a ris h e s} Hardee, c a . 1895.
 ARK.
LA.

• Lind G rove

^ P la n te r s v llle
^ • B o n ita « . Oak G rove
g (P in h o o k )
R ound Hill
P o in t P le asan t, B" S ,^ P *M er R oug e

r-
O ak R idge
Gum R id g e* • J o n e s F e rry ■
'{(Point J e f f e r s o n • '•M o n tic e llo

M onroe
32
• L i t t l e C reek „ - ■ "'D elhi /
Dunn B • ^(D eerfield)

a
H u rric a n e ^

•W in n sb o ro

M .U p p s r i j r -
C o lu m b ia 1 • E d e n g S e ttle m e n t

BASIN
-N- COMMUNITIES
IN 1860
H a rriso n b u rg

20
■ ltd

F ig . 28
 3 2 *3 0 ' 32 30

C
FIELD
LOCATION
AT TIME OF
ORIGINAL
SURVEY
MILES 9 2° 30*

F ig . 29
Sources: P lattbooks, Caldwell, Franklin, Morehouse, Ouachita, 'Richland,
and West C arroll p arish es.
 75

D q CC o
o
(9 j U J
Z UJ H

2 = 5

F ig . 30
Sources: F ra n k lin P a ris h P o lic e Ju ry , 181j3-1962; R ichland P a ris h P o lic e
J u ry , 1870-1960; F ie ld T rip s.
 76

F ig . 31. Old F ie ld . Such name given by lo c a l in h a b ita n ts, rec­

tangular in shape. At one tim e, the c le a rin g made up an en tire farm. To
the l e f t (north) i s an old r iv e r road and beyond, the r iv e r . The abandoned
and unused house i s a l l th at remains o f th e farmstead. I t s plan i s one
roan deep and two wide; chimney remains at the opposite s id e , i . e . , a
double-pen house. Again, cedar tr e e s grow in the fron t yard.

F ig . 32. River Road. The present r iv e r road, adjacent to the f i e l d

in F ig . 31, has been tran sferred to th e l e f t (south) a t th is p o in t, but
v e g eta tio n has not y e t obscured the former track.
 77

In attem pting to a ssess culture a f f i l i a t i o n fo r the Basin in i8 6 0 ,

census s t a t i s t i c s in d ic a te the presence of both the Upland South and the

Lowland South, but the dominance of neithe r culture can be affirm ed.

A gricu ltu ral evidence has been explored previously (Tables 2 and 3 ) .

P o li t i c a l ly , as in the r e s t o f north Louisiana (Shugg, 1939:158),

the Basin m anifested sympathy fo r the Union. Only on the eve of

S ecessio n did th at movement fin d acceptance (Spyker, 1856-1860*388).

Even Franklin P arish, where 70 per-cent of the fre e fa m ilie s owned land

(most Basin p arish es hovered around 50 p e r -c e n t), voted for se c e ssio n .

In a d d ition , in i8 6 0 , most of the Basin parishes voted Democrat, as did

the h i l l p a rish es. However, Morehouse voted Whig, lik e ly the Lewland

South in flu en ce.

In church s t a t i s t i c s , C arroll shows c o n tra sts. Presbyterian churches

appeared fo r the f i r s t time in any Basin p arish (Table 5 ). S e ttle r s had

TABLE £

HELIGIOUS BODIES IN BOEUF BASIN i860

Parish 3 a p tis t M ethodist Presbyterian Episcopalian

Caldwell 8 3
C arroll 2 6 5 1

Franklin T
a. 1

Morehouse k 7 1

Ouachita 2 6

Source: U. S. 3ureau of th e Census, S o c ia l S t a t i s t i c s , i860.

organized Episcopal (u su a lly a sso cia ted w ith Lowland South settlem en t)

churches in both C arroll and Morehouse p arish es. However, Ouachita,

 78

F ranklin, and Caldwell had no Episcopal or P resbyterian churches. Here

again, a te n ta tiv e conclusion would support a Lowland South h erita g e fo r

Morehouse Parish and, l ik e l y , an Upland South fla v o rin g for the r e s t of

the Basin.

An in v e s tig a tio n of th e b irth p la ces o f a sampling o f th e r esid en ts

o f the Basin (Table 6 ) shed a l i t t l e more lig h t upon p o ssib le culture

a ffilia tio n . Only those r esid en ts whose ru ra l real e s ta te was valued at

$2, 000.00 or more were chosen, in order to gauge th at part o f the popu­

la t io n that was more sta b le and more l i k e l y to remain. I t would seem

th a t Caldwell P arish tended to be a part of the Upland South. The high

percentage of Louisiana n a tiv e s, perhaps, rela ted to e a r lie r settlem en t

in Caldwell or to movement from other parts of the s t a te .

For C arroll P arish , Ward h was in what i s now East C arroll Parish

and the others were in the present west C arroll P arish. As might be

expected, Ward 1) has a r e la tiv e ly high percentage of i t s landowners from

V ir g in ia . However, th is group has rep resen tation in other wards as w e ll.

We a lso see evidence o f m igration frcm northacn s ta te s and some immi­

gration from fo re ig n n a tio n s. In a d d ition , comparatively few Ward 1*

s e t t le r s were born in Louisiana.

For Franklin Parish, Louisiana s e t t le r s are important in the southern

and western edges, in d ic a tin g p o ssib le ea sier access to those areas frcm

other se c tio n s of Louisiana by follow in g the various streams north frcm

the Red and M ississip p i r iv e r s . Warsaw and Winnsboro have im pressive con­

cen tration s of M is sissip p i s e t t l e r s . Other areas o f orig in of in te r e s t

are northern s t a t e s , in clu d in g Maryland.

Morehouse P arish a lso shows a trace of northern settlem en t, and Ward

%has a s ig n ific a n t percentage of V irg in ia s e t t le r s . Ward 10 has the

only recorded F lorid a s e t t le r s in th e B asin.

 TABLE 6

BIRTHPLACE DATA FOR INHABITED SECTIONS OF BOEUF BASIN

FOR RESIDENTS WITH RURAL REAL ESTATE VALUED AT $2,000.00 OR MORE, 1850 - PERCENTAGE

Caldwell C arroll Franklin Morehouse Ouachita

S ta te of Boeuf Red- Winns­
Origin w.a w.5 W.6 W.7 P rairie Oakley Warsaw mouth boro w.5 w.6 W.10

Louisiana tk 8 10 16 6 16 30 11 18 5 20 10 5 50

M ississip p i 28 22 26 21 lk 26 2k 23 3? 12 20 16 9

North Carolina 10 10 12 10 21 9 5 12 22 16 3

South Carolina 11 6 10 8 13 13 11 9 16 7 13 21 9

Tennessee 16 6 9 16 9 7 9 8 5 7 9 7 13 24

Kentucky 8 k 3 8 7 3 7 2 2 5 6

Georgia 5 6 6 6 7 21 3 5 2 8 6

Alabama a 2 10 5 3 3 11 9 3 9 7 11 a

Arkansas 2

Texas k 3

Florida 2

Maryland 6 11 k 2 7

Ohio 1 3 2

VO
 Table 6—Continued

Caldw ell C a rro ll F ra n k lin Morehouse Ouachita

S ta te o f Boeuf Red- STinns-
O rigin W.li w.5 w.6 W.7 P r a ir ie Oakley Warsaw mouth boro W.5 w.6 w .io

Pennsylvania l 2 6

New York h 2 2

Illin o is b 2 2

P ru ssia 3 2

Canada 2 2

Demark 2

Ire la n d 3 2 2 2

V irg in ia 16 6 5 6 3 $ 3 7 5 17 3 6

Other 2 1 6 It 2

Source: U. S. Bureau o f th e Census, P opu latio n Schedules, i8 6 0 .

CD
o
 81

O uachita P a rish sta n d s alm ost as h ig h as C aldw ell f o r n a tiv e

L o u is ia n ia n s, perhaps a g ain a r e f l e c t i o n of e a r l i e r s e ttle m e n t than f o r

th e B asin i n g e n e ra l. A lso , th e p ercen tag e of s e t t l e r s from V irg in ia i s

alm ost as h ig h as th o se from many o th e r s t a t e s .

The b ir th p la c e s of c h ild re n serve as in d ic a to rs of th e p o in ts of

re sid e n c e p r i o r to m ig ra tio n to L o u isian a (Table 7)» While M is s is s ip p i

TABLE 7

STATE OF BIRTH OF CHILDREN UNDER 18 YEARS OF AGE, l8£0 - PERCENTAGE

B irthplace Caldwell C arroll Franklin Morehouse Ouachita

Louisiana 61 55 73 111 63
M ississip p i 25 20 18 20 10
Alabama 7 11 h 22 11
Georgia 1 2 1 8 10
Arkansas 1 2 1 1 2
Tennessee 1 2 2 2
South Carolina 1 1 1 1
2 2
i 1
North Carolina ? 1 2 2
Kentucky 1 2 1
2
V irg in ia 1
Indiana 1
Maryland 1

Others 2 2i 1 2| 2

Source; U. S. Bureau of the Census, Population Schedules, 1850.

h eld h ig h sta n d in g by t h i s ta b u la tio n , Alabama a ls o ro se in im portance.

Census re c o rd s r e v e a l two p a tte r n s of m ig ra tio n : (1) a prim ary movement

 82

from Georgia to Alabama or M is s is s ip p i to L o u isian a, (2) a secondary

movement frcm Tennessee to Arkansas (a p p a re n tly , l i t t l e tim e was spent

h ere) to L o u isian a.

Conclusion

A ll of th e se f a c to r s have e n te red in to th e p r e s e n ta tio n of c u ltu r e s

seen in F ig u re 33. I n i860, th e Upland South a r e a l l y dom inated th e Boeuf

B asin. Where m entioned, conveyance and p r iv a te reco rd s in d ic a te p r i o r

resid en c e in M is s is s ip p i, Alabama, G eorgia, Worth C a ro lin a , and South

C a ro lin a in th e h i l l and piedmont s e c tio n s . However, few s e c tio n s can be

p o s itiv e ly reg ard ed as p u re ly Upland South.

Housing which rem ains frcm t h i s era a ls o shows a mixed h e rita g e .

The d o g -trot of the Upland South appears even in the French-influenced

sectio n o f northeast Caldwell P arish. In c o n tra st, the Hatch home in

cen tra l Richland Parish in d ic a tes e ith e r northern or Lowland South

a ffin itie s .

The sm all-farm er, Upland South presence had not y et become as

important in the Basin as in the h i l l p arish es, thus weakening the Upland

South in flu e n c e somewhat.

The various c u ltu r a l, demographic, and a g ricu ltu ra l c h a r a c te r istic s

suggest a blending of c u ltu r es, blurring the frequ en tly attempted image

of the Basin as m ainly an area of Upland South cu ltu re.

 83

SETTLEMENT’
TYPES
IN 1860
D Lowland South Influanca
Dominant Upland South
0 F ranch Inlluanca

M*JOf

F ig . 33
Sources: U. S. Bureau of the Census, i86 0 ; P lattbooks, C aldw ell, Franklin,
Morehouse, Ouachita, Richland, and West C arroll p a rish es.
 eh

CHAPTER 3

WAR, RECONSTRUCTION, AND EXPANDED SETTLEMENT (1860-1890)

Landscape and V egetation

During th e C iv il War years, a large part of the Basin remained in

v ir g in v e g eta tiv e cover, including ex ten siv e swamps and canebrakes which,

we are to ld , provided refuge fo r d raft dodgers and deserters and, la t e r ,

fo r crim in als. Perhaps fo r these reasons, the Basin was la r g e ly ignored

by touring observers, seme of whcm crossed the Basin by tr a in , but made

l i t t l e note of i t s fe a tu r e s. One tr a v e lle r described only the marriage

o f an Irishman to a lo c a l country g i r l and clo sed , "Nothing fu rth er of

in te r e s t transpired during my wandering through Richland and F ran k lin .”

(L ockett, 1870:3;?), although he did r e fe r to R a y v ille, D elh i, and Winns-

boro as the only " v illa g e s of note" (L ockett, 1870:87)..

Much of th e B asin, even land a d ja c e n t to Winnsboro, which had been

e s ta b lis h e d w e ll b e fo re 1850, was s t i l l th ic k ly wooded as l a t e as the

l8 7 0 's (L o c k e tt, I8 7 0 j8 7 ). L ockett in clu d ed R ichland and F ra n k lin w ith

th e b lu ffla n d p a ris h e s and spoke e s p e c ia lly w e ll o f th e e a s te rn " h illy

s e c tio n " , r e f e r r in g to th e r o l li n g topography as rid g e s and slashes.-*- He

c la s s e d most of th e B asin as wooded swamp, w ith l i t t l e v a lu e , except f o r

cy p ress lum bering. F o re s t s t i l l covered an e stim a te d 85 p e r-c e n t of th e

-*Xow intervening s l i c e s o f land, w ith a swamp f o r e s t cover and

flooded during part of the year.
n o rth e rn B asin in th e 1880's (Dunn, 188^:38). L ockett re p o rte d th e roads

along th e stream s as good, b u t reg ard ed th o se between as alm ost im passable.

Lockett recognized the su p e rio r ity of lands c lo se to the streams,

str e s sin g th a t they were moderately sandy and easy to work. He made a

s ig n ific a n t observation, which at the time was la r g e ly ignored— "Franklin

contains a good deal of v e iy f a ir land not under c u ltiv a tio n and i s a

good lo c a lit y fo r iranigrants w ith lim ite d means to find homes in . "

(L o ck e tt, 1870:87). He ra te d th e e a s te rn h i l l y s e c tio n as e x c e lle n t f o r

th e t r a d i t i o n a l c ro p s, in c lu d in g tobacco. However, th e few in h a b ita n ts

whom he d e sc rib e d were no t bound by such lim ite d means.

H ilg a rd 's map of 1880 was th e most d e ta ile d work on the B asin pro ­

duced a t t h a t time (F ig . 3h g iv es a s im p lifie d re p ro d u c tio n ). H ilg ard

d iv id ed a ll u v i a l bottom s o ils in to th re e main ty p e s. Hammock s o i l was

found on th e n a tu r a l lev e es and fe a tu re d higher sand c o n te n t w ith

a tte n d a n t ease o f c u lt i v a t io n . Buckshot, or cane, la n d occupied th e

lo w est e le v a tio n s , had more lim e , y ie ld e d b e t t e r (alth o u g h n o t so w e ll

under freedm en's la b o r ) , b u t p re se n te d d i f f i c u l t i e s in c u lt i v a t io n . Gum

la n d covered in te rm e d ia te e le v a tio n s and had in te rm e d ia te q u a l i t i e s .

This l a s t was th e m ost fav o red (H ilg ard , 188U). Modern s o i l maps f o r th e

B asin p a ris h e s show a s t r i k in g s i m il a r it y to th e p a tte r n on H ilg a rd 's

map, although th e re i s more com plexity in d ic a te d f o r Morehouse, so u th ern

West C a r r o ll, and n o rth e rn Hichland p a ris h e s ( u . S. D. A . , General S o il

Maps: F ra n k lin , Morehouse, C atahoula, C aldw ell, O uachita, R ichland, and

West C a r r o ll p a r is h e s ) . The f a c t t h a t H ilg a rd 's work was in a census

p u b lic a tio n would serv e to f a m ilia r iz e many p ro sp e c tiv e s e t t l e r s w ith th e

B a s in 's f e a tu r e s .
 Mi l * l II

* 3 * 3 0 'W

i’ i iH i i-

cv
PHYSICAL ja
AGRICULTURAL
AREAS
OF BASIN
IN 1880
| | River Alluvium
Bluff o r Cane Hllla
Slil Long Leaf Pine Hllla
Yellow Loam-Oak Uplands
93 30"

F ig . 3h
Sources H ilgard, l881i.
 Floods recurred in the Basin during the l8 8 0 's , These, plus preva­

lence of mosquitoes in the stagnant w aters, lik e ly discouraged Upland

South, p a r tic u la r ly , and some Lowland South m igrants, as w e ll.

In a sse ssin g the western portion of th e Basin in 1886 as to the

value o f bu ild in g a r a i l lin e frcm Arkansas to Alexandria, an outside

observer rated the p ra irie areas as among the most f e r t i l e in North

America (Tcmpkins, 1886 j 3 2 ). The same observer classed most of Franklin

Parish a s good upland, w ith only a small portion a llu v ia l. He a ls o found

a great s im ila r ity between West C arroll parish and the Bastrop H ills .

The important fun ction of the sloughs in draining the a llu v ia l lands

was commonly recognized. Premature suggestions fo r land usage included

the in te n siv e r a isin g of liv e s t o c k , and the plan tin g o f overflow lands to

grass and pecan tr e e s . However, i t was f e l t th at an enterprising migrant

population would most lik e ly accomplish th e se , rather than the n a tiv es

(Dunn, 1885 : i i l ) .

The Basin s t i l l su ffer ed , as sane other parts of the s t a t e , fran

exaggerated rep orts on clim ate and p e s t s .2 Outsiders p a r tic u la r ly feared

m alaria north o f the Red River and some considered northeast Louisiana as

"one v a st graveyard" (Dunn, 1885:32). Such d escrip tio n s would, i t seems,

have continued to rep el migrants who might have been able to acquire land

in the area.

T ra n sp o rta tio n

Water

The Boeuf R iv er h e ld g re a t Im portance in th e economy o f the B asin.

2
An a r t i c l e i n th e Chicago Tribune
th e open a reas in L ouisiana were~at" th e
th e re would be a ru sh exceeding th e one
(B io g rap h ica l and H is to r ic a l Memoirs of
in th e l a t e 1880«s s ta te d t h a t i f
l a t i t u d e of I l l i n o i s and In d ia n a ,
in se a rc h of C a li f o r n ia 's gold
L o u isian a, 1892:13).
Even so , the Boeuf s t i l l su ffered , along w ith the Ouachita, frcm being

unnavigable fo r part of the year above the Catahoula Shoals at Harrisonburg,

rendering the Basin fu n c tio n a lly remote u n t il improvements in land or

river tran sp ortation could be made.

However, t h i r t y - f i v e lan d in g s e x is te d between th e mouth of th e Boeuf

and P o in t J e ff e rs o n , norm ally the l i m i t o f n a v ig a tio n (F ig . 9 ) . P la n te rs

e s ta b lis h e d most of th e lan d in g s on th e h ig h er e a s t sid e o f th e r iv e r

(F ig . 3 5 -36), where th e re la y more e x te n siv e t r a c t s of lan d s u ita b le f o r

farm ing. Almost eveiy p la n ta tio n on th e r i v e r had i t s own la n d in g , b u t

n o t a l l h e ld enough im portance f o r th e surrounding a re a s to g a in perma­

nence and p o p u la rity f o r t h e i r names.

Railroad

While r e lia b le r iv e r tran sp ortation was resuned almost immediately

a fte r the C iv il War, the railroad was not r e b u ilt u n t il 1867 and then only

between Monroe and D elh i. I t , th erefo re, served only as a feed er to

r iv e r tran sp ortation . The railroad s experienced no expansion in the Basin

during the en tire era, except fo r the recon stru ction of the lin e between

Vicksburg and Monroe. Thus, settlem en t promotions by railroad s (B illin g to n ,

1967:706) were o f l i t t l e importance in the Basin during th is tim e.

Road

Roads were expanded considerably during th is period (F ig . 3 7 ).

However, only the Vicksburg-Monroe road served in a l l season s. In 1870,

Lockett reported the roads along the streams as good, but regarded those

between as impassable (L ockett, 1870:87). In ad d itio n , no major routes

o f overland tran sp ortation to the West crossed the Basin (B illin g to n ,

1967:637). Thus, w h ile the B asin’s roads might aid s e t t le r s in g e ttin g

th e ir products to market or to r iv e r and r a il tran sp ortation , these roads

 F ig . 3f>. D a ile y Landing. P a r t o f a farm today and d i f f i c u l t of
a c c e s s , t h i s h ig h b l u f f on th e Boeuf R iv er was once an im p o rtan t la n d in g
w ith warehouse f a c i l i t i e s . I n a d d itio n , i t i s th e s i t e of In d ia n mounds
and an m d ia n workshop. The r i v e r was p a r t i c u l a r l y low when th e photo
was tak en .

F ig . 36. P o in t J e ffe rs o n Landing. The lan d in g s i t e la y on th e l e f t

bank (w est) i n th e fo reg ro u n d . A lthough a l l banks shown a re high, th e
la n d in g bank was 5 t o 10 f e e t s u p e rio r. The Boeuf e n te r s from th e upper
r i g h t and flow s tow ard th e p h o to g rap h er, i t s dim inished volune r e s u l t s
from d iv e rs io n of th e b ulk o f th e w ater i n to Bayou L afourche, in th e
upper l e f t .
 ARK.
LA.

y"

B a stro p .

■ / r6—

v. JfVinnaboro

C olum bia.

33*

BASIN ROADS
-N- IN 1890

H arriso n b u rg P o a a lb la R o u te

20
M tlfS

F ig . 37
Sources: Hardee, 1871; N icholas, 1885; Richland P arish P o lice Juiy,
Book B, Januaiy, 1882-1898.
 91

o ffered l i t t l e inducement to migrants who might have sought access to the

Basin, The road pattern does, however, in d ic a te expansion of settlem en t

in to p reviou sly u n se ttle d s e c tio n s , and shows that th e p r a ir ie s and major

stream lev ees no longer dominated the settlem ent p attern .

A griculture and Other Economic A c t iv it ie s

A griculture

A number o f changes occurred in Basin a g ricu ltu re during th is period.

Seme r esu lted from the C iv il War, others frcm attempts to adjust to the

lo c a l co n d itio n s. A few were temporary in duration; others were

permanent.

Many p lan ters who had f le d to Texas during the war never returned,

and th e ir lands u ltim a te ly were so ld fo r taxes (Richland Beacon-News,

Sept, 7, 1872, Nov, 3, 1877). The tr a d itio n a l p lan ter element was, thu s,

weakened. The c u ttin g of and lack of maintenance on the le v e e s during

the war period presented a great p h ysical impediment to commercial

farming. Flooding became more frequent fo r years (Paxton, 1888:388;

Biographical and H is to r ic a l Memoirs o f Louisiana, 1892:128)0

Truck farm ing was taken up by farm ers in c e n tr a l Richland P a ris h , as

w e ll as i n West C a rro ll P a ris h (R ichland Beacon-News, June 2, 1888),

A p p aren tly , those i n R ichland P a ris h experienced l i t t l e su ccess, as no

f u r t h e r m ention i s made o f the a c t i v i t y . S e t t l e r s continued t o employ

th e f o r e s te d a re a s o f th e B asin f o r hog and b e e f - c a t t l e ra is in g (H ilg ard ,

1881:78).

With the departure of Negroes, some p lan ters hoped to fin d a source

o f labor in the h i l l parishes to the west (Bonner, 1866), but the

m igration of th ese h i l l people would occur, in s ig n ific a n t numbers, mapy

 92

y ears in th e f u tu r e . Shugg m a in ta in s th ey were r e p e lle d by m a la ria and

o th e r d is e a s e s , b ein g " in d if f e r e n t i f not h o s tile " to low land s o c ia l and

p h y sic a l c o n d itio n s (Shugg, 1939:255).

H ilg a rd 's h ig h ly -re g a rd e d r e p o r t on c o tto n p ro d u ctio n (H ilg a rd , 188U)

l i s t e d some of th e s t r i k i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f th e Boeuf B asin, b u t d id

not develop th e s e . He b e lie v e d i t merged so soon in to th e bayous

branching out from th e M is s is s ip p i R iver th a t i t s in d iv id u a lity was

q u ick ly l o s t (H ilg a rd , l 8 8 i i : l l ) . He did note t h a t th e la b o r of F ra n k lin

P a ris h c o n s is te d of about eq u al numbers of w h ites and b la c k s , a unique

circum stance f o r the s t a t e , except i n th e h i l l p a ris h e s , and t h a t th e

sh a re system was o nly s l i g h t l y developed in F ra n k lin P a ris h (H ilg ard ,

188L:83) (perhaps he was speaking of are a in v o lv ed , as Table 8 shows a

high p ercen tag e of farm ers to be s h a re c ro p p e rs ). Again, he p erceiv ed

th a t farm ers fav o red and used c o tto n se e d p la n te r s in Morehouse P a ris h ,

b u t n o t in F ra n k lin P a ris h , due to th e r e l a t i v e l y rough ground (H ilg ard ,

18814:79). These c o n tra s tin g c o n d itio n s may e x h ib it th e tendency of

w e a lth ie r p la n te r s , h ere presumed to be Lowland South s e t t l e r s , to use

new methods p r io r to t h e i r a d a p ta tio n by p o o rer o r rem oter farm e rs, here

presuned to be Upland South farm ers (Newton, 1 9 7 3 -B :l5 ).

I n comparing farm s iz e s from p a r is h to p a r is h i n 1880 (T able 8 ),

Morehouse and O uachita p a ris h e s sta n d a p a rt from th e r e s t of th e B asin in

average s iz e o f farm ( in b oth improved and t o t a l acreag e) and f o r p e r­

centage o f la rg e farm s. R ichland P a ris h shows some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of

b o th groups, perhaps r e f l e c t in g th e e f f o r t s of lo c a l le a d e rs to a t t r a c t

sm all fa rm e rs. A pp aren tly , sh arec ro p p ers had not y e t become Im portant in

Morehouse and O uachita p a ris h e s (o n ly a re a s w ith in th e B asin were con­

sid e re d in Table 8 ), b u t sh arecro p p ers were unusual i n West C a rro ll P a ris h

as w e ll.
 TABLE 8

SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS IN 1880

Average Average Percentage Percentage Percentage Percentage P ercentage Percentage Percentage

T o tal Improved Farms Farms Farnfi Farms Farms Faims Farmers
Acreage Acreage 1-50 51-100 101-200 201-500 501-1,000 1,000+ Sh are-
P a ris h P er Farm P er Farm Acres Acres Acres Acres Acres Acres cropping

C aldw ell 108 68 h6 15 21 3 8 2 19

F ra n k lin 85 39 53 20 18 3 2 * 20

Morehouse 266 llh h 16 26 30 15 15 5

Ouachita 28U 151 10 10 15 38 19 6 1

R ichland 139 h6 32 20 29 5 7 3 13

West C a rro ll 83 30 U9 19 23 2 2 # 6

» - Less th a n 1 p e r-c e n t.

Source: U. S. Bureau of th e Census, A g ric u ltu ra l Census, 1880

 S e le c te d a g r i c u l t u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s f o r th e B asin p a ris h e s in 1890

and a sam pling o f o th e r low land and upland p a ris h e s about th e s t a t e o f f e r

a d d itio n a l c lu e s t o c u ltu r e a f f i l i a t i o n f o r t h e B asin (Table 9 ) . In fa m

s iz e c a te g o r ie s , th e B asin p a ris h e s u s u a lly h e ld a p o s itio n in te rm e d ia te

to th e low land and h i l l p a ris h e s , b u t resem bling th e low lands i n th e 20

t o £ 0 -acre c la s s and th e h i l l s i n th e o th e r s . The above-£00-acre f ig u r e s

were in c o n c lu siv e . Thus, though th e p h y s ic a l lan d scap e resem bled t h a t o f

th e low land p a ris h e s and th e background o f many o f th e s e t t l e r s was

Upland South, f a m p a tte r n s d u p lic a te d th o se o f n e ith e r c u ltu r e a re a .

Although stro n g Upland South a re a s had h ig h er v a lu e s f o r implem ents i n

th e p a s t, by 1890 h ig h implement v a lu e seaned more c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of

Lowland South s e c tio n s . E ast C a rro ll P a ris h seems t o d e v ia te from o th e r

low land p a ris h e s and R ichland P a rish i s an ex cep tio n f o r th e B asin. For

R ichland P a ris h , t h e r e were growing in d ic a tio n s of a stro n g e r Lowland

South p resen ce th a n in th e p a s t . The im portance o f sheep a ls o seems to

s e t h i l l p a ris h e s a p a r t from th e low land p a ris h e s . This could in d ic a te

h e a l th i e r c o n d itio n s i n th e h i l l s or su b s is te n c e farm ing th e r e . That

would not e x p la in F r a n k lin 's and M orehouse's h igh sta n d in g , w hich may

f u r t h e r in d ic a te t h e i r Upland South dom ination. Morehouse l i e s p a r t l y in

th e h i l l a re a . Lowland p a r is h f a m e r s a p p a re n tly had a marked p re fe re n c e

f o r mules over h o rse s. The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of Lowland South p l a n t e r s '

choosing th e mule e a r l i e r than Upland South f a m e r s has been noted by

o th e r o b serv ers (Newton, 1 9 7 3 -B :l5 ), and may sim ply r e l a t e to e a r l i e r

a d a p ta tio n o f in n o v a tio n s . Lowland p a ris h e s emphasized c o tto n much more

th an h i l l p a ris h e s . This in d ic a te s a commercial s p e c ia liz a tio n as

opposed to th e g r a in - c o tto n - liv e s to c k o p e ra tio n s of Upland South a re a s .

Note how Morehouse and O uachita p a ris h e s resem ble low land p a ris h e s ;
 TABLE 9
SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS IN 1890

C h a r a c te ris tic B ie n v ille Caldw ell Concordia E. C a rro ll F ra n k lin Madison Morehouse

Improved Acres - Percentage 28 22 1*6 L2 1*2 36 39

Value Faim Implements - $ 5 k ,030 1*0,770 161,120 61*, 010 32,71*0 100,960 101*, 720

Sheep 2,21*3 2,195 166 259 1,207 1*15 1,722

Horses 2,186 91*0 1,281 726 1,61*6 710 2,239

Mules 1,31*6 1*87 3,033 2,121 595 2, 51*2 2,1*80

Cotton (B ales) 8,891 5,81*1 38,738 23,803 7,750 27,581 28,051*

% Farms 1-20 Acres 9 1* 38 1*7 28 51* 15

% Farms 20-50 Acres 27 8 1*6 31* 30 31* 36

% Farms 50-100 Acres 16 16 3 5 lit 3 11*

% Farms 100-500 Acres 1*U 66 6 6 22 3 27

% Farms Over 500 Acres 1* 6 7 8 6 6 8

Average S ize Farm (Acres) H*o 206 121 11*7 133 11*9 160

% Tenant-Farmed 31.87 19.10 89.80 88.1*3 63.01 90.29 55.21*

VO
vn
 TABLE 9—Continued

C h aracteristic Ouachita Richland S t. Helena Tensas W. Carroll Winn

Improved Acres - Percentage 12 35 2h li7 19 hi

Value Farm Implanents - $ 113,370 116,981 22,790 153,210 i»3,310 17, 1(00

Sheep 2,2$9 1,707 2,1403 W18 533 1,379

Horses 1,936 1,507 1,522 831 1,032 1,51»0

Mules 2,100 1,090 503 3,950 1(78 1(52

Cotton (B ales) 21,395 13,1(12 8,122 10,963 5,630 5,235

% Faims 1-20 Acres 20 9 13 33 15 H4

% Farms 20-$0 Acres 38 32 28 52 21 12

% Farms $0-100 Acres 15 19 15 h 11 12

% Farms 100-500 Acres 23 33 38 5 lil 58

% Farms Over $00 Acres k 7 7 6 12 k

Average S ize Farm (Acres) 111 151 163 121: 108 1 61

% Tenant-Farmed 5U.88 U9.17 U8.57 89.79 61.08 16.38

Source: U. S . Bureau o f th e Census, A g ric u ltu ra l Census, 1890,

vo
Ov
 97
Franklin, West C arroll, and C aldw ell, the h i l l p a rish es, w hile Richland

holds an interm ediate p o sitio n .

Lumbering

Individu als constructed sawm ills in various parts o f the Basin during

th is tim e, but th ese served a lo c a l market. L arge-scale lim bering and

m illin g , and th e m igration accompanying i t , awaited the next era. Sm all-

s c a le lim bering became important a t a number of p oin ts about th e B asin.

Winnsboro saw th is co in cid en ta l w ith th e a r r iv a l o f a number of migrants

from the Midwest, although not a l l o f th ese were drawn by lumbering

a c t i v i t i e s (Franklin Sun, 1956:A -3, 8 ).

The beginning of lim bering a c t i v i t i e s may have exerted in flu en ce

upon the expansion of the r a i l network, although i t i s a lso p o ssib le th a t

lumbering expanded w ith th e r a i l network, and because o f i t (Tcmpkins,

1886:37)* However, i t would appear th at lumbering did a ttr a c t r a i l

l in e s , or, at le a s t , brought expansion more r ea d ily than would otherwise

have been the c a se, w ith attendant e f f e c t s on settlem en t p a ttern s.

S e ttle m e n t

The e a rly l860»s found th e Boeuf R iver B asin on th e th re s h o ld of

in te n s iv e s e ttle m e n t. S parseness o f h a b ita tio n had prompted to u rin g

o b serv ers to n e g le c t th e B asinj now, i n t e r e s t in th e g r e a t f o r e s ts o f th e

b o tta n la n d s was awakening. F ine s o i l s a d ja c e n t t o th e Boeuf, e s p e c ia lly

in i t s low er c o u rse, a ls o aroused g r e a te r i n t e r e s t . Seme o f t h i s la n d

s o ld f o r as much a s $30.00 p e r a c re (D orr, 1938:1196). The p r a i r i e s o f

Morehouse P a rish commanded a s im ila r p r i c e . I n d iv id u a ls had a lre a d y

se cu re d , though not always s e t t l e d , much o f th e f e r t i l e a re a along th e

Boeuf R iver and Bayou L afourche, th u s making i t u n a v a ila b le t o many p ro s­

p e c tiv e m ig ra n ts. Seme had become q u ite s u c c e s s fu l i n commercial a g r i -

 98
c u ltu r e , in c u rrin g and d isp o sin g o f d e b ts in excess of $10,000,00 (P o lk ,

Feb. 16, 1868).

S trongholds o f sm all farm ers a ls o e x is te d ; to t h e i r presence can be

c r e d ite d th e lower s la v e p o p u la tio n o f th e B asin p a ris h e s , accounting f a r

only $0 p e r-c e n t o f th e t o t a l , w hile th e sla v e p erc en ta g e in Madison and

Tensas p a ris h e s reached 90 p e r-c e n t. In a d d itio n , over h a lf of th e v o te rs

in C a r ro ll P a ris h liv e d west of Bayou Macon, even though much more lan d

was under c u lt i v a t io n e a s t o f i t .

C o n e te rie s s p rin k le d a c ro ss th e B asin, d a tin g t o i860 and b e fo re ,

c o n ta in few headstones showing b u r ia ls b efo re 1880, perhaps owing to th e

ravages of tim e . But though s e ttle m e n t e x is te d w e ll b e fo re 1880, l i t t l e

space rem ains i n th e s e old c em eterie s where th e re could have been b u r i a l s

n o t marked by h ead sto n es. S e ttle m e n t w as, in d eed , r e s t r i c t e d in the

B asin p r i o r to th e C iv il War, t o blocm i n m ost a re as a f t e r 1880—even

though much o f th e la n d had been claim ed (F ig . 21;). C em eteries d a tin g

to no e a r l i e r th a n 1880 a re more w idely sp read , such as along th e m iddle

Bayou Bonne Id e e and th e McGinty a re a . Few names o th e r th a n th o se of

E n g lish (a s opposed to S c o t, S c o tc h - I r is h , Welsh, I r i s h ) e x tr a c tio n can

be found. McGinty p re s e n ts an ex ce p tio n ; S c o tc h -Iris h names, such as

McGinty, McDowell, and Sawyer, predom inate, but scan ty evidence i n th e

way o f s tr u c tu r e ty p es and farm stead p a tte r n s e x is ts f o r an Upland South

c u ltu r e .

On th e eve of S e c e ssio n , th e B asin had h e ld a mixed o r in te rm e d ia te

p o s itio n on th e s u b je c t, as i t had, and would, i n so many o th e rs . The

O uachita R iver p a ris h e s fav o re d rem aining w ith th e Union, w h ile th e

M is s is s ip p i R iv e r p a ris h e s d e s ire d s e p a ra tio n (W illiam son, 1939*1)1)2).

The Easin parishes sent many d e le g a te s, committed to a "co-operative

 99

s e c e s s io n " , to the S ecession Convention (Caskey, 1938*28). The v o te rs o f

F ra n k lin P a ris h , in p a r t i c u l a r , d e sire d t h a t t h e i r d e le g a te s work f o r the

c o n tin u a tio n of th e Union (McClure, 1926*622). Such a sta n d r e f l e c t s th e

dominance of th e Upland South i n t h a t p a ris h , i f we acknowledge t h a t m ost

c o u n tie s t h a t r e s i s t e d S ecession la y i n th e Upland South.

The remoteness of the Basin and i t s lack of settlem en t a ttra c ted many

refugees frcm the r iv e r p arish es. They b e lie v ed th at not only th e ir

f a m ilie s , but a ls o th e ir s la v e s , would be secure from F ederal fo r c e s . For

most o f th ese refu g ees, settlem en t was temporary. They hoped to return to

th e ir o r ig in a l homes or go on to Texas. A few made permanent s e t t l e ­

ments, acquiring hundreds o f acres and continuing a p lan tation economy.

This type o f settlem en t occurred most commonly in Franklin Parish on Macon

Ridge and in the p r a ir ie area (Anderson, 195>S>:296).

The Basin su ffered from the same general conditions as the r e s t o f

the South in the post-war period* shortage of money, and ruined economy,

farm la n d s, and equipment. The troubled tim es are r e fle c te d in the

decrease in a l l Basin p a rish es, except Ouachita, in population between

i860 and 1870. D espite t h is general lo s s in population, Richland P arish

was formed in 1868, though t h is may have been more a response t o th e

a sp ira tio n s of a lo c a l p o lit ic ia n (John Ray) than to need fo r a new

governmental u n it. However, i t was boasted in Richland p arish th a t every

tr a in brought in new s e t t le r s (Richland Beacon-News, Nov. 3 , 1877).

Some, b u t n o t mapy, o b serv ers saw v a lu e i n r e c r u i ti n g im m igrants

from Europe to p o p u late th e s t a t e (Shugg, 1939*2£>8j R ichland Beacon-News,

March 6 , 1880), b u t few Europeans could be encouraged to s e t t l e . D is­

couragem ents in clu d ed a d i f f e r e n t c lim a te , d is ta n c e t o th e B asin , cheap

free-N eg ro la b o r, and so much o f th e b e t t e r lan d w ith ease of a c c e ss in

th e hands o f p r iv a te owners. S p e c u la tio n can be suggested as a hin d ran ce

i n seme in s ta n c e s . M ost o f th e names o f p u rch asers of t r a c t s of two t o

te n s e c tio n s never appear as o v e rsee rs of road r e p a i r s (a common d u ty of

landow ners) (R ichland P a rish P o lic e Ju iy , l870jBook A ,5 2 ). I n a d d itio n ,

none o f th e se names appears on lan d ownership maps of th e p re s e n t (R ich­

la n d P a ris h Land Ownership Map, 1970). V arious plans had been advanced

a f t e r th e war to make s n a i l p lo ts (1|0 a c re s o r more) more r e a d ily acc ess­

i b l e t o Negroes and poor w h ite s , b u t th e s e plan s enjqyed l i t t l e su c c e ss .

A zone of se ttle m e n t did f l o u r i s h d uring t h i s t i n e along th e e a s t

bank o f th e Boeuf R iver i n R ichland and F ra n k lin p a ris h e s . These m ig ran ts

had moved frcm Alabama, many frcm Wilcox County; frcm M is s is s ip p i, p r i ­

m a rily from th e southw est p a r t of th e s t a t e ; and frcm th e Cumberland a re a

o f th e so u th ern A ppalachians. Many o f th o se frcm Alabama and M is s is s ip p i

were co n tin u in g a g rad u a l westward movement which had begun along th e

A tla n tic C oast, extending through g e n e ra tio n s in some cases (Noble,

1970). Anumber had f i r s t lo c a te d in Concordia, C atahoula, and A voyelles

p a r is h e s , b u t had been disco u rag ed by flo o d in g th e re (Noble, 1970).

These e a r ly s e t t l e r s were not f le e in g c o n d itio n s in t h e i r form er

a r e a s , though, p erh ap s, seme had been handicapped by d e c lin in g s o i l f e r ­

tility in M is s is s ip p i. T heir prim ary d e s ir e s seem t o have l a i n i n

p l e n t i f u l a ra b le la n d and a c c e s s ib le w ater conm unication. I n some c a s e s ,

Negro se rv a n ts were a p p re n tic e d to craftsm en in V irg in ia f o r th e purpose

o f le a rn in g to c o n s tru c t im pressive homes, u sin g m o stly lo c a l m a te r ia ls ,

in c lu d in g lo c a l c la y s f o r b ric k s (F ig . 38 -3 9 ).

E arly names in R ichland were Hatch, Noble, M cIntosh, S c o tt, Johnson,

H olly, W arner, P a r f i e l d , W right, M ulhearn, C o llin s , Tweedle, S tro n g ,

S p r ie s , Rouse, Bruce, and Powe (R ichland P a ris h P o lic e J u iy , Book Aj 5 2 ).

 101

F ig . 38. P u rv is Heme. D ating t o 187£-1880, t h i s house sta n d s about

50 y a rd s frcm th e b lu f f on th e e a s t s id e o f th e Boeuf R iver. Note th e
wide e n tra n c e , which opens on a w ider hallw ay , c o n ta in in g a sta irw a y to
th e h a lf s to r y . The h a lf s to iy was n o t always used i n t h i s type of house.

F ig . 39. P u rv is Home. T his s ty le f e a tu r e d an e x te n sio n on th e back

c o n ta in in g a d in in g rocm, and, som etim es, a k itc h e n . This w e ll-m ain tain ed
home has been expanded f a r t h e r toward th e r e a r i n r e c e n t y e a rs .
The names in d ic a te a v a r ie ty of backgrounds and serve t o underscore th e

com plexity i n c u ltu r e s .

A number of ccnm unities sprang up d uring t h i s tdme (F ig . bO). These

communities bore th e names of f a m ilie s , e x o tic p a r ts o f th e w orld, or

a re a s from which th e m ig ran ts had o r i g in a ll y come. For example, no f o r t

ev er e x is te d a t F o rt N e c e ssity , f a t h e r , i t stemmed from th e name o f a

v i ll a g e i n V irg in ia t h a t had been th e home o f one o f th e s e t t l e r s . These

communities u s u a lly c o n s is te d o f a p la n ta tio n b ig h o u se, te n a n t houses,

and o th e r p la n ta tio n s t r u c tu r e s , and a la n d in g , r a th e r th an a c lu s te r of

independent homes. O therw ise, commu n ity lo c a tio n fo llo w s the p a tte r n s e t

p r i o r to th e C iv il War, except t h a t s e ttle m e n t advanced in to s e c tio n s

p re v io u s ly co n sid ere d flo o d -p ro n e . Macon R idge, th e n a tu r a l le v e e s o f th e

Boeuf R iv e r, and th e p r a i r i e s s t i l l a t t r a c t e d community development. In

a d d itio n , th e ro ad s and r a i l r o a d c ro ssin g th e B asin through R a y v ille and

through Winnsboro were s tim u la tin g community developm ent. S e c tio n s in

West C a r ro ll P a r is h and n o rth e rn F ra n k lin , p re v io u s ly con sid ered too

swampy, now saw community e sta b lis h m e n t. I n th e 1 8 7 0 's and l8 8 0 » s,

Monroe served as the primary se r v ic e cen te r, e s p e c ia lly fo r people in the

center and south o f the B asin. The road to Colunbia was freq u en tly

flood ed (L ock ett, 1870:86, 13b), and Winnsboro and R ayville had n eith er

adequate f a c i l i t i e s nor lo c a tio n on a h eavily-u sed r iv e r .

O utside th e n o rth e rn p r a i r i e a re a s , two farm p a tte r n s dominated

(Fig* 30 and b l ) . Both ty p es were s i t u a t e d c lo s e to th e Boeuf. The re c ­

ta n g u la r f i e l d p a tt e r n (F ig . 30) was d e sc rib e d i n C hapter 2. The o th e r

(th e r e s u l t o f a c c re tio n topography found i n c o n ju n ctio n w ith meandering

stream s i n a l l u v i a l f lo o d p la in s ) fe a tu re d a narrow , w e ll-d ra in e d , c u l t i ­

v a te d s t r i p sid e d on a bru sh y a re a o r canebrake, fo llow ed by a slough

 103

ARK.

Jones
Lind G rove*'*

IrlleW
V^ B
G allio n I •O a k G ro v e

• R o u n d H ill
P o in t P le a s a n t B a s tr o p ■
(
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* e C o llin s to n ■
B
/ e V ista R idge
Floyd
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L o m arb o re O ak R idge B
Jl'G um R id g e * • J o n e s L a n d in g B >,
m \ iLake
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a M onroe AT
*32 30* B ogue
a y v ille C h itto
♦♦MTllhave/ nLandln9
G irard Bee
B ayou

Rhymes ---------
*Mixon 0
m ag u n d i •Pullaw aV j
L ittle C reek
r £ *('V *•
• j
• C o ry to n j s
^W arsaw
R ed m o u th / B a sk in to n *
I~
a n d e rn e a u »’ - B a - k i n B
Q uitm an*.' • B a* Kin1 B eC ro ck e tt P t.
Q u itm a n * H u rric a n e V jn W m e
B
B
•W in n sb o ro

C olum bia* • Ede^ •Como

F o rt N e c e s s ity £
• P ra irie B oeuf
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»E x te n s ion
Holly G rove BASIN
COMMUNITIES
IN 1890
H arriso n b u rg

92 3 d

F ig . h0

S ources: Hardee, 1871; U. S . Bureau o f th e Census, 1890,

 F ig . lil. Ribbon F ie ld s P attern , E s s e n tia lly a reconstruction of a
ty p ic a l settlem en t pattern in the nineteenth century, but an actual area
near the present-day Buckner, Today, most o f th e slough area has been
drained and i s under c u ltiv a tio n ; th e re fo re , th e ribbon pattern no longer
e x is ts .

Sources* U. S. Department o f th e in t e r io r , ’‘Mangham" Quadrangle; A erial

Photographs CTN-3B-7 and 8 (1 9 ltl); Noble, 1970,
 RIBBON FIELDS
PATTERN
[ ^ C u l t i v a t e d Land
E 3 S lo u g h A rea ft
PH F a rm a ta a d

sera*

3 m

*2
&
II
m

MILES
*1 *S 7
 106

(F ig . 1(1). T his p a tte r n continued u n t i l w e ll i n to th e tw e n tie th c e n tu ry ,

when mechanized equipment was employed to promote d ra in a g e .

Newspapers e s ta b lis h e d i n Winnsboro and R a y v ille by th e 1 8 7 0 's began

to promote s e ttle m e n t. The F ra n k lin Sun s tr e s s e d p ro x im ity to th e Boeuf,

as w e ll as much of th e a v a ila b le la n d above flo o d l e v e l. (F ra n k lin Sun,

C e n te n n ia l E d itio n , Sec. B -2). The R ichland Beacon-News e x to lle d th e s o i l ,

c lim a te , and n a tu r a l v e g e ta tio n of R ichland P a ris h (R ichland Beacon-News,

Feb. 22, 1873). i t i s s i g n if ic a n t t h a t s e ttle m e n t prom otions aimed f o r

g re a t numbers o f sm all fa im e rs , r a th e r than a few g re a t p l a n t e r s . L ocal

o b se rv ers urged landow ners to d e p a rt from th e p la n ta tio n system , s e l l

t h e i r la n d s piecem eal and make money from rea so n a b le i n t e r e s t , i n o rd er to

make i t e a s i e r f o r sm all farm ers to s e t t l e (R ichland Beacon-News, S e p t. 5,

1880). The f a i l u r e o f th e se prom otions i s dem onstrated by th e example o f

th re e c a rlo a d s o f m ig ra n ts from In d ia n a a r r iv in g a t D e lh i, only to be d i s ­

couraged by th e l o c a l landowners* s e t t i n g what th e H oosiers c o n sid ered

e x o rb ita n t p r ic e s . Those who rem ained i n th e B asin moved t o West C a r r o ll

p a ris h (R ichland Beacon-News, Nov. 3 , 1877)• The lan d s to th e e a s t o f

th e Boeuf R iver and t h e i r p o te n tia l f o r development in tr ig u e d th e R a y v ille

e d it o r . He regarded th e people of th e B asin as p la in and r u r a l in t h e i r

tra d itio n s . By 1880, w ith hopes o f encouraging Americans to m ig ra te and

o f th e N egro's becoming a s u c c e s s fu l sm all faim er abandoned, th e e d ito r

concluded t h a t sending an ag en t t o n o rth e rn and w e stern Europe was th e

John A. Hemler w ro te, " I have thought th a t our p a r is h was fav o red
by n a tu re more h ig h ly than any o th e r and w e ll d eserv es i t s nane. A ll we
need now i s an in f lu x of e n te r p r is in g , in d u s tr io u s , honest farm ers to
c le a r up th o se b e a u tif u l and m aganficent rid g e s , and pu t th aa i n a s t a t e
o f c u lt i v a t io n ," He a ls o suggested th e form ation of a s o c ie ty " fo r th e
purpose o f ind u cin g h o n e st, in d u s trio u s im m igrants to s e t t l e among u s " .
This was accomplished by 1877 and was c a lle d the R a y v ille Chapter of the
Louisiana Immigration S o ciety (Richland Beacon-News, Feb. 25, 1873).
 107

only a lt e r n a t iv e (R ichland Beacon-News, March 6, 1880). I t appears t h a t

t h i s su g g estio n was n o t pursued.

In 1877, the str ik in g d iffe re n c e between C arroll P arish e a st and west

o f the Bayou Macon was recognized in the d iv is io n o f the p arish in to two

new u n its, although West C arroll had only 2,000 population to about 11,000

fo r East C arroll (K yser,1938). Estimates placed 90 p er-cen t of West

C a rro ll's area in v ir g in fo r e st at the time (Louisiana S ta te Department of

Public Wories, 19!?0illi). No railroad s and only poorroads e x is te d . In

a d d itio n , the Boeuf and Bayou Macon were not always navigable. Therefore,

m igrants experienced more d if f ic u lt y in reaching th is new p a rish than th e

others of the Basin. However, the inhabitants evinced joy at th e sepa­

r a tio n of th e western se c tio n , because the two held l i t t l e in common. In

ad d ition , they f e l t th e ir sectio n had played a trib u tary part in the

economic and p o l i t i c a l l i f e (Richland Beacon-News, A p ril lit, 1877)•

M idwestern s e t t l e r s e n te re d th e Basin d uring th e l8 7 0 » s, some from

M isso u ri and a few from Ohio, I l l i n o i s , In d ia n a , and P ennsylvania. They

had l i t t l e im pact, because Alabama and M is s is s ip p i s t i l l dominated as

so u rces of th e m ig ra n ts , each accounting f o r o n e -fo u rth t o p n e -th ird of

th e t o t a l . V irg in ia , G eorgia, and South C aro lin a fo llo w ed , f o r th e B asin

i n g e n e ra l, w ith Tennessee and Arkansas o f some im portance i n West C a rro ll

P a ris h . F a m ilie s came in d iv id u a lly o r i n groups as did th e S c o tc h - Ir is h

s e t t l e r s who came from G eorgia and s e t t l e d a t Mixon Community (F ig . 1*0)

(G iro d , Aug 16, 1956:D-1*). Names in c lu d e d Mixon, Dunham, C ourtney,

McEacharn, and F i f e . German and I r i s h im m igrants t o ta l e d over 20 persons

in some w ards, b u t were e n t i r e l y a b sen t frcm C aldw ell P a ris h (T a b le 1 0 ).

In 1880 the Lowland South cu ltu re s t i l l influ en ced Morehouse and

Ouachita p a rish es, as s e t t le r s from p o ssib le Lowland South areas occurred

 TABLE 10

BIRTHPLACE DATA FOR INHABITED SECTIONS OF BOEUF BASIN 1880

S ta te or Country Caldwell Franklin Morehouse Ouachita Richland W. C arroll Total

of Birth * * ## * * #* * ** *

oO
1/\
CO
CM

C
Louisiana 197 229 2087 532 716 151 313 1*3 11*03 279 712 171*

£
M ississip p i 16 71 385 £80 156 21*8 59 52 31*7 303 153 257 1116 i 5 n

Alabama 15 39 83 ll*2 126 165 52 51 208 185 61* 129 51*8 711

Arkansas 1 18 11 1*2 15 21 l 26 11* 66 30 171* 71

Connecticut 1 h 1 2 1 1 8

Georgia 7 20 36 11*0 1)5 129 38 63 60 11*6 31* 86 220 581*

Kentucky 2 13 11 1(8 9 31* 2 7 11 1)8 1* 25 39 175

Indiana & I l l i n o i s 3 3 16 k 1 16 11 8 21* 28 58

Maryland 1* 17 1*8 3 U* 1 6 1* 21 2 3 72 96

M issouri 1 1 11 16 7 3 3 1* 2 1* 8 11 32 39

North Carolina 3 6 12 105 25 131 8 1*0 30 165 15 82 93 529

Ohio 2 5 7 13 2 1 1 12 19 2 1* 22 1*1*

Pennsylvania 2 9 3 22 5 15 5 12 5 19 2 I* 22 81

South Carolina 2 23 18 228 36 11*6 9 56 28 156 11* 98 137 707

 TABLE 10—Continued

S tate or Country Caldwell Franklin Morehouse Ouachita Richland W. C arroll Total

of Birth * a* * * #* * ■it -H# * *

Tennessee 3 26 13 72 30 73 13 27 31 102 Uli 91 13U 391

Texas 12 2 9 8 7 16 h 8 2 52 16

V irgin ia 1 9 23 101 19 99 6 28 32 101 9 50 90 388

Spain 2 < 9 h 2 2 13

France 11 6 ; 11 2 2 8 8 32

England U 20 6 13 h 7 9 Hi 6 Hi 29 68

Germany 19 38 2 8 5 11 11 20 1 13 38 90

Ireland 1 23 62 3 12 7 28 10 36 5 26 81} 165

Scotland h 10 1 b 1 3 2 11 5 8 33

Scandinavia 7 18 11 Hi l 2 19 3U

Others h 20 U3 9 25 8 11 29 Ii2 20 U6 86 171

* - B irth p la c e o f re s id e n ts in 1880, a l l ag es. - B irth p la c e of p a re n ts of a d u lts .

Note: F ig u res i n t h i s ta b le in c lu d e wards in Boeuf Basin area o n ly . T herefo re, fig u re s f o r C aldw ell,
Morehouse and Ouachita p a ris h e s cannot be considered th e complete fig u re s f o r th e p a ris h .

Source: TJ. S. Bureau of th e Census, P o p u latio n Schedules, 1880.

 110

in g r e a te r r e l a t i v e numbers (Table 1 0 ). The Upland South appeared

s tr o n g e s t i n th e rem aining p a ris h e s .

Law lessness tro u b le d sane s e c tio n s of th e Basin i n th e e a rly 1880*s .

Such c o n d itio n s seem to r e l a t e to s e c tio n s where sm all farm ers made up a

la rg e p a r t of th e p o p u la tio n , as in th e Boeuf P r a i r ie a r e a . Boeuf

P r a i r i e a ls o held praninence f o r th e s tr e n g th of th e Ku Klux Klan

(Bonner, Aug. l £ , l<?£6s Sec. A - 2 j l ) . (The Ku Klux Klan has u s u a lly been

s tr o n g e s t in th e B asin where sm all faxm and la rg e farm groups liv e d in

c lo s e p ro x im ity [F ig . 1j2 ] ) . Sane o b serv ers b e lie v e d t h a t exaggerated

re p o r ts of th e s e c o n d itio n s u n f a ir ly hin d ered s e ttle m e n t (Dunn, 1885>:65)•

Although sm all farm ers expressed some d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w ith con­

d i ti o n s , s t a t e e le c tio n s a t t h i s tim e in d ic a te a more c o n se rv a tiv e tone^

i n th e B asin p a ris h e s than i n th e h i l l and F lo rid a p a ris h e s (Howard,

195>7:7h), in d ic a tin g more p ro s p e rity and s t a b i l i t y i n th e B asin.

The v illa g e s and towns bore a resem blance to th e t r a d i t i o n a l Upland

South type ( P r ic e , 1968). S to r e s , la w y e rs' o f f ic e s , and banks c lu s te r e d

about th e courthouse square (W illiam son, 1939 j 290). Although no " F i r s t

Monday"^ t r a d i t i o n e x i s t s , "c o u rt week" was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . A p e rio d of

g re a t a c t i v i t y and mary v i s i t o r s (W illiam son, 1939:290; Anderson, I960:

1 8 ), c o u rt week was u s u a lly th e f i r s t week of th e month and may re p re s e n t

a m o d ific a tio n of th e " F i r s t Monday" of Upland South a re a s . While th e

p r in c ip a l b u sin e ss was concerned w ith l e g a l m a tte rs , th e v i s i t a t i o n in

th e towns by nunbers of people a ls o le d to much commercial tr a n s a c tio n

p o p u lis m or r a d ic a l programs h e ld l i t t l e fa v o r.

'T i r s t Monday remains a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of some Upland South towns.

Goods a re tra d e d and g e n e ra l b u sin e ss a f f a i r s a re in te n s iv e ly conducted.
(L. S. U. Seminar i n S e ttle m e n t Geography, S p rin g , 1969).
 F ig . 1*2. Ku Klux K lan S ig n . The p a in te d l e t t e r s on t h i s b a rn
th e o u ts k ir ts o f C row ville in d ic a te th e s tr e n g th o f , and su p p o rt f o r
t h i s o rg a n iz a tio n in a mixed la r g e and sm all-farm a re a .
 112
and entertainm ent. Court week has disappeared, in conformity to a

general lack o f tr a d itio n a l a c t i v i t i e s in the Basin.

P la n ta tio n l i f e dom inated th e c o u n try sid e . The commissary, or p la n ­

t a t i o n g e n e ra l s to r e , sometimes became th e nucleus of a f u tu r e v i ll a g e .

Almost alw ays, th e p la n ta tio n had a name, and maps m ight show th e p la n ta ­

tio n s as v illa g e s . T y p ical p la n ta tio n s o f th e B asin (F ig . h3-U5)

resem bled those o f th e r iv e r - ty p e found elsew here in L o u isia n a , b u t

s tr u c tu r e s on th e Basin p la n ta tio n more o fte n p a r a lle le d th e r i v e r ,

r a t h e r than extended back from i t . S tru c tu re s in clu d ed s ta b le s , hay

b a rn s, hen house, a d a ir y , springhouse ( a c tu a lly a w ellhouse or c is te r n

house), smokehouse, and th e o u tsid e k itc h e n . A few p la n ta tio n s had g in s

(W illiam son, 1939:292; Noble, 1970; P erso n al F ie ld T rip s ).

Common s o c ia l events in clu d ed fancy d re ss b a l l s , hay-wagon r id in g ,

w a term elo n -cu ttin g , b e e - tr e e - c u ttin g , fo x -h u n tin g , and su g arca n e-p e elin g s

(W illiam son, 1939:308). However, horse ra c in g and tournam ents, so popu­

l a r in th e M is s is s ip p i R iver p a ris h e s , were uncommon in th e B asin. Fox­

hu n tin g and fan cy d re s s b a l l s would seem to be r e c r e a tio n a l a c t i v i t i e s of

a Lowland South c u ltu r e , b u t may have been th o se of an Upland South e l i t e

copying Lcwland South neighbors in the r i v e r p a ris h e s .

In 1890, se ttle m e n t c ontinued i n th e p a tte r n s of i860 in re g a rd to

c u ltu r e a f f i l i a t i o n , b u t w ith a few m o d ific a tio n s . F o r example, C aldw ell

P a ris h had only B a p tis t churches in th e i860 census, b u t f o r 1890, alm ost

h a lf 6f th e churches were M ethodist (Table 1 1 ). For F ra n k lin , only

M ethodist churches were l i s t e d i n i860; in 1890, about o n e -s ix th of th e

churches were B a p tis t and P re sb y te ria n r e s id e n ts had organized a congre­

g a tio n . Morehouse P a ris h Remained stro n g i n M eth o d ist churches, b u t one

P re s b y te ria n and th re e E piscopal co n g reg atio n s were reco rd ed . The p ic tu r e

 IA N O IN O

IOAO

O M M IS S A R Y

OlN
Fig. 13

F IE L D S
PA STU R E

BASIN
PLANTATION
PATTERN
FI E L D S

100 200 300

FEET

H
t—
1
U)
 llli

F ig . lh» C h a r lie v ille Canm issary. D ating to th e 1870*s , t h i s

s t r u c tu r e now se rv e s as a b a rn . Remaining com m issaries i n th e B asin con­
form t o no p a r t i c u l a r s t y l e .

F ig . ljf>. C h a r lie v ille Commissary, T his photo shows th e pro x im ity

to th e r i v e r o f th e ty p ic a l p la n ta tio n h e a d q u a rte rs. Here, f o r a s h o rt
d is ta n c e , a modem highway occupies th e o ld r i v e r ro a d .
 TABLE 11

RELIGIOUS BODIES IN BOEUF BASIN 1890

P a ris h B a p tis t M ethodist P re sb y te ria n E p isco p alian

C aldw ell 16 12 mm mm

F ra n k lin 6 28 1 -

Morehouse 3 12 1 3
Ouachita 5 20 1 2

R ichland 19 19 5 1

West C a rro ll 2 5 - -

Sources U. S. Bureau of th e Census, R eport on S t a t i s t i c s of

Churches, 1890.

appeared much th e same in O uachita P a ris h a s i t did in Morehouse P a ris h .

Few churches had y e t been o rg an ized i n West C a rro ll P a ris h , b u t the

M eth o d ists enjoyed a le a d over th e B a p tis ts . Only i n R ichland P a rish were

th e B a p tis ts and M eth o d ists about evenly balanced. A pparently, th e

P re s b y te ria n church enjoyed i t s g r e a te s t p o p u la rity in t h a t p a ris h , as

w e ll, and th e same p a ris h a ls o fe a tu r e d an E p isco p al church. This i n d i ­

c a te s a meshing of th e Upland S outh e l i t e w ith th e Lowland South. The

Upland South e l i t e were a s s o c ia te d w ith the P re s b y te ria n church u n t i l about

1850 (L. S . U. Seminar i n S e ttle m e n t Geography, 1969). The high stan d in g

o f th e B a p tis t and M eth o d ist churches f i t s i n w e ll w ith an Upland South

background. The E p isco p a lia n presence underscores th e Lowland South

in flu e n c e , perhaps a growing one.

I n 1890, a re a s o f stro n g Lowland South in flu e n c e had la r g e r popu­

l a t i o n s th an th o se o f stro n g Upland South a f f i n i t i e s (Table 1 2 ). Popu­

l a t i o n f ig u r e s i d e n t i f y West C a rro ll and F ra n k lin p a ris h e s a s stro n g h o ld s

 116

TABLE 12

POPULATION BY WAHDS IN 1890

Ward Caldwell Franklin Morehouse Ouachita Richland West C arroll

1 1,136* 729* 1,577* 2,780* 2,235* 835*

2 61*9 980* 1,01*1 1,276* 2,099* 1,056*

3 381; 923* 325 6,21*1* 1,617* 721*

i* 1,123 993* 1,881* 1,837* 1,921** 538*

5 75 £ 893* 3,732* 1,855 91*8* 598*

6 237 31*5* 3,085* 1,237 81*9*

7 506 1,01*6* 831 1,230 550*

8 126* 352* 2,013* 805

9 it 76 639* 301 721*

10 122 1,997*
Total 5,811* 6,900 16,786 17,985 10,230 3,71*8

* - B asin w ards.

S ource: U. S . Bureau o f th e Census, P o p u latio n S chedules, 1890.

o f th e Upland South and in d ic a te t h a t much o f t h e B asin y e t la y open f o r

s e ttle m e n t. F o r Caldw ell P a ris h , Ward 1 i s p a r t l y on th e e a s t bank of the

O uachita R iv e r and, th e r e f o r e , o u ts id e th e B asin . Ward 8 h e ld lim ite d

s e ttle m e n t owing to th e swampiness o f th e la n d between th e Boeuf R iv er,

Bayou L afourche, and th e O uachita R iv er. Swamps lik e w ise lim ite d s e t t l e ­

m ent, p r i o r t o improved d ra in a g e , in Wards 5, 6, and 7 in R ichland

P a ris h . Ward it i n O uachita P a ris h had added o v er 1,000 perso n s between

1870 and 1890.
 117

C onclusion

The 1860-1890 e ra o f the s e ttle m e n t o f th e Boeuf B asin saw an

expansion i n to new a re a s , an in c re a s e in m ig ra n ts , th e fo re ru n n e rs o f

commercial lum bering, and some new foim s of a g r ic u ltu r e .

I n 1890, a lth o u g h th e Lowland South dominated s e ttle m e n t p a tte r n s

nowhere in th e B asin (F ig . 1*6), t h i s c u ltu re group d id appear t o i n f l u ­

ence Morehouse P a r is h and s iz e a b le p a rts o f O uachita and Richland p a ris h e s .

Census r e p o r ts , o th e r p u b lic re c o rd s , tra v e le rs * a cc o u n ts, and fam ily

rec o rd s in d ic a te a m ixing of c u ltu re s in C aldw ell P a ris h and on Boeuf

P ra irie . O therw ise, th e Upland South stood a r e a l l y dom inant. However,

comparison w ith o th e r Upland South se c tio n s shows no mere d u p lic a tio n i n

th e B asin, b u t a s i m i l a r i t y . I t can be su sp ected t h a t flo o d p la in topog­

raphy and a l l u v i a l s o i l s played a p a r t h e re . I n a d d itio n , th e t r a d i t i o n a l

Upland South c u ltu re i s s tro n g e s t i n remote a re a s (Newton, 1973-B :6).

Water tr a n s p o r ta tio n and improved r a i l and road tr a n s p o r ta tio n during

t h i s e ra gave th e B asin a r e l a t i v e ease of access to m ark ets, c o n ta c t

w ith new developm ents, and a sources o f m ig ra n ts . F u rth e r, th e la te n e s s

o f s e ttle m e n t in th e B asin made i t u n lik e ly t h a t th e more o ld -fa sh io n e d

elem ent o f any c u ltu r e would be found th e r e . Under c o n d itio n s o f f r e e

m ig ra tio n , we fr e q u e n tly fin d t h a t m ig ran ts a re more p ro g re s siv e ( le s s

t r a d i t i o n a l ) f o r the same rea so n t h a t th e y m ig ra te : th ey a re more

a g g re ss iv e , more a l e r t to o p p o rtu n ity .

 118

3 2 *3 0 '

c
SETTLEMENT
/ TYPES
IN 1890
HU L o w lan d S o u th In flu o n c o

| | } D om in an t U p lan d S o u th

0 F ra n c h In flu a n c a

F ig . ii6
Sources: U. S . Bureau of th e Census, l88 0 j 1890; R ichland P a ris h P o lic e
Ju ry , 1876-1890; F ra n k lin P a ris h P o lic e Ju ry , 1876-1890.
 119

CHAPTER it

RAIL EXPANSION, LIMBERING, AND INTENSIVE SETTLEMENT (1890-1930)

Landscape and V egetation

At th e tu rn o f th e c e n tu ry , much la n d i n th e B asin lack ed s e t t l e r s ,

IWo-day c a t t l e d riv e s from so u th ern R ichland P a rish to Monroe, w ith a sto p

a t Rhymes (F ig , itO), were made p o s s ib le by th e ap arsen ess of s e ttle m e n t

(F ran k s, 1956*5} S a r to r , 1970), T h re e -fo u rth s o f West C a rro ll P a ris h was

fo re s t-c o v e re d as l a t e as 1900 (Oden, 1967*101:). Canebrakes rem ained in

c e n tr a l F ra n k lin P a ris h as l a t e as 1892 (McDuff, 1956*1:), and w ild dogs

and hogs liv e d c lo se t o R a y v ille i n 1900 (T a y lo r, 1932*12). A c o n c e rt

to u r i n 1892 l i s t e d only one s to p (Mer Rouge) i n th e B asin (Surghnor,

1882-1899:10), Farmers m ight no t see t h e i r liv e s to c k f o r s i x months a t

a tim e, because of th e com bination o f e x te n siv e woods co v erin g m ost of

th e a re a and sto c k management customs (Noble, l89li*A pril 1 1 ).

E xtensive swamps rem ained; th e s e c tio n between R ay v ille and Monroe

im passable much o f th e tim e (W illiam son, 1939*192). Another in d ic a tio n

o f l i t t l e s e ttle m e n t, as y e t, i s th e im portance of hunting o f b e a rs and

f e r a l hogs. Bear and f e r a l hog h u n tin g was p rim a rily a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f

th e r i v e r p a r is h e s , but one which extended i n to th e B asin, a t t r a c t i n g even

such personages as Theodore R oosevelt (D avis, 1965*329} LeBon, 1970*62).

However, la r g e - s c a le s p o rtin g a c t i v i t i e s came to an end i n t h i s p e rio d ,

w ith th e d e s tr u c tio n , by a v a s t f i r e , of most o f th e rem aining canebrakes

in th e e a s te rn p a r t of th e B asin i n 1916 (B lanchard, 1956* Sec. C -6 ).

 120

This f i r e , coupled w ith improved d ra in a g e , made c u ltiv a tio n of th e burned

canebrakes e a s i e r ; th u s , much more lan d was a v a ila b le f o r farm ing on a

sm all o r la rg e scale*

The d e v a s ta tin g flo o d of 1927 d id n o t have th e d e te r r e n t e f f e c t upon

Upland South e n tiy t h a t such an ev en t appears t o have had b e fo re 1900.

However, d i s t r u s t o f th e low land swamp probably accounted f o r concen­

t r a t i o n of Upland South s e ttle m e n t upon th e hig h er e le v a tio n s found in

th e B asin (F ig . 1*7), even though e a r l i e r groups had dem onstrated t h a t

s e ttle m e n t was p o s s ib le in low a re a s .

T ra n sp o rta tio n

I n t h i s e ra , th e r a ilr o a d serv ed th e f i r s t n o tic e of impending g r e a t

change. The I l l i n o i s C e n tra l had c ro sse d th e B asin , in i t s ro u te fra u

Vicksburg to Monroe and beyond decades b e fo re , b u t 1890 marked th e beginn­

in g of a g r e a t expansion o f r a i l l i n e s , and t h a t p a r t i c u l a r l y a ffe c te d

B asin s e ttle m e n t p a tte r n s . The p re s e n t r a i l p a tte r n was alm ost com pletely

c o n stru c te d by 1910 (F ig . U8). H a il c o n s tru c tio n follow ed d i r e c t ro u te s

a c ro ss th e B a sin , except where la r g e swamps i n t e r f e r r e d (F ig s . 8 and 1*8).

The B asin a ls o had a web o f tem porary logg in g l i n e s . In a few in s ta n c e s ,

th ese lo g g in g l in e s were l a t e r occupied by p a r is h ro ad s, and, in th a t

r e s p e c t, in flu e n c e d s e ttle m e n t p a tt e r n s . The undeveloped s t a t e of th e

B asin i s re v e a le d in th e few permanent lin e s a t th e h e ig h t of r a i l con­

s tr u c tio n and use about 1920.

The r a i l l i n e s , f o r a tim e, th re a te n e d to focus th e a re a , c u lt u r a l l y

and com m ercially, on Natchez and New O rlean s, in s te a d of Monroe (Zimmer,

1963s8 6 ). C onnections w ith th e r i v e r a t N atchez and u ltim a te acc ess to

th e more p re s tig io u s and d i v e r s if i e d New O rleans m arket made commerce in

 121

!},xv ' S i JV-* j >t v i

F ig . Ij7. Upland South S it e . In the d istan ce on one o f the higher

p o in ts o f Macon Ridge i s seen a former s i t e of an Upland South homestead.
E levation , plus the presence of pine t r e e s , freq u en tly a ttra c ted Upland
South s e t t l e r s .
 . i V . ■. •.

□
V

5 32 3 0
32 3 0 Manama

•H M a i<

< N lil
RAIL LINES
IN 1930
Q M iiin U n a

[ID L o g g in g L in e A re a

/ 9 2 *3 0

F ig . ii8
Sources: Cram, 1911; Topographic Maps, 1930-1939.
 123

t h a t d ir e c tio n a t t r a c t i v e . Sheer d is ta n c e , p lu s th e in c re a s e d growth and

m u l t i p l i c i t y o f s e rv ic e s a t Monroe and c lo sen e ss of o th e r s im ila r a re a s t o

New O rleans, saved th e B asin as a m arket a re a f o r Monroe.

Attempts to lu r e migrants enjoyed greater success than in th e p a st,

p a r tly because of r a i l expansion and improvement in the road system.

P o lic e j u r i e s gave much o f t h e i r a tt e n t i o n to such improvements d urin g

th e s e y e a r s , o fte n re c e iv in g s t a t e a id (R ichland P a r is h P o lic e Ju ry ,

1898-1909} Book C). The p re s e n t p a tte r n o f roads was v i r t u a l l y com plete

by 1930. A c tu a lly , more p u b lic roads e x is te d in 1930 th an a t th e p re s e n t

(R ichland P a ris h P o lic e Ju ry , 1890-1930). Not t o be overlooked were th e

d e crea se in a v a i l a b i l i t y o f la n d elsew here in th e n a tio n and in c re a se d

f a m i l i a r i t y w ith th e B asin and th e ways t o u t i l i z e i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .

As elsewhere in the s t a t e , farms were s t i l l oriented along stream s,

although r iv e r roads had become as important as the r iv e r s than selves and

ra ilro a d s were s te a d ily a ttra c tin g settlem en t to th e ir rou tes.

A g ric u ltu re and O ther Economic A c t iv i t ie s

A g ric u ltu re

By 1900, sane s t r i k i n g changes o ccu rred i n the B asin alo n g w ith th e

in c re a s e d m ig ra tio n (T able 1 3 ). I n g e n e ra l, th e r e was an in c re a s e in

improved a c re a g e . D ecreases in C oncordia, F ra n k lin , M adison, and West

C a r r o ll may have r e s u lte d from e rr o r o r d i f f e r i n g in te r p r e t a t i o n s of

nimproved la n d ” . The low land p a ris h e s re c e iv e d th e g r e a te s t numbers of

new farm e rs. West C a r r o ll p a r i s h 's s l i g h t in c re a s e may r e f l e c t th e

r a i l r o a d 's n o t bein g f in is h e d a t t h i s tim e and th e s iz e a b le a re a o f

f o r e s t-c o v e re d la n d . I n a d d itio n , ab sen tee la n d lo rd s h eld about t h r e e -

fo u rth s of w est C a r r o l l 's farm land a t t h i s tim e (L o u isian a s t a t e D epart-

 TABLE 13

COMPARISON CF SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS 1890 AND 1900

P ercentage
P ercentage Farms Under Percentage
No. o f Farms Average S ize Tenant-Farmed Improved Acres 100 Acres White Fanners
P a rish lB90 1900 1890 1900 1890 1900 1890 1900 1896 i 960 1966

B ie n v ille 1752 2392 110 126 31.87 1»1.91 68,919 109,729 52 55 59.6
Caldw ell 513 1070 206 127 19.10 I42.I4O 23,156 12,169 27 56 57.2
Concordia 1387 1631 121 9h 89.80 93.10 77,161 65,998 87 92 li*.lt
E a st C a rro ll 795 1917 3li7 56 88.143 95.50 19,266 61,835 86 95 7.3

F ra n k lin 976 1U55 133 106 63.01 66.70 51i, 8I4I4 13,950 72 82 1*8. 1*
Madison 1389 2189 ll9 153 90.29 96.50 71,372 71,097 92 96 5 .3
Morehouse 1182 2395 160 72 55.21; 79.20 72,880 86,929 65 86 22.3
O uachita 11*51* 1720 111 106 514.88 56.50 68,7814 78,150 73 73 13.7

R ichland 777 1936 151 58 149.17 81.90 140,671 19,506 61 92 27.1

S t. Helena 929 1271; 163 103 I48.87 59.00 36,658 38,583 57 71 1*9.3
Tensas 1538 2391 12i* 76 89.79 91.90 89,765 89,961* 89 92 6 .5
West C a rro ll 537 733 208 67 61.08 73.30 33,815 21,688 1*6 83 1*1.9
Winn 1099 1587 161 155 16.38 26.10 1*5,763 51*,327 38 35 85.8

Sources U. S. Bureau of th e Census, Census of A g ric u ltu re , 1890 and 1900

 125

ment o f P u b lic Works, 1950*35). A bsentee ownership could have preclu d ed

sm all-farm er e n try . While te n a n t farm ing in c re a s e d aver much o f th e South

during th e s e y e a rs , p ercen tag es were most im pressive i n th e low land

p a ris h e s . Tenant p e rc e n ta g e s, as w e ll as percen tag e of N egro-operated

farm s, supplem ent th e o th e r f ig u re s i n a s s o c ia tin g F ra n k lin and West

C a rro ll p a ris h e s w ith th e h i l l p a ris h e s and Morehouse and R ichland w ith

th e lowland p a ris h e s in 1900. About h a lf of C aldw ell and O uachita

p a ris h e s c o n s is te d of upland a re a , making c l a s s i f i c a t i o n i n t h i s in s ta n c e

d iffic u lt.

Although tenancy tended t o d e crea se i n some a re a s by 1920, t h i s form

o f te n u re in c re a se d in th e B asin (T able l b ) . This tre n d i n th e Basin

r e f l e c t s th e h a b it of w h ite s from th e h i l l s f r e q u e n tly becoming la b o re rs

on p la n ta tio n s , e s ta b lis h in g them selves on new ground only a f t e r a d ju s tin g

to lowland c o n d itio n s (V andiver, 191*8:286). The number of farm s

in c re a s e d in th e B asin p a ris h e s by g r e a t e r numbers th an i n o th e r s e c tio n s ,

e s p e c ia lly o u tsid e of Morehouse P a ris h (Table ll* ). The B asin p a ris h e s

co n sid ered dominant in U plaid South c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s resem bled th e h i l l

p a ris h e s in th e r a t i o o f w h ite to b lack farm ers.

A ll th e sample p a ris h e s decreased i n average farm s iz e between 1890

and 1930 (Tables 13 and 1 5 ). The B asin p a ris h e s w ith m ost of t h e i r a re a

in th e B asin tended to conform more c lo s e ly to th e low land p a ris h e s in

t h i s r e s p e c t th an to th e h i l l p a ris h e s , probably a r e s u l t of te n a n t

farm in g. I n h ig h er r a t i o o f w hite farm ers to b lac k fa rm e rs, th e B asin

p a ris h e s stro n g in Upland South c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s c o n tin u ed t o resem ble th e

h i l l p a ris h e s . The B asin p a ris h e s ly in g com pletely w ith in th e B asin a ls o

enjoyed g r e a te r expansion of t o t a l lan d i n farm s, w h ile sane o th e r p a ris h e s ,

both h i l l and low land, showed d ecreases in t o t a l a c re a g e . A gain, methods

o f cen su s-ta k in g may have d if f e r e d .

 TABLE Ik
COMPARISON OF SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS 1910 AND 1920

Percentage
Percentage Farms Under Percentage
No. of Farms Average Size Tenant-Farmed Improved Acres 100 Acres White Farmers
Parish m o 1■' "TOO TOO....... TOO TOO------ 1920 TOO-""" 1920 TOO TOO ■■"1920’ -

B ie n v ille 2973 2987 99.2 91.7 10 10 122,661 132,660 60 69 08

Caldwell 906 llll 129.7 81.L 27 11 37,078 33,032 06 73 67
Concordia 1308 2028 121.9 79.1 87 91 61,136 00,790 89 9k 3JU
East C arroll 1801 2286 71.7 16.9 90 92 71,961 71,029 91 96 6

Franklin 1881 3000 66.0 10.8 61 78 01,008 108,000 88 90 19

Uadison 1783 2071 79.7 72.8 96 9k 60,701 87,222 9h 90 12
Morehouse 3009 3239 72.3 03.7 80 82 93,922 91,619 89 92 22
Ouachita 21U7 2666 98.0 09.8 07 63 92,021 79,381 76 80 10

Richland 2103 3383 60.9 19.6 60 7k 68,633 89,307 89 92 37

S t. Helena 1239 1102 81.1 79.8 06 01 39,298 01,729 7k 77 19
Tensas 2897 2089 62.8 77.1 90 92 93,610 82,826 9k 91 8
West C arroll 979 1176 60.1 13.9 63 60 28,602 30,318 86 91 69
Winn 1692 1639 106.8 97.6 21 21 02,868 01,319 60 68 81

Source* U. S. Bureau o f the Census, A gricu ltu ral Census, 1910 and 1920.
 TABLE 15

SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS 1930

C h aracteristic B ie n v ille Caldwell Concordia E. C arroll Franklin Madison Morehouse

Percentage White Fanners 52 71* 16 23 61 27 23

Average S ize Farm (Acres) 62.2 60.3 71.5 32.8 31.7 1*5 .6 38.7
Percentage of Tenancy 61 53 90 91* 81* 59 86

Farms Under 10 Acres - % 1 3 8 11* 3 8 5

Farms 10-19 Acres - % 9 21 58 51 36 65 29
Farms 20-1*9 Acres - % 52 1*1 26 32 51 18 52
Farms 50-99 Acres - % 21 18 3 1 7 1* 10
Farms 100-171* Acres - % 12 12 1 1 2 2 2
2
Farms 175 Acres & Over - % 5 5 1* 1 3 2

Farm Implements (D ollar) 1*33,087 161,991* 21*7,028 1*12,838 730,528 507,81*5 1*55,957
Horses 1, 061* 691 1,517 1, 081* 3,619 955 1,932
Mules 1*,679 1,586 1,71*6 l*,i*76 7,270 3,1*90 5,079
Vegetables Marketed (D ollar) 7,21*9 3,683 1,091 1,157 3,798 927 5,1*1*2
Corn (Bushels) 31*1*, 291* 123,301* 92,536 232,522 663,1*89 258,678 1*03,796
Cotton (B ales) 27,738 7,115 9,569 30,639 1*7,623 20, 1*80 29,739
 TABLE 15*—Continued

C h aracteristic Ouachita Hichland S t. Helena Tensas W. C arroll Winn

Percentage White Farmers 51 ii2 hi 21 79 80

Average S ize Farm (Acres) 55.6 32.8 55.0 56.1 33.1 68.li
Percentage o f Tenancy 65 87 57 9li 76 37
Farms Under 10 Acres - % 7 1 11 17 6 3
Farms 10-19 Acres - % 27 32 18 51 33 12
Farms 20—1*9 Acres - % 111 5U 39 25 L8 iiO
Farms 50-99 Acres - % 13 7 19 3 10 25
Farms 100-17U Acres - % 7 2 9 1 2 16
Farms 175 Acres & Over - % 5 1 h 3 1 li
Farm Implements (D ollar) iiia ,5 i7 722,615 I89,ii97 2j2i2,532i 367,180 228,88£
Horses 1,219 2,216 1,218 1,503 1,316 1,009
Mules 3, 0ii0 6 , 0iili 1,030 3,517 3,383 1,778
Vegetables Marketed (D ollar) 111, 232 3,996 88,390 307 loo 20,705
Corn (Bushels) 229,812 365,181 180,600 I88,9ii9 219,2li8 139,091;
Cotton (B ales) 19,107 10,675 1,533 22,L07 21, l l j 2 7,110

Source: U. S. Bureau of th e Census, A g ric u ltu ra l Census, Vol. I I , P a rt 2, 1930.

t—
1
ro
cx>
 129

Tenancy in c re a s e d g r e a t ly i n R ichland and F ra n k lin p a ris h e s between

1890 and 1930 and probably u n d ersco res th e m ig ra tio n o f la r g e numbers o f

sm all farm ers from th e h i l l p a ris h e s and o th er h i l l a re a s o f th e South.

These two B asin p a ris h e s now exceeded th e sample h i l l p a ris h e s in t h i s

re s p e c t.

However, a l l th e Basin p a ris h e s co n tin u ed t o have more farm s i n th e

20 to 1*9 a c re th a n th e 10 to 19 a c re c a te g o ry , making them more l i k e th e

h i l l p a ris h e s th a n th e low land p a ris h e s . I n c a te g o rie s o f farm s i z e , th e

B asin p a ris h e s showed more s i m i l a r i t y t o th e low land p a ris h e s th an t o the

h i l l p a ris h e s . However, in th e 20-50 a c re c la s s , th e B asin p a ris h e s had

sw itched to h i l l p a ris h c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s between th e 1920 and 1930 c en su ses.

Even so , th e Basin p a ris h e s s t i l l tended to hold a n in te rm e d ia te p o s itio n

i n th e s t a t i s t i c s . Comparison o f f a rn s above 17k a c re s produced incon­

c lu s iv e r e s u l t s .

R ichland and F ra n k lin p a ris h e s s t i l l stood o u t f o r th e h ig h t o t a l

v a lu e o f farm im plem ents, a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c they held r a t h e r c o n s is te n tly ,

and which, in th e p a s t, t i e d them c lo s e ly t o th e h i l l p a r is h e s , although

t h i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c holds le s s ap p aren t v a l i d i t y i n 1930.

V egetable p ro d u ctio n became im p o rta n t f o r th e f i r s t tim e (Table 1 5 ).

Even so , none of th e B asin p a ris h e s reached th e le v e ls o f S t . Helena,

Winn, o r even B ie n v ille i n v e g e ta b le p ro d u c tio n . Corn p ro d u ctio n was

im pressive in th e Basin p a ris h e s , b u t newspaper accounts in d ic a te depen­

dence on o u tsid e sources f o r t h i s ite m .

Mules had gained d e f i n i te dominance over h o rses by 1930 i n a l l

p a ris h e s except one. Such a s h i f t co u ld be a tt r i b u t e d to e i t h e r c u ltu re

 130

m o d ific a tio n or one o f economics."^" Farm ers i n th e B asin depended on

o u tsid e sources f o r m ules, m o stly F o rt Worth and Memphis ( S a r to r , 1970;

Noble, 1970; Richland Beacon-News, Feb. 9, 1901). Census fig u r e s fo r

a sse s in d ic a te th a t mule breeding never held much importance in th e Basin

its e lf.
i ;
U m bering and M in erals

The lum bering in d u s try expanded r a p id ly throughout th e liasin,. a f t e r

1900. Most of th e m ills and a tte n d a n t towns o rig in a te d between 1903 and

19lii (F ig . 1j9 ) . Some m ills emphasized g e n e ra l saw m illin g , but in

n o rth e rn R ichland p a ris h and in West C a r ro ll P a ris h , s ta v e making p re ­

dom inated. However, a firm i n G irard produced cy p ress sh in g le s f o r m arket

in s e v e ra l s t a t e s (R ichland Beacon-News, C en ten n ial E d itio n ) . However,

d isc o v e ry t h a t much of th e tim b e r was u n s u ita b le , even f o r lo c a l con­

s t r u c ti o n , dampened th e boon (Noble, 189U: May 2 l|).

Evidence of c u ltu re ty p e e x is ts only in sane a r e a s . I n C aldw ell and

Morehouse p a ris h e s , th e la b o r fo rc e was made up o f "rough” men w ith o u t

f a m ilie s (Cottingham , 1 938:53). Most o th e r logging and m ill la b o r fo rc e s

planned only tem porary occupance and l e f t l i t t l e evidence o f t h e i r

p resen c e. However, in R ichland P a ris h and F ra n k lin P a ris h , some communi­

t i e s , such as H olly Ridge and J ig g e r (F ig . JU9) became permanent s e t t l e - ,

ments based on th e lim b e rin g a c t i v i t i e s . One house ty p e (F ig . 50-51) i s

l o c a ll y co n sid ere d a lumber f ir m ’s "canpany" house. This i s not a

ty p ic a l Upland South ty p e , b u t predom inantly Upland South p eo p les b u i l t

than and co n tin u ed to l i v e i n them, making i t s o .

•^ t has been the experience of the w r ite r th a t Upland South fanna’s

regard the ownership of a horse as p r e s tig io u s . However, a mule requires
l e s s food aid t h is may have overruled p rid e.
 131

ARK.

•Forest

V •* P
t io n e eJr
* • C o llin s to n f e D arnell

■ |P P S >
,.s

3 1 *3 0 '
/ C r e w Lake
G irard
R id g e ■
* r
•D ehlco

j oBaskin

^ W in n sb o ro

C h a se
•G ilb ert
•Jig g er
33*
•W isn er

SAWMILL
COMMUNITIES

MILES,

F ig . h9
Sources: Louisiana Department o f Public Works, 1958:10; 1952:11; 19l<5:13j
1952:10; 1950:10; Noble, 1970; ifcmvoi, 1971,; Sartor, 1970.
 13 2

F ig . $0 . Lumber Company House. A w e ll-m ain tain ed example of t h i s

ty p e o f house w ith m o d ific a tio n s o f a s c re e n e d -in porch and garage.
 14'

12

16 '

12
16

20
22'

14

LUMBER C O M P A N Y HOUSE

Porch

F ig . 51
 13li

Although saw m illing and lo g g in g brought a number of woricers and some

f a m ilie s i n to th e a re a , s ig n if ic a n t c u lt u r a l in flu e n c e s on th e landscape

aw aited th e c le a rin g and s a le of th e la n d , m o stly t o sm all fa rm e rs.

Logging was o f s h o rt d u ra tio n ; an a re a m ight be exhausted i n as l i t t l e as

two y e a rs , though same l a s t e d fo r ab o u t 20 (R ichland Beacon-News,

C en ten n ial E d itio n ) .

By 1925, much of th e f o r e s te d a re a had been exhausted o f i t s u s e f u l

tim b e r, and many communities in West C a rro ll and F ra n k lin p a ris h e s l o s t

t h e i r saw and sta v e m il l s . Same su rv iv ed ; many d e c lin e d c o n sid e ra b ly .

Most o f th e p o p u la tio n tu rn ed to s m a ll-s c a le fan n in g o r m ig ra te d .

Trapping ronained im p o rtan t in West C a rro ll P a r is h , even t o t h is l a t e

d a te , w ith some tra p p e rs liv in g in th e w e stern swamps a l l w in te r (McKoin,

n . d .:9 ).
O il and gas booms a ls o a ff e c te d s e ttle m e n t p a tte r n s in th e B asin i n

t h i s p e rio d , b u t only b r i e f l y . A lto , i n p a r t i c u l a r , experienced grow th in

p o p u la tio n i n connection w ith a gas works ( S a r to r, 1970), although n e ith e r

a tr a c e o f th e w orks, nor th e homes of th e w orkers e x i s t s e i t h e r on th e

landscape today o r on a e r i a l photographs o f 19^0. No o th e r s ig n if ic a n t

mark on th e c u lt u r a l lan d scap e, a s id e fra n s c a tte r e d w e lls o r sto ra g e

f a c i l i t i e s , can be tra c e d to m in e ral p ro d u ctio n .

S ettle m e n t

Expansion of lum bering a c t i v i t i e s and r a i l lin e s made th e y e a rs

1890-1915 the g r e a t e s t tow n-building e ra , though many o f th e s e communities

may have been m ainly p la n ta tio n h e a d q u a rte rs. Housing, sources of

m ig ra n ts, and o ccupation p o in t tow ard th e s e com m unities, i n many c a s e s , as

c e n te rs o f Upland South c u ltu r e . Sm all fa n n e rs fu rn ish e d a source of

 135

p o p u latio n f o r sane o f th e se com m unities, su g g e stin g th e beginning of a

movement o f th e Upland South in to u rb an environm ents. O bituary n o tic e s

o f th e tim e and in te rv ie w s in d ic a te t h a t in th e c e n te r and so u th o f th e

B asin, m ost of th e m ig ra n ts came from th e h i l l p a ris h e s o f n o rth L o u isian a

and c e n tr a l and so u th M is s is s ip p i. For West C a r ro ll P a r is h , o rig in s la y

in Arkansas and M is s is s ip p i.

H ail expansion brought a c o n sid e ra b le in c re a s e in p o p u la tio n and

p ro d u c tiv ity a f t e r 1890 i n a l l s e c tio n s o f th e B asin. I n a d d itio n , d e la y

in d rain in g swamp a re a s u n t i l about 1890 made much f e r t i l e lan d suddenly

a v a ila b le (B io g ra p h ic a l a id H is to r ic a l Memoirs o f L o u isia n a, 1892*15).

Confidence in th e fu tu r e was n o ta b le , e s p e c ia lly i n th e n o rth e rn p a r t of

th e B asin a f t e r 1890, in c o n tr a s t to b e fo re (Lind Grove C ir c u it M inutes,

1889*93).
The m a jo rity o f marked graves in c em eterie s i n th e B asin u s u a lly d a te

from around 1890. While th e number o f b u r ia ls c e r t a i n l y in c re a s e d , th e

poverty of th e re c o n s tru c tio n e ra and th e o ld e r custom of marking graves

w ith p e ris h a b le m a te ria ls c o n trib u te d to t h i s ap p aren t in c re a s e a f t e r

1890 (Jean e, 1968). However, t h i s does serve to emphasize a s t r i k in g

in c re a s e i n m ig ra tio n and p o p u la tio n .

S x ta n t housing o f th e p e rio d r e f l e c t s th e in flu e n c e of th e Upland

South th ro u g h the p resen ce of th e d o g - tr o t, b u t m o d ific a tio n s made th e n

and sin c e ten d to obscure t h i s r e la tio n s h ip (F ig . 52-59).

At th e tu rn of th e c e n tu ry , c u lt u r a l o rg a n iz a tio n s began t o appear,

as th e y had j u s t b e fo re th e C iv il War, b u t seem ingly only i n th e se c tio n s

o f Lowland South in flu e n c e . These m ight be given im p ressiv e names, such

as '•Lyceum11 and, in r e a l i t y , fu n c tio n e d i n keeping w ith th e w o rd 's

meaning. O rganization le a d e rs se cu red l e c t u r e r s , c l a s s i c a l and popular

m u sician s, d a n c e rs, and m agicians (Simmer, 1963*7i»).

 136

F ig . E>2. L andem eau House. Though b a s ic a lly a t y p ic a l p la n ta tio n

house f o r th e a re a , t h i s heme has some m o d ific a tio n s . Two rooms j u t from
th e f r o n t o f th e s t r u c tu r e , serving as bedrooms. A porch extends between
them.

F ig . 53. Noble House. Located i n C h a r li e v i l le , t h i s house has had

a number o f a d d itio n s , in c lu d in g a s t r i k i n g f r o n t porch and a number of
roans a t th e back. N onetheless, th e b a s ic p lan conforms to th e t y p ic a l
B asin p la n ta tio n s t y l e . A nother t y p ic a l f e a tu r e f o r B asin p la n ta tio n
homes i s th e p resen ce of pecan and w alnut t r e e s . As i n th e case of th e
Landerneau heme, t h i s s tr u c tu r e fa c e s th e Boeuf "River a c ro ss th e r i v e r
ro ad .
 Fig* !?U. P la n ta tio n House. A s id e view of t h i s ty p e . I n t h i s
in s ta n c e , m aintenance la g s , b u t th e s ty le has no t been m o d ified , which
makes i t a p a r t i c u l a r l y good example of an Upland South ty p e .

F ig ; 55. P la n ta tio n House. A view of th e p rev io u s house, w ith the

r i v e r road and th e Boeuf R iv er. Note the v ery low bank h e re in th e
v i c i n i t y of H ebert. T his i s th e w est sid e of the r i v e r .
 138

F ig . 56. P la n ta tio n House. On Macon Ridge i n e a s te rn F ra n k lin

P a r is h , t h i s heme shows unique m o d ific a tio n s (fo r th e B a sin ), w ith i t s
im p ressive porch, h ip ro o f , and a tta c h e d gazebo ( o r i g in a ll y an obser­
v a tio n rocm, l a t e r used f o r rocm w ith much v e n ti l a t io n , such a s a
breezew ay).

F ig . 57. P la n ta tio n House. This p a r t i c u l a r example i n c e n tr a l

R ichland P a r is h fa c e s toward th e Boeuf H iv e r. I t has been abandoned and
i s slow ly d ecay in g . P la n ta tio n houses i n th e r i v e r p a ris h e s possess more
grandeur th an th e se exam ples. However, th e se a re th e type a sso c ia te d
w ith B asin p la n ta tio n s ; hence, th e te im .
 M

Saui iiimiimiiiiiiii iiiiiiiiib iiiiiiii m iiiiiiia iiiiiii

Fig.
58

139
 llo

TO
•A B N

STOBAOI
SHKO

□
■

PRIVY

PLANTATION FARMSTEAD
Cardan

Fruit Traa

E3 Fanca

F ig . 59
 lk l

During t h i s e r a , th e a g r i c u lt u r a l v illa g e s of th e B asin g ained house

s ty le s which make th e se communities sta n d out i n th e a re a i n t h i s re s p e c t

(F ig . 6 0 -6 7 ). Seme o f th e se v illa g e d w e lle rs organized t h e i r house p lo ts

(rea ch in g to 10 a c re s on occasion) so t h a t a l l f r u i t s , v e g e ta b le s , g r a in s ,

and anim al p roducts needed could be produced (Zimmer, 1963s13)*

The y e a rs from 1890 to 1915 can be c h a ra c te riz e d as y e a rs of renewed

e f f o r t to a t t r a c t p r in c ip a lly sm all fa rm e rs. Brochures were p u b lish ed

and d i s tr ib u te d by v a rio u s o rg a n iz a tio n s e x to llin g th e B asin f o r s m a ll-

2
farm er s e ttle m e n t. These o rg a n iz a tio n s claim ed th a t hundreds o f sm all

farm s, of liO and 80 a c r e s , a lre a d y e x is te d , on which prosperous and con­

te n te d owners liv e d and worked (R ichland Beacon-News, C e n ten n ial E d itio n ) .

Census f ig u r e s b e a r out t h is claim , b u t th e lik e lih o o d e x i s t s t h a t te n a n t

farm ers, in s te a d of owners, worked many o f th e s e s iz e u n i t s .

P ra n o ters d e sire d m ig ra n ts from th e N orth, b u t asid e from a few frcm

M isso u ri, o b itu a r ie s and in te rv ie w s in d ic a te t h a t most came fro n s t a t e s to

th e e a s t and from th e h i l l p a ris h e s of L aS alle and Winn, Those who came

from th e h i l l p a ris h e s w ere o fte n m ig ra tin g from th e W innfield a re a

(R ichardson, 1970). Those from M is s is s ip p i a ls o fre q u e n tly came f r c a h i l l

c o u n try . The goal of most of th ese m ig ra n ts was th e p r a i r i e a re a o f

2
In 1910, th e Richland Parish Immigration League published a
brochure e n title d "Richland Parish: Hone o f Long Staple Cotton—Small
farms, Rich Land, Prosperous People", i t s t a t e s , " In vitin g a tte n tio n to
Richland P arish, i t may not be amiss to . . . s e t fo r th , without exagge­
ra tio n , the many advantages which the clim ate, geographical p o s itio n ,
health and productiveness of the s o i l o f fe r to the p rosp ective immigrant.
Nor do we think we can say tc*' much about a countxy o fferin g to the poor,
but ind ustrious and fru g a l s t u d e r , a home fo r the p rice of a y early
ren ta l value; in a clim ate acknitting o f outsid e labor every day o f the
year; h ealth second to no part of th e South, East and West; cotton d ir e c t
to L iverpool a t rates o f fr e ig h t as low as fran any of the c i t i e s w ith in
50 m iles; and a s o i l as profuse in i t s y ie ld as i s t o be found to a
greater degree nowhere." (Richland Beacon-News, Centennial E d itio n ).
 Ill 2

F ig . 60. C o llin s to n House. D ates to about 1900. I n a conmunity

n o ted f o r d i f f e r e n t house ty p e s , t h i s one i s r a r e i n th e B asin f o r i t s
square shape, pyram idal ro o f, and c e n tr a l chimney. O r ig in a lly , th e house
f e a tu r e d a porch on a l l fo u r s id e s (Howell, 1972).

F ig . 61. C o llin s to n House. B u ilt in 1890 f o r s e t t l e r s from West

F e lic ia n a P a ris h (R e ily ) by a n o rth e rn c o n tra c to r (K irk) (H arper, 1972),
w hich probably e x p la in s th e n o rth e rn appearance of t h i s and o th er
s tr u c tu r e s in C o llin s to n . This ram bling many-roomed house g r e a tly
resem bles th e ty p e known as th e "co m b e lt " type (F in le y and S c o tt, 19l|0*
lil6 ) . The f r o n t i s to th e r i g h t , and th e b a s ic p la n seems to be a tw o-
s to iy "T" house.
 3li3

Fig* 62. C o llin s to n House. D ates t o 1908 (H arper, 1972). A lthough

th e house i n th e d is ta n c e may conform t o no e a s i l y i d e n t i f i a b l e ty p e , th e
D u tch -C olonial i n th e foreground u n d e rlin e s th e N orthern c o n tr a c to r ’s
in flu e n c e i n th e community. B u ilt f o r Vaughan fa m ily .

F ig . 63. Oak Ridge House. A c e n tra l-p a s s a g e house d a tin g t o about

1900 ( F i l e s , 1972). This house sta n d s ou t from i t s neighbors w ith i t s
d i s t i n c t i v e chimney, pyram idal r o o f , and d i f f e r e n t porch tre a tm e n t.
 IM

F ig . 6iu Oak Ridge House. T his c e n tra l-p a s s a g e house i s th e o ld e s t

i n Oak Ridge, d a tin g to around 1890. The two wings are alm ost se p a ra te
from th e r e s t of th e house. The house emphasizes th e many m o d ific a tio n s
o f th e c e n tra l-p a s s a g e house i n t h i s sm all community.

F ig . 65. A lto House. A nother a g r i c u lt u r a l v illa g e f e a tu rin g

unusual house ty p e s . A r i v e r b o at c a p ta in o r ig in a lly b u i l t t h i s s tr u c tu r e .
Although b a s ic a lly a c e n tra l-p a s s a g e house, h is ex p erien ces may account
f o r i t s d i f f e r e n t s ty lin g . This house i s th e o ld e s t in A lto and may d a te
to b e fo re th e C iv il War..
 1U5

F ig . 66. A lto House. D ating to a t l e a s t I 87O and perhaps t o b e fo re

th e C iv il War, t h i s unoccupied house f e a tu r e s an unusual ro o f l i n e and
en clo sed chim neys. I t s ground le v e l c o n s tru c tio n i s a ls o u n u su al. The
o r ig in of th e b u ild e r i s unknown.

F ig . 67. A lto House. This house resem bles c lo s e ly th e pop u lar

N o rth e rn -s ty le , tw o -sto ry pyram idal house. A r e c e n t survey by th e w r ite r
i n th re e i n d u s t r i a l communities in Ohio and P ennsylvania re v e a le d t h a t
t h i s s ty le house accounted f o r over £0 p e r-c e n t o f th e houses i n blocks
b u i l t between 1920 and 1930. However, t h i s s t r u c tu r e , b u i l t about 1900
by a Geiman im m igrant, o r ig in a lly fe a tu re d perches e n t i r e l y around th e
house, u p s ta ir s and down, and may th e n have been c lo s e r to th e Lowland
South s t y l e s .
 1146

F ra n k lin P a r is h (F ig . 13) o r th e r e l a ti v e ly w e ll-d ra in e d w estern s e c tio n

o f West C a rro ll P a ris h .

Land f o r th e s e a r r i v a l s averaged $10.00 p e r a c re in F ra n k lin P a ris h ,

w ith p a rc e ls ccramonly ranging from ItO t o 120 acres (F ra n k lin P a ris h ,

Conveyance R ecords). The house ty p e shown in F ig u res 50 and 5 l s t i l l

enjoyed p o p u la rity among th e s e t t l e r s in t h i s group. U su ally , t h i s house

had two square roans a t th e tim e o f c o n s tru c tio n , and included an open

passage (w igging, 1970).

With th e end of World War I came a second wave o f m ig ra n ts. A s iz e ­

a b le in f lu x from M is s is s ip p i, to b o th F ra n k lin and West C a rro ll p a ris h e s ,

occurred a t t h i s tim e . F o r F ra n k lin P a r is h , the o r ig in of th e s e t t l e r s

was p r in c ip a lly Neshoba County, and lo c a tio n i n F ra n k lin P a ris h was m ostly

in th e c e n te r or s o u th -c e n te r (McDuff, 1956: Sec. A - l:2 ) . Although th o se

from M is s is s ip p i in ten d ed t h i s as perm anent s e ttle m e n t, many were b u rled

in t h e ir o r ig in a l communities in M is s is s ip p i, a p r a c tic e which su rv iv e s

to d ay , alth o u g h weaker (Hynum, 1971). I n a d d itio n , m ig ra tio n continued

from th e h i l l p a ris h e s o f n o r th - c e n tr a l L o u isian a, a g a in , m o stly t o

F ra n k lin P a ris h , w ith th e w est**central s e c tio n fa v o re d , although seme

chose West C a r ro ll P a r is h . Thus, w hile many h i l l p a ris h e s were lo sin g

i n p o p u la tio n , th e B asin was g a in in g (U. S . Bureau o f th e Census, 1925:

liO).

Success in a ttr a c tin g Upland South s e t t le r s caused some clash in g o f

cu ltu r a l c h a r a c te r is tic s . P o lic e ju r ie s freq u en tly received complaints

on stock running a t-la r g e and passed laws ag a in st such p r a c tic e s , involving

fin e s o f $50.00 on occasion (Richland Parish P o lice Jury, 1918-1926:Book

2, 10li). The se n s itiv e n e ss o f t h is issu e le d th e p o lic e Jury in Franklin

parish to allow wards to decide t h is q u estion . Acceptance o f stock

 1U7

fen cin g seemed g r e a te st in eastern Franklin P arish (Franklin P arish P o lice

Juzy, 1926-1928:177, 217). In Richland P arish , a range rid er was fin a lly -

appointed to enforce the stock law (Richland P arish P o lic e Ju ry , 1926-

1932: Book 3 , 170). Obviously, the question had not been resolved to

everyone’s s a tis f a c tio n by the end of the era.

The frequency of s t i l l s i n West C a rro ll P a ris h i n th e 1920’s , Sunday

as a day o f la b o r on more occasions th a n in th e Lowland South, and

un usual community names, such as Red Wing, H i l l, and Round H ill (The

Upland South seems t o have sought h i l l s w herever p o s s ib le , w hether flo o d s

were common in th e a re a o r n o t .) (F ig . 68-69) serve a s o th er examples of

th e in c re a s in g Upland South p resen c e. Sm all fan n e rs employed r a i l fences

ex ten d in g to 10 f e e t i n h e ig h t. F re q u e n tly , th ey p la n te d f r u i t tr e e s

along th e s e fe n c e s , even o u tsid e th e farm stead a re a s (W iggins, 1970).

I n th e y e a rs frcm 1920 t o 1930, community growth came to a v i r t u a l

s t a n d s t i l l w ith th e ex h au stio n of u s e fu l tim ber and th e absence of

a c t i v i t i e s to re p la c e th e m i l l s . A h a b it o f r e f e r r in g to a g e n e ra l a re a

(as opposed t o a d i s t i n c t c l u s t e r o f houses) as ’’town” sprang up in th e

a re a s in flu e n c e d by th e Lowland South. This rem inds one of th e d isp e rse d

v i ll a g e s o f th e Upland South (Newton, 1972:5)* An example i s th e use o f

th e term f o r th e a re a around and between Chari i e v i l l e and Buckner (F ig .

70) (N oble, 1923:J u ly 1 3 ).

Many conn u n ity and c iv ic o rg a n iz a tio n s appeared during th e l a t e

1920’ s (F ra n k lin Sun, C e n ten n ial E d itio n ) , i n th e Upland South a re a s . A

p u b lic a tio n o f one o f th e s e r e f e r r e d in i t s s u b t i t l e t o Richland P a ris h

as th e "Garden Spot o f N orth L ouisiana Where Crop F a ilu r e s are Unknown".

A dvertisem ents s tr e s s e d o p p o rtu n itie s f o r home se e k e rs, such as a l l u v i a l

d e lta s o i l , equable c lim a te , and th e gas f i e l d s , and e x to lle d th e

 Fig* 68, Basin Communities in 1930*

S ources: Hardee, c a . 1895; N atio n al Geographic S o c ie ty , 1930; Noble,

C harles M, I H , 1893-1899; Noble, Mrs. C. M. S r . , 1919-1923;
F o r t i e r , 19lH:230, 330 ( 1 ) , 17, £69 ( 2 ) ; Chamber of Commerce
R a y v ille , L o u isia n a, 1929; Saxon, 19hlih76) 1*82; Noble, 1970
Duncan, 1970; S a r to r , 1970; L o u isian a S ta te Department of
P u b lic U orks, 1952, 1950.
 llj?

ARK.

•Mc Gi^ ; La^ ! ;M a c e d o T if/

L ln d G ro v e #^ • J ' •""I f '
H olly f . # .
• B o n ita R id g e / J a n e s v ille
P la n te rs v ille .

/
0j r •G a llio n
✓
•tC am pbell
_ O ak G rove
R ound Hill ■ t
B a stro p f
R ed w in g • F o re s t
Pt. P le a s a n t*
D/ ♦
0
^ M e r R ouge

.C le o r a
.C o ll in s t o n 0
A ° P io n e e r
j
0 D a rn e ll1
♦ .K e l l e r ’s ■ * •■.Floyd
■’f f l .W in d so r O ak
g (D oss) R idge
: ?
&
9 \ R idge
Gum •
/
1 .S te v e n s o n 's _■ • E p p. s -
* 1 / N Gin ■ -r
9 \ ^*>J-ahe L a fo u rc h e • 'i
/ V . ( (v?n" ri> Sa •c*J—
o* C le a r'" --' • Jo zies b u rg
32 30 -♦ * S t o r t ^ ^ vm e H olly ■ ,■
P Mill h av en

B ay o u * D unnS ^*""

jN e w L ight
Lucknow
^ Rh»in®«
e ls o n ’s
B end
D e h lc o b u rg
-/ e
M ixtft
■ .v a iio e 2
> .A rc h ib a ld •B a k e rs'

^ .L a n d ern ea u ^ H olland .B askin J Longview

New L ight/ •B a»"ln • f 'J
•C rd w v ille
Sligo* * fo u ®h,o ll j e n e ree,B u s h e 8 _____
e b e rt / Q u it m a n
rs ■ I
(} w in n sb ^ o
•L id d iev ille ■ /
•B ro w n ell 9 _
■ *Como >
E den *
/ o r t N e c e s s l t ^ „ b e rt
• J ig g e r ■
P ra irie B oeuf S n a k i e v
(C alh o u n ) M .oakiey
E x te n sio n f •W jsner
M e tro p o lis / |
•H olly G ro v e
rA ' ii
BASIN
&
<Jr
COMMUNITIES
IN 1930

mV

F ig . 60
 150

Fig* 69* S e ttle m e n t Types i n 1930*

S ource: U. S . Bureau o f th e Census, A g ric u ltu ra l Census, 1930$ R e lig io u s

B odies, 1926$ R ichland Beacon-News, O b itu a rie s , 1922-1930$
Noble, 1970$ S a r to r, 1970$ Hynum, 1971; R ichardson, 1970$
B u rk e tt, 1971*
r&—

■3203 0 ' 32 30

&

SETTLEMENT3
/ TYPES
IN 1930
111 Lowland S o uth I n f l u e n c e

ff || D om inant Upland S o u th

^ F re n c h In f lu e n c e

MILES

F ig . 69
 l£2

advantages fo r dairy and truck fa m in g in the parish and the v ir tu e s o f

cut-over land ( l i k e l y a d i f f i c u l t item to promote) (Richland Beacon-News,

Centennial E d itio n ).

By th e end of the era , B a p tist and M ethodist denominations had en-

larged th e ir manberships in the Basin (Table 1 6 ). Only in 1926 did the

Presbyterians a tta in numerical sig n ific a n c e in Morehouse and Franklin

p a rish es, and, in Morehouse, they were s t i l l fewer than the E p iscop alians,

who showed in creasin g stren g th in both Ouachita and Richland, but remained

absent fran Caldwell and West C arroll p arish es, thus emphasizing the

Lowland South nature o f the former two and the Upland South nature of the

la t t e r two.

P o li t i c a l ly , the Basin had rather c o n siste n tly held p o sitio n s between

those of the h i l l and lowland p a rish es. By 1930, th e Macon Ridge parishes

and areas in the southwest and northwest o f Richland Parish voted as did

h i l l parishes (Howard, 19!?7;130), probably a r e f le c t io n of in creasin g

settlem en t in the Basin from the h i l l s . While Populism held some in f lu ­

ence in th e Basin, the area was never a stronghold fo r the movement.

The in h a b ita n ts supported Huey and E a rl Long because the Longs spoke f o r

the sm all farm ers and w orkers, r a th e r than P o p u lis t philo so p h y i t s e l f

(Howard, 1957;129). I t i s l i k e l y t h a t th e P o p u lis t movement waned b e fo re

i t s p robable a d h eren ts (th o se fra n th e n o r th - c e n tr a l h i l l p a ris h e s )

reached th e B asin i n g r e a t enough numbers to re v e rs e th e l o c a l p a tte r n .

Greater population growth, both in percentages and actu al numbers,

occurred in the Basin during the 1890-1930 era, p a r tic u la r ly in those

se c tio n s more c lo s e ly a f f i li a t e d w ith th e Upland South (Table 1 7 ). Tn

Ward 8 o f Caldwell P arish, Anglo-Saxon migrants d ilu te d and erased the

antecedent French h e r ita g e . Franklin Parish enjoyed a rather even ra te

o f growth, w ith a large in crease in ward 7 p a r tia lly a r e su lt of

 TABLE 16

RELIGIOUS BODIES IN BCEUF BASIN 1906, 1916, 1926

B a p tis t M ethodist P re sb y te ria n E p isco p alian

1906 1916 1926 1906 1916 1926 1906 19l6 1926 1906 1916 1926
P a ris h (No. o f Members) (No. of Members) (No. o f Members) (No. of Members)

Caldwell 1751 19l*it 101*8 298 719 625

Franklin 2 5 ll 3288 3382 599 621* 937 31 1*0 88 — — —

Morehouse ho5l 3862 97U 909 1161 1519 — — 38 108 133 190

Ouachita I860 551*1 3177 1307 1089 3180 173 302 53b 158 2lil h50

Richland 21*75 1*567 2193 107 395 891 87 75 163 18 13 57

West Carroll 977 1316 17l*9 370 128 816 — 1*8

Sources: U. S. Bureau o f th e Census, U. S. R eligious Bodies, 1906 :P art I ; 1916, P a rt 11:270} 1926,
V ol. 1:620-622.
 TABLE 17

POPULATION BY WARDS IN 1930

Ward C aldw ell Franklin Morehouse Ouachita Richland West Carroll

1 1,215* l*,l68* 666 3,869 5,1*03* 2,189*

2 1,000 3,989* 780 2,253* 7,91*3* 2,379*
3 1,129 3,ll*9* 1,265 15,250* 2,791* 3,021*
1* l*,5l7 2,971* 6,599 1,71*2* 3,283* li,l61**
5 669 2,321* 3,088* 11,560 1*,1*1*7* 2,11*2*

6 173 3,183* l*,0l*8* 2,231** 1,1*1*8*

7 315 6,583* 971 1,711 1,059*
8 1,808* 2,238* 1,109
9 37l* 2,358* 1*69 1,019
10 1*51 3,565* 13,610

Total 10,1*30 30,530 23,689 51*, 017 26,371* 13,895

* - B asin Wards

S ource: U. S. Bureau o f th e Census, P o p u latio n S chedules, 1930.

Winnsboro»s lo c a tio n i n t h a t ward. For th e B asin w ards, Morehouse P a ris h

had a s m a lle r r a t e of grow th w ith Ward 5 (Oak Ridge) a c tu a lly ex p erien cin g

a d e c re a se . One O uachita ward (ii) a ls o showed a s l i g h t d e crea se , w hile

a n o th e r ex p erien ced a g re a t in c re a s e , ward 1* extends i n to Lafourche swamp.

One can su s p e c t t h a t urban p la c e s had a tt r a c t e d some s e t t l e r s , and th a t

o th e rs had lo c a te d on lan d s s u b je c t to overflow and had subsequently moved

on. L ike F ra n k lin and West C a r ro ll p a ris h e s , R ichland P a rish a ls o

w itn esse d a s iz e a b le and g e n e ra l in c re a s e in p o p u la tio n . In West C a r ro ll,

th e g re a t growth of Ward 1* can be a tt r ib u t e d t o th e presence of th e

p a r is h s e a t , Oak Grove.

C onclusion

Upland South groups dom inated s e ttle m e n t more d u rin g th e 1890-1930

 155

era th an during any p r i o r p e rio d . S e t t l e r s planned permanent h a b ita tio n ?

few moved on o r back t o th e h i l l s . Previous a ttem p ts a t s e ttle m e n t had

f re q u e n tly culm inated in w ithdraw al t o h i l l a r e a s . However, sane new

s e t t l e r s were u n su c c e ss fu l, r e s u l ti n g i n mary s a le s of la n d f o r ta x e s ,

alm ost always of th e farms of le s s th an 100 a c re s (R ichland Beacon-News,

1922-1930).

The s i t u a t i o n in th e Basin was much more conducive t o Upland South

p e n e tr a tio n in th e s e y e a r s . P h y sic a l lim ita tio n s had weakened. The

B a s in 's le a d e rs a c tiv e ly sought s m a ll- f a m e r se ttle m e n t and most of th e se

sm all farm ers were from th e Upland S outh. The newcomers e s ta b lis h e d them­

s e lv e s over a wide a re a (F ig . 6 9 ). I n a d d itio n , lum bering a c t i v i t i e s

l e n t economic s tre n g th t o many of th e s e s e t t l e r s , u n t i l th ey could c le a r

t h e i r la n d or e s t a b l is h them selves i n o th e r ways. These o p p o rtu n itie s

would be e s p e c ia lly v a lu a b le to sm all farm ers w ith sm all f in a n c ia l

re s o u rc e s .

By 1930, i t had n o t y e t been determ ined w hether th e B a s in 's con­

d itio n s would p o in t th e new a r r i v a l s to a d i f f e r e n t s e t of c u lt u r a l

co n ce p ts, in re g a rd to th e land and i t s u se . I t rem ained f o r a D epression,

changing demands o f a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s , and growing urbanism o f th e

n e x t e ra t o decide t h i s .

F in a lly , v a rio u s f a c to r s s tu d ie d r e v e a l a complex s i t u a t i o n in th e

B asin i n 1930 as f a r a s c u lt u r a l a f f i l i a t i o n i s concerned. A ll in a l l ,

th e B asin tended tow ard th e Upland S outh, b u t th e o ld Lowland South

in flu e n c e rem ained (F ig . 7 0 ). However, blen d in g o f c u ltu r e s , to g e th e r

w ith landscape handicaps and b e n e f its , was m olding a new c u ltu r e .

 l$ 6

ARK.

Gum Ridge
Ridge

32 30* 33”30

Buckner C hariieville

c
Ft. N e c e ssity

LOWLAND
SOUTH
DISPERSED
COMMUNITIES
IN 1930
92**0*

F ig . 70
Sources: Noble, 1970; F l u i t t , 1971; Duncan, 1972; Parks, 1971; Sartor,
1970; F ie ld T rip s ; Richland Parish P o lice Jury.
 157

CHAPTER 5

WITHDRAWAL AND MODIFICATION (1930-P resent)

Landscape and Vegetation

Through th e m id-1950, s , a e r i a l photographs in d ic a te much la n d

remained in f o r e s t (o fte n a c u t-o v e r f o r e s t) in West C a rro ll P a ris h ,

n o r th - c e n tr a l F ra n k lin P a ris h , n o r th - c e n tr a l and s o u th - c e n tr a l R ichland

P a ris h , and e a s te rn O uachita P a ris h . In West C a rro ll P a ris h , la n d was

in c re a s in g ly b ein g converted t o 1*0 and 80-acre fa n n s, b u t, i n th e o th e r

a re a s , a p p a re n tly , swampiness lim ite d s e ttle m e n t t o fa v o ra b le s l i c e s o f

la n d , as around New L ight i n O uachita and C h a r lie v ille in Richland

(A e ria l photographs, CTN-IB-8, 9, and 10; CTF-5b-71j-77; CQK-5a- 38-1*1 and

66-68; CTN-3B-2l*-28) • Large a re a s of v acan t lan d le d even to b o u n tie s on

wolves (F ra n k lin P a ris h P o lic e J u iy , 1939-191*2*221; R ichland P a rish P o lic e

j u r y , Book 3:1*25).

E xtensive f o r e s t a re a s rem ained on th e w est side of th e Boeuf R iv er,

b u t, o u tsid e th e game p re s e rv e s , la rg e fanning o p e ra tio n s have in c re a s e -

in g ly c le a re d th e se s e c tio n s . Drainage p r o je c ts , new a g r i c u lt u r a l

im plem ents, and th e ease o f a d a p tin g b e e f c a t t l e o p e ra tio n s , and r i c e and

soybean c u ltiv a tio n have made th e se f o r e s t a re a s w orth th e expense of

c le a rin g .

A lthough fre q u e n t flo o d s i n th e B asin had disco u rag ed Upland South

s e ttle m e n t in th e 1800»s, many fa n n e rs experienced sp rin g flo o d in g of

t h e i r h anesteads by backw aters in th e t h i r t i e s ( p r io r t o improved

 158

drainage f a c i l i t i e s ) , without being prompted t o migrate (W iggins, 1970),

S e t t le r s now judged th a t the advantages o f the lowlands fo r a g ricu ltu re

made liv in g there worth the r is k s . Serious flo o d s have posed no problems

sin ce the 1930’s .

T ra n sp o rta tio n

This e r a has w itn essed l i t t l e change in th e r a i l network o f th e

Boeuf B asin. There has been n e ith e r expansion n o r abandonment o f l i n e s ,

except f o r sid in g s here and th e r e . The l a s t passenger s e rv ic e ceased in

1970. However, t h i s i s more a f e a tu r e o f th e n a tio n as a whole th an the

B asin.

The road p a tte r n h as, lik e w is e , seen l i t t l e a l t e r a t i o n in i t s b a s ic

p a tt e r n . There has been a ll-w e a th e r s u rfa c in g and a few ro u te s have

become daninant over a l l o th e rs (F ig . 71). These roads have a ffo rd e d

B asin r e s id e n ts e asy access t o p o in ts in a l l d ir e c tio n s , a development

which has had a marked e f f e c t on th e c u lt u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f th e a re a .

Water tran sp ortation remains unimportant, although planned and com­

p le ted improvements on the Boeuf and Ouachita r iv ers may have seme

e f f e c t s in the fu tu re.

A g ric u ltu re and Other Econcmic A c tiv itie s

A g ric u ltu re

The average farm s iz e began t o in c re a s e a g a in , w ith an i n i t i a l

marked s h i f t away frcm farm s of l e s s than 10 a c re s and 10 t o 29 a c re s and

toward f a m s o f 50 t o lijO a c re s (Table 1 8 ). A s u r p r is in g number o f fanns

from 1 to 10 a c re s ren ain ed in 195k i n a l l sample p a ris h e s , b u t the B asin

p a ris h e s resem bled h i l l p a ris h e s in t h i s reg a rd (T able 1 9 ). F am s ranging

 ARK.
-3p -

✓ s*

r-J

■33 30# »

BOEUF BASIN
HIGHWAYS
Q U.S. H ig h w ay s

F -l L o u is ia n a H ig h w a y s

Q I n t e r s t a t e H ighw ays

92 30*

F ig . 71
Sources Louisiana Department of Public Works, 1966
 Madison
Morehouse

B ie n v ille
West C a rro ll

F ra n k lin
Winn

Concordia
St. Helena
R ichland

East C a rro ll

Caldw ell
Tensas

Ouachita
Sources
U. S. Bureau

H W M H t r INO NO r o NA INO M H Vo
Ov m U - j c --o N n cd CD CD INO o
t r - - 3 - o O On
oo
NO INO ON - 3 INO v n CD No. Farms
M N JT .H NO O n NO C " Cr-NJT On f ino VO

tr - N O O n CD
O n t r * CD
OO
O nc-
ON INO
O n V JT O n C -
CD v n ON O VO INO O H* Average S ize
• • • • • * • • • • • • •
Farm (Acres)
U ) NO Vj O H NO NO CD NO - 3 V n —3 CD NO
of the Census,

P ercentage

SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS 19ii0

C D - 0 PO NO V n v n . ino ino v n INO INO —3 ON
NJT.NO V n V O ISO CD v n CD NO cd no v n v n White O perators

Percentage
INO O n —0 No - 0 v n —3 —3 —3 - 3 - 3 No x r -
H O O n n o Cr* vo no o o v n NO - 3 V nN O of Tenancy
A gricultural

Farms Under 10
INO INO H INO
H H t* OO CD INO XT' v o ino v n ih Acres - %

Farms 10-29
INO NO —0 No N n tr- O v v n v n o v n vo ro
H NO O - 0 ON H C * O n no o O N v n ino A cres - %
Census, 19l0jVol. 1, part

Farms 30-1^9
r o V*) (-1 IN) INO INO H H INO H ro ro
c d 'J O H V a O On O INO CD O n VO E - A cres - %

Farms 50-99
INO M INO INO
- 0 NO O n CO NO OnC - S v n O n M ON Acres - %

Farms 100-139
M
ino r o oo ro v n H H M M INO O n H Acres - %
H INO H H INO M INO M Vo INO H
CD V o n o XT'
5:126-210

O M CD M CD VjO VO O V n
H O n O n h-« v n no H oino N o No N o On
Horses
n<0 —3 VjO NO O O CD CD NO INO M NO NO

H C "IN 0H ON INO f NO ON XT' M M NO

£ r- Vo O n r o © tr-C -H * NO H O n INO O n
o o r o no H - 3 VO On CD
Vn H O -3
C D - 3 INO n o
ON
NO H -3 -3 -3 INO NO - 3 - 3 Mules
INO INO NO H NO INO t r - ro H H
.
f r - V o No INO c r -
. . . .
U H H O On M v n - 3
< • < • « < «
iN oooH or O n No c d Vo c - m no v n C otton
- 3 C r-O OONTl O n CD O O VjO H O n CD
C T N O INO CD n o H» INO INO CD o ino m v n (B ales)
ro On INO
.n o .H I .No .NO n o I - * INO NO H - 3 INO
< •<#< •»
V egetables
O n On I INO NO H H CD CD Vo O H
O E r ro O NO t - f c - N O © O H M
O INO -3 M O n O n n o CD O n NO CD V n (D o lla rs)

091
 TABLE 19

SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS 1951

C h a r a c te ris tic B ie n v ille Caldw ell Concordia E ast C a rro ll Fra n k lin Madison Morehouse

No, Farms 1,673 1,089 1,189 1,715 1,171 1,1*18 2,160

Average S ize Farm (A cres) 103.3 7lu 6 188.0 108.2 79.0 177.8 81.1*
P ercentage White O perators 61* 76 39 1*0 63 1*2 37
Percentage of Tenancy ll. 6 20.0 51.8 59.8 1*7.6 61.3 57.5

Farms Under 10 Acres - % 10 16 31 19 7 19 19

Fazms 10-29 Acres - % 15 22 36 35 35 35 1*5
Farms 30-19 Acres - % 21 21 9 16 22 15 13
Farms 50-99 Acres - % 22 22 9 15 18 13 11
Farms 100-139 Acres - % 12 8 1* 1 6 5 3
Farms lLO-179 Acres - % 8 1* 2 2 3 2 2
Farms Over 500 Acres - % 2 1 5 1* 2 5 1*

V egetables (D o lla rs) 27,731* 198 1,080 11,985 l*,3l*2 2,799 5,969
C a ttle 19,600 17,500 111,600 20,900 57,800 11,000 20,800
Swine - ;,37l* 9,137 7,763 5,530 7,971 6,1*81 8,701
Horses 725 766 1,189 1*1*3 2,012 696 1,359
Mules 1,089 120 U52 838 1,706 751* 2,382
Corn (B ushels) 8U,5ii3 6 3 ,111 lU i,120 196,031 21*1,665 21*1,983 256,375
C otton (B ales) 3,300 6,926 11,583 3 0 ,97h 35,930 23,859 28,788
 TABLE 19—Continued

C h a r a c te r is tic O uachita Richland S t. Helena Tensas West C a rro ll Winn

No. Farms 1,500 3 ,lk k 1,53k l,3 k l 2,255 1,13k

Average S ize Farm (A cres) 116.7 85. k 63.2 186.7 81.6 62.2
Percentage White O perators 76 59 5k 33 8k 83
P ercentage of Tenancy 27.7 58.3 25. k 67.1 3k. 0 9.1

Farms Under 10 Acres - % 17 7 12 27 6 13

Farms 10-29 Acres - % 26 37 36 32 20 2k
Farms 30-k9 Acres - % 19 22 16 10 28 2k
Farms 50-99 Acres - % 17 18 18 lk 28 22
Farms 100-139 Acres - % 7 5 7 3 9 7
Farms lkO-179 Acres - % k 3 k 2 k 5
Farms Over 500 Acres - % k 2 2 7 1 l

V egetables (D o lla rs) 51,839 6,070 70,782 2,905 114,899 10,005

C a ttle 11,700 36,800 26,800 32,500 12,600 12,300
Swine 5,k6k 8,555 1,853 6,5k3 8,256 7,387
Horses 771 l ,k l 8 933 9k6 737 538
Mules 650 l,8 k 7 820 593 1,07k 131
Corn (B ushels) 1 7 2 ,8k0 230,028 177,562 201,068 261,788 26,933
C otton (B ales) 13,170 31,920 1,686 25,557 17,787 5k5

Source: U. S. Bureau o f the Census, A g ric u ltu ra l Census, 195k: Vol. 1 , p a r t 2k:62-112 and 119~lk8.
 163

fra n 50 to 99 a c re s in c re a se d In p ercen tag e in a l l B asin and low land

p a ris h e s , b u t rem ained about th e same i n th e h i l l p a ris h e s . Farms of

100 to 139 a c re s had become more im p o rtan t th an b e fo re in a l l th e sample

p a ris h e s , ex cep t f o r S t. Helena and Winn. The change was e s p e c ia lly

g r e a t in th e low land p a ris h e s .

By th e mid 1 9 5 0 's, a l l Basin p a ris h e s decreased i n number o f farm s

(T able 1 9 ). The degree o f drop tended to conform more t o t h a t f o r low­

lan d p a ris h e s th an f o r h i l l p a ris h e s (n o te C aldw ell and S t. H elena). In

in c re a s e in average farm s iz e , a c lo s e r r e la tio n s h ip a g ain appears to low­

lan d p a ris h e s , w ith Winn and S t . Helena showing a d e c re a se , in s te a d o f an

in c re a s e .

A g ric u ltu ra l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s f o r 1965 (Table 20) su g g est a c o n tin u ­

a tio n o f developments le a d in g to p a tte r n s g iv in g th e Basin a c u l t u r a l

landscape of i t s own. I n average farm s i z e , th e Basin tends toward h i l l

p a r is h s t a t i s t i c s . However, th e sm all percen tag e of farms of 1 to 9

a c re s f o r th e B asin, e s p e c ia lly those p a ris h e s n e a rly com pletely in th e

B asin, c o n tr a s t s tr o n g ly w ith th e f ig u re s f o r th e h i l l p a r is h e s . Except

f o r Morehouse P a ria h and, to a l e s s e r e x te n t, Ouachita and Richland

p a r is h e s , the B asin shows s i m i l a r i t y to the h i l l p a ris h e s i n th e p e r­

centage o f farm s o f 500 and more a c re s .

B asin farm ers p a id more a tt e n t i o n t o v e g etab le p ro d u ctio n by 195JU#

b u t, ex cept f o r West C a rro ll P a ris h , v e g etab les seen t o have been l e s s

im p o rtant th a n i n th e h i l l p a ris h e s . O uachita P a r i s h 's h ig h sta n d in g

probably r e l a t e s to th e presence o f th e m arket i n Monroe. I n West

C a rro ll p a r is h , farm ers have made use of t h e i r gardening s k i l l s i n th e

p ro d u ctio n of tom atoes and sweet p o ta to e s . Here stan d s a la r g e - s c a le

example ( in term s o f s iz e o f a re a ) o f Upland South com m ercialization of a

 TABLE 20

SELECTED AGRICULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS 196b

CO
g

Farms 100-199

Farms 200-199
O

Average S ize
Farm (Acres)
o\ On

10-19

Farms 20-29
(0 On

of Tenancy
Acres - %

- %

P ercentage
Acres - %

Acres - %

Acres - %
Faims 1-9
0 4 *6 8 ,
cd rr\ 1 lr\ ■LTV

(B ales)
C otton

C a ttle
• CD CO m ro CO Q)

Acres
Farms
o t
cd 0s

Beef
5s 0 g
cd 0 cd
[ii «a!

1
B ie n v ille 888 13ii.5 55 20 8 7 6 3 1 0 9.8 1,015 7,800
Cald w e ll 626 117.3 I4 0 15 11 H i 7 6 6 1 6.1 10,952 9,000
Concordia 5U9 509.6 15 22 9 11 lii 10 13 6 l i t . 9 11,339 37,600
E ast C a rro ll 550 333.2 8 12 9 13 17 12 17 12 23.6 ii7,7ii2 18,000
F ra n k lin 2,09li II46.O 11 17 16 19 18 11 6 2 30.5 65,500 15,000
Madison 520 1*63.8 6 13 11 lii 16 15 lii 11 22.7 32,201 26,000
Morehouse 1,003 202.8 19 19 12 13 10 9 10 8 22.8 1*8,838 21,300
O uachita 785 31.3 38 18 10 8 7 6 9 ii 13.5 20,215 11,300
ftichland 1,117 67.3 12 20 15 16 16 10 8
10 3 27.2 56,015 29,550
S t. Helena 981 31.7 1*8 30 10 7 1 i 0 10.1 583 9,700
Tensas 191 514.8 13 18 9 15 12 12 12 9 33.2 27,252 25,200
West C a rro ll 1,296 83.1* 9 13 13 18 22 H i 9 1 16.6 30,719 26,000
Winn 80li 8.0 71* 15 5 2 2 1 1 0 8.5 288 3,200

Source: U. S. Bureau of th e Census, A g ric u ltu ra l Census, 19614: 308- 313, 337, 3146- 353, 388- 1417.
 l6f>

cu ltu re t r a i t —th e ir id e n tific a tio n w ith kitchen gardens—here extended

to truck fanning. Local observers r e c e n tly determined that 1,300 farm

gardens and 600 town gardens e x is te d . A ssorted vegetables are produced

in th e suraner (West C arroll P arish stands second in the s t a te in toma­

t o e s ) , but during w in ter, emphasis s h i f t s to greens (mustard, turnip,

and c o lla rd ) and onions (Cooperative Extension S erv ice, 1967*26). These

w inter crops have long been a sso cia ted w ith the Upland South. However,

even here, la r g e -sc a le methods threaten to fo rc e most o f th e Upland South

farmers out (P eterson, 1971)*

A g ricu ltu ral experiment sta tio n s in th e Basin date to the immediate

post-war y e a rs. These bent the Basin even fu rth er toward a g ric u ltu r a l

concepts a lie n to the tr a d itio n a l small-farmer element; they served to

emphasize com m ercialization and s p e c ia liz a tio n , c h a r a c te r istic s d e tr i­

m ental to the continuation o f tr a d itio n a l small-farm ing p attern s,

e s p e c ia lly w ith i t s su b sisten ce agricu ltu re and i t s a sso cia ted household

a r ts .

In t h is present period—even in Franklin Parish—c a t t le began to

outnumber hogs (Table 1 9 ), r e f le c t in g , perhaps, market conditions and

improvement in c a t t le breeds. These reasons could have enabled Upland

South farmers to re-emphasize c a t t le as they had in upland areas. The

fa c to r o f p r e stig e a lso e n te r s, fo r in the B asin, perhaps as elsew here,

the r a isin g o f c a t t le y ie ld s more sta tu s than the r a is in g of swine

(Johnston, 1970). S t a t i s t i c s fo r 1961* far b eef c a t t le place th e Basin

p arish es c lo s e to the lowland p a rish es.

The mid-19I>C 3 a ls o saw g e n e ra l exodus o f farm ers from th e sample

p a r is h e s . P o lic e Jury M inutes f o r th e l a t e 19l*0's c o n ta in many p e ti t io n s

f o r roads in th e r u r a l a re a s , b u t, by 1951*, p e ti t io n s f o r removal of roads

 166

from p u b lic s t a t u s grew more fre q u e n t th a n th o se f o r making them p u b lic .

The Negro w ithdraw al i s more em phatic, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the low land

p a ris h e s . The s t a t i s t i c s f o r th e B asin p a ris h e s resem ble th o se of lowland

p a ris h e s in th is c ateg o ry .

Thus, a g r i c u lt u r a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s in d ic a te t h a t alth o u g h many r e s i ­

d en ts p o ssessed an Upland South h e rita g e , the B asin showed l e s s a f f i l i ­

a tio n w ith th a t h e rita g e than m ight be ex p ected . F o r example, new Upland

South s e ttle m e n t during t h i s e ra bore th e l e a s t r e la tio n s h ip , thus f a r ,

to e le v a te d s i t e s . In s te a d , la n d of above-average f e r t i l i t y or access to

m arket and supply c e n te rs a tt r a c t e d a tt e n t i o n . Y et, g e n e ra lly , th e B asin

d id n o t rea ch th e q u a lif ic a tio n s of th e Lowland South, e i t h e r . I t would

seem t h a t , more than d u rin g any o th e r e r a , th e B asin was assuming i t s own

c h a r a c te r.

Limbering

The la rg e and s p e c ta c u la r saw m ills d isappeared d uring th e s e y e a rs,

although barges s t i l l tra n s p o rte d logs down th e Boeuf R iver as l a t e a s

1932 (Hammond, 19ii5:269).

A F is c h e r body p la n t had been e s ta b lis h e d i n th e 1 9 3 0 's i n W isner,

employing 600 men, m o stly lo c a l r e s id e n ts who were re c e n t m ig ra n ts. As

th e auto in d u s tr y 's demand f o r wood d e c lin e d and re s o u rc e s dw indled, t h i s

a c t i v i t y fad ed away. I n d ic a tio n s a re t h a t most o f th e la b o r fo rc e l e f t

th e a re a , and owners re-se e d e d th e c u t-o v e r la n d , in s te a d of s e llin g i t i n

farm p a rc e ls (T in d e ll, 1956:5). O therw ise, f o r e s ts were c le a re d p rim a rily

f o r co n version to farm la n d , r a t h e r than p ro d u ctio n o f lumber o r o th e r

wood p ro d u cts.

M ineral E x p lo ita tio n

E x p lo ita tio n and e x p lo ra tio n f o r n a tu r a l gas and o i l continued d u rin g

th e D ep ression. However, e i t h e r la c k o f su c ce ss o r of c o n s tru c tio n of

a tte n d a n t f a c i l i t i e s ( r e f i n e r i e s ) reduced th e Impact o f th e se a c t i v i t i e s

on th e c u lt u r a l landscape more th a n had been th e case e a r l i e r i n communi­

t i e s , such as A lto . As w ith th e body p l a n t , employment o p p o rtu n itie s o fte n

drew Upland South m ig ra n ts to th e v illa g e s and towns of th e B asin, more

th an to a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s . Two carb o n -b lack p la n ts were in

o p e ra tio n i n th e N elso n 's Bend a re a (F ig . 7 2 ). Although th e p la n ts have

been d ism an tled , th e houses which rem ain in d ic a te Upland South a f f i n i t y .

Manufacturing

Although the Basin parish es stand below the sta te average in manu­

fa ctu rin g a c t i v i t i e s , there has been seme expansion of these a c t i v i t i e s .

3
Here, to o, the labor fo rce c o n sists m ostly o f Upland South. However,

freq u en tly, the nature o f the work (food p rocessin g, cloth in g manufacture)

i s lig h t and can be performed by women. Wages earned supplement, or may

be the main source of the Upland South fa m ily 's income, depending on the

man's a b i l i t y to farm s u c c e s s fu lly or on h is lo c a tin g adequate employment

fo r h im self.

How long th ese a c t i v i t i e s can hold th ese Upland South people in the

area i s in q u estion . The c lo th in g firms s u ffe r from fo re ig n com petition.

The reso u rce-ex p lo itin g a c t i v i t i e s face eventual exhaustion and the

processing becomes in c re a sin g ly automated. Moreover, the Basin parishes

rank in the f i f t h o f s ix state-w id e c a te g o rie s in terms o f in d u s tr ia l

investm ent over the p ast 10 y e a rs. C aldw ell, Richland, and West C arroll

received no in d u s tr ia l investm ent in 1970 (Monroe Morning World, May 31,

1971j6-A ). Therefore, industry i s u n lik e ly t o reta in much o f the Upland

South labor which i s experiencing employment d i f f i c u l t i e s .

3Based on in terview s w ith resid en ts of the Basin and company

o f f i c i a l s and residences o f workers.
 168

F ig . 72. Basin Canmunities in 1972.

Source: Louisiana Department of Public Works, 1966} Louisiana Department

of Highways, "Morehouse P arish , Louisiana", "Caldwell P arish,
Louisiana", "Franklin P arish , Louisiana", "Ouachita Parish,
Louisiana", "Richland p arish , Louisiana", "West C arroll P arish ,
Louisiana"; F ie ld Trips*
 ARK.
• ■ M a t n M U M W i a

d £ jo n e a .Macedonia ^bou rn®

Holly. Concord ^ i
Ridge
• Bonita Janeaville*
(Fialp-Unlon)
*
Oak Grove

Mar Rouge
■•F o reat
^^ioneer
r /
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New Light*'
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Metropolis
Holly
Grove*^^ BASIN
COMMUNITIES
IN 1972

M IIIS

F ig . 72
 170

R e cre atio n a l a c t i v i t i e s have in c re a se d in the p a s t 10 y e a rs in the

B asin. These in clu d e hunting and f is h in g camps, not only f o r e x is tin g

w i l d l i f e , b u t f o r Im ported s p e c ie s , such as boar (Noonan, 1 9 6 3 :7 ), and

th e u t i l i z a t i o n of th e Boeuf and o th e r stre am s. R e c re a tio n developments

have been of f i n a n c i a l b e n e f it m ainly to th e lowland landow ners, e i t h e r

because of ownership of la rg e t r a c t s which can be tu rn ed i n to s p o rtin g

camps o r because o f lo c a tio n along th e stream s, b o th o f which were a

t r a i t o f the Lowland South groups when th ey s e t t l e d i n th e a re a .

S ettle m e n t

West C a rro ll P a ris h re c e iv e d many m igrants in th e 1930»s from v a rio u s

so u rc e s . A group o f Slovakians s e t t l e d n e ar J a n e s v ille (F ig . 7 2 ). This

group brought a d i f f e r e n t c u ltu r e and th e C a th o lic denom ination. T rad i­

t i o n a l sm all-faim in g methods and i n t e r e s t s were employed such t h a t t h i s

p a rty f u r t h e r stim u la te d commercial tru c k farm ing (P e te rso n , 1971)*

U nlike Upland South groups, Slovakians soon abandoned a g r ic u ltu r e and

tu rn e d , in s te a d , t o s k i l l e d occupations and o p e ra tio n of heavy equip­

m ent. C a th o lic m issio n churches e s ta b lis h e d f o r t h i s group were aban­

doned, w ith Oak Grove r e ta in in g West C a r r o ll’s so le C a th o lic church.

A cceptance of B asin ways i s evidenced by th e absence o f unusual s tr u c tu r e s

i n th e lan d sca p e.

The community o f F isk e Union (F ig . 72) g iv es a f u r th e r dem onstratio n

o f th e in flu e n c e of th e B asin on d if f e r in g c u ltu r e groups. A Spanish

group m ig ra te d h e re , from southern Texas. They r e f e r t o them selves as

F ren ch , though lo c a l ob serv ers c o n sid e r them p rim a rily S p an ish , w ith some

Negro blood (P e te rso n , 1971)* Again, th e c u l t u r a l landscape g e n e ra lly

resem bles t h a t o f any Upland South a re a elsew here in th e B asin. House

 171

ty p e s , fan n in g m ethods, and manner o f speech do not s e t t h i s group a p a r t

from t h e i r n eig h b o rs. Names re c e iv e a A n g licized p ro n u n cia tio n even from

members of t h i s group (H odriguez, 1971; Sanchas, 1971; Sanches, 1971)*

A v a ila b ility and com parative low c o s t o f lan d continued t o draw

s e t t l e r s frcm Arkansas to west C a r ro ll P a ris h in th e 1930»s. These

blended i n to th e g e n e ra l Upland South lan d scap e. Few moved t o o th e r

p a r ts o f th e B asin. The Arkansas m ig ran ts took up c o n a e rc ia l fanning and

expanded t h e i r h oldings as y e ars p a sse d , to a g r e a te r uegree th an th o se

frcm M is s is s ip p i and th e h i l l p a ris h e s (P e te rso n , 1971).

For 19l)0, many wards in th e B asin show l i t t l e p o p u latio n growth,

w ith some a c tu a lly having d ecreases (T ables 17 and 2 1 ). However, some

TABLE 21

POPULATION BY WARDS IN 191)0

Ward C aldw ell F ra n k lin Morehouse O uachita R ichland West C a rro ll

1 1,101)* 3,61)1* 1,376 3,358 5,505* 2,135*

2 1,083 i),i)22* 1,016 2,015* 10,677* 3,1)17*
3 1,251 3,61)8* 912 15,657* 2,855* li,756*
1) 5,700 3,029* 8,336 1,516* 3,1)08* 5,730*
5 772 2,372* 3,968* H i,1)33 3,762* 2,911)*

6 232 3,035* 1,577* 2,163 1,399*

7 1)87 7,585* 963 1,711 1, 223*
8 606* 1,837* 2, 272* 1,195
9 333 2,813* 1)99 795
10 1)78 3,652* 16,325

T o ta l 12,01)6 32,382 27,571 59,168 28,829 19,252

* ». Basin Wards

S ource: U. S . Bureau o f th e Census, P o p u la tio n S chedules, 191)0.

wards i n F ra n k lin , p a r t i c u l a r l y th o se noted f o r Upland South c h a r a c te r ­

i s t i c s , and th e West C a r ro ll wards d id co n tin u e to have in c r e a s e s . A lso,

 172

Ward 2 (n o rth o f R a y v ille ) i n R ichland P a ris h enjoyed an in c re a s e lin k e d

to th e com pletion of lum bering a c t i v i t i e s and r e s u l ta n t s a le of land*

In c re a s e in p o p u la tio n i n wards 5 and 6 in Morehouse P a ris h took p la c e

maifcly along Bayou Bonne Id e e (Morehouse P a ris h , Conveyance R ecords) and,

a g ain , r e l a t e s to c e s s a tio n of lum bering a c t i v i t i e s .

M ig ratin g Upland South groups a t t h i s tim e g e n e ra lly d id no t b rin g

t h e i r house types w ith them. In s te a d , th ey c o n stru c te d bungalows o f fo u r

o r f iv e rooms (F ig . 73-7U). Porches g e n e ra lly occupied h a lf of th e f r o n t .

Both Negroes and w h ites occupied, and s t i l l occupy, th e s e bungalows,

a lth o u g h none i s bein g b u i l t a t p re s e n t; many now e x i s t in a s t a t e o f

decay. Many o f th e s e Upland South groups s e t t l e d away from th e main high­

ways (F ig . 69 and 7 1 ). I n some c a s e s , t h i s p a tte r n o f lo c a tio n r e f l e c t s

a p re fe re n c e f o r landscapes n o t a t t r a c t i v e to through-highw ay c o n s tru c tio n .

I n a d d itio n , e a r l i e r s e ttle m e n t had focused on ro u te s which e v e n tu a lly

a tta in e d m ajor s ta tu s and, hence, r a is e d land p r ic e s beyond th e reach of

th e s e new m ig ra n ts from th e h i l l s .

Newcomers, as w e ll a s e a r l i e r sm all fa n n e rs , continued to s u f f e r

from fo re c lo s u re s on lan d s (Luno, 1956:1; R ichland Beacon-News, 1932-

19ii0), reducing t h e i r im p rin t on housing, crop c h o ic e s, and f i e l d

p a tte r n s on th e landscape t h a t a perm anent, prosperous Upland South m ight

have succeeded in c re a tin g d u rin g th e D epression y e a r s . By 19li0, many

were s t i l l unable to pay t h e i r ta x e s so t h a t , in s te a d o f f o re c lo s in g ,

a u th o r i ti e s delayed c o lle c tio n s (R ichland P a ris h P o lic e J u ry , June it,

19liO:73 ) .

During th e 1930*s , a s l i g h t change i n r e lig io u s dominance occu rred

in th e B asin (T able 2 2 ). M eth o d ists achieved a s l i g h t le a d over B a p tis ts

i n numbers i n Morehouse, O uachita, and Ri c h i aid p a ris h e s and moved c lo s e r

 173

F ig . 73. Basin Bungalow. This ty p e d a te s to th e t h i r t i e s . The

Upland South in h a b ita n ts of th e B asin f r e q u e n tly chose t h i s ty p e during
th e s e y e a r s . Now, a number o f th e s e s tr u c tu r e s a re i n a s t a t e o f aban­
donment, due to m ig ra tio n o r fa v o rin g o f o th e r ty p e s , such as ranch
s t y l e and m obile homes. Commonly, th e p la n in c lu d e d f iv e rooms and a
p o rch , as i s th e case h e re .

F ib . 71;. B asin Bungalow. A c l u s t e r of bungalows in d e te r io r a tin g

c o n d itio n . U su ally , th e long s id e o f th e house was p e rp e n d icu lar to th e
ro a d , b u t, h e re , two have th e long side„ p a r a l l e l to th e road.
 17U

TABLE 22

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATIONS IN BOEUF BASIN 1936

Parish B ap tist M ethodist P resbyterian Episcopalian

Caldwell 1,182 558 — —

Franklin 1,757 831 103

Morehouse 1,203 1,381 — 173

Ouachita i|,itlO 1,030 503 ii33
Richland 511 69I4 93
West C arroll 1,1:75 706 — —

Source: U. S. Bureau of the Census, S p ecial Reports-—R eligiou s

Bodies, 1 9 U : 763-761.

to th e B a p tis t t o t a l s i n th e o th e r p a r is h e s . P re sb y te ria n s in c re a se d in

numbers, b u t lag g ed f a r behind th e B a p tis ts and M e th o d ists. A stu d y made

o f 70 c o u n tie s in th e southern A ppalachians in t h i s same decade found th e

B a p tis ts in a dominant p o s itio n , w ith th e M ethodists i n second p la c e ,

com fortably ahead of th e P re s b y te ria n s (Hooker, 1933:160). Thus, th e

B asin c o n tin u ed to resem ble upland a re a s in r e lig io u s a f f i l i a t i o n s , b u t

w ith d e f i n i t e m o d ific a tio n s*

A p o s s ib le co n tin u in g c la s h between Upland South and Lowland South

r e s id e n ts , as w e ll as between th e demands o f t r a d i t i o n a l and modern te c h ­

nology, i s seen i n b o th R ichland and F ra n k lin p a ris h e s where s to c k - a t-

la r g e laws were proposed, p assed , and som etim es, l a t e r re sc in d e d o r modi­

fie d . F re q u e n tly , th e m a tte r was handled ward by w ard, w ith wards on

Macon Ridge most h e s ita n t in l e g i s l a t i n g a g a in s t s t o c k - a t- la r g e , a p o lic y

so fav o red by th e Upland South (R ichland P a r is h P o lic e Ju ry , Book it: 126,

 175

189; Book ii-A:105; Franklin P arish P o lic e Jury, 1913-1933:367,

373).
World War I t caused m igration to and from the B asin. Mary Negroes,

and some w h ites, l e f t fo r in d u s tr ia l work in the c i t i e s of th e South and

North. For example, Grayson P la n ta tio n , near Fort N e ce ssity , had i t s

peak labor force of 75 Negro fa m ilie s in 19itl ( F lu it t , 1971). Departure

o f Negroes created opp ortu nities for more white Upland South m igrants,

but u su a lly under tenancy co n d itio n s. Mechanization o f p lan tation s was

in creasin g in in te n s ity , and departing Negroes would have been replaced

by equipment, had i t been a v a ila b le (Prunty, 1950:307). As i t was, Upland

South w h ite s, in many c a se s, provided the needed lab or. In con trast to

t h is m igration o f whites in to th e Basin, fom er white s e t t l e r s , who were

lea v in g the Basin fo r in d u str ia l employment stim ulated by th e war e f f o r t ,

in s tig a te d th e weakening of the small fann presence, w ith i t s peasant,

or near-peasant c h a r a c te r is tic s .

M igration r e la te d l e s s to tenancy in West C arroll P arish than e ls e ­

where in the B asin . The lumber companies were s t i l l s e llin g IiO-acre

p lo t s , although the price had increased to as much as $60.00 to $70.00

per acre (West C arroll P arish , Conveyance Records). Lack o f success o f

sane previous migrants resu lted in a poor reputation fo r the Basin

se c tio n s o f the p arish . Those liv in g on the eastern sid e referred to

the area as "The Swamp" (Chapman, 1971).

Goodwill, the only tru ly ru ral community (hamlet) in West C arroll

P arish p re sen tly p ossessin g se r v ic e fu n ctio n s, dates from World War I I .

The remaining communities are minor towns based on r a i l or main rou tes,

or settlem en ts f u l f i l l i n g no se r v ic e fu n ction , other than an occasion al

church, fo r the surrounding areas.

 176

I n th e B asin s e c tio n s of Morehouse P a ris h , to o , ham lets d e c lin e d in

s iz e and im portance. For b o th p a ris h e s , none was in c o rp o ra te d and most

were a ss w in g th e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f th e Upland South d is p e rs e d h am lets.

However, the a g r i c u lt u r a l v i ll a g e s of C o llin s to n and Oak Ridge, i n t h a t

p a r t o f Morehouse P a ria h c l e a r l y p e rta in in g to th e Lowland South, main­

ta in e d t h e i r s iz e s and fu n c tio n s . In a d d itio n to house s t y l e s d i s t i n c t i v e

to th e B asin, church b u ild in g s in a g r i c u lt u r a l v i ll a g e s were notew orthy

f o r a good s t a t e o f m aintenance (F ig . 75-76). The towns and v i ll a g e s o f

o f F ra n k lin P a rish had fa re d b e t t e r , w ith only a very few lo s in g s e rv ic e

fu n c tio n s and v i r t u a l l y a l l r e ta in in g one, i f n o t two o r th r e e , r e t a i l

o u tle ts . The v i ll a g e s and towns i n R ichland P a rish s u ff e re d d e c lin e i n

some c a s e s , b u t o th e rs h e ld t h e i r own.

P a ris h s e a t p a tte r n s showed de-em phasis o f th e courthouse square

beginning i n th e l a t e f i f t i e s . Although b o th F ra n k lin and R ichland

p a ris h e s b u i l t new c o u rth o u se s, th e square i n R a y v ille does n o t sta n d in

th e c e n te r o f town. F o r F ra n k lin P a r is h , th e courthouse n e ith e r stan d s

in th e c e n te r o f town, n o r has i t a square about i t . Thus, th e roads o f

th e se p a ris h e s le a d to th e b u sin e ss s e c tio n s , r a t h e r th an th e courthouse

sq u a re , as has been noted f o r many Upland South p a ris h e s and c o u n tie s

(Newton, 1973-A:13j P r ic e , 1968:29, 33, 3 8 ).

The 1950' s saw most p a ris h e s i n th e Basin u n d ertak in g assessm ents o f

t h e i r s e p a ra te c h a ra c te rs , f re q u e n tly under s tim u la tio n by" th e s t a te

government. These assessm ents o fte n in c lu d e d re c o g n itio n of Upland South

t r a i t s o r problem s, w ith o u t knowledge of th e s e as c u ltu r e t r a i t s and

t h e i r s ig n if ic a n c e . This s i t u a t i o n , in i t s e l f , made planned s o lu tio n s

le s s l i k e l y o f su c c e ss.

Economic c o n d itio n s , n earn ess to a m edium -sized and growing c i t y

(Monroe), p lu s th e ease o f tran sfo rm in g a g r i c u lt u r a l p r a c tic e s to more

 F ig . 75. Oak Ridge Church. Not so unusual a s t y l e as F ig . 76, b u t
much more im p ressiv e than m ost churches i n th e B asin o f s im ila r s i z e ,
perhaps d em onstrating th e w e alth o f t h i s a g r i c u lt u r a l v i l l a g e .

F ig . 76. C o llin s to n Church. A secondary b u ild in g o f a M ethodist

c o n g re g atio n . I t s square shape and ro o f l i n e a re most unusual f o r th e
B asin.
modem m ethods, were combined t o d e ta c h those in h a b ita n ts who were Upland

South i n o rig in from th a t c u lt u r e ’ s t r a d i t i o n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s to

a n o th e r, and t o evoke l i t t l e p a ssiv e o r a c tiv e r e s is ta n c e on t h e i r p a r t

to t h i s change. T ra d itio n a l Upland South t r a i t s became l e s s and l e s s

e v id e n t. I t seems th a t two f a c to r s brought t h i s about. One was th e

m ig ra tio n of sane in h a b ita n ts , due to a presumed la c k of o p p o rtu n ity ,

i n a b i l i t y to p a r t i c i p a te i n th e o p p o rtu n itie s a v a ila b le ( l i k e l y because

o f t h e i r p o v e rty ), or th e f a i l u r e of th e s e t r a d i t i o n a l t r a i t s to equip

th e d e p a rtin g people f o r th o se o p p o r tu n itie s . The second was t h a t

su ccess now depended upon ra p id a d a p ta tio n to new m arket f a c to r s and

a g r i c u l t u r a l m ethods, as w e ll as th e fin a n c e s to do th e s e th in g s , or th e

w illin g n e s s t o ta k e r i s k s which m ight mean lo s s of e v e ry th in g .

Upland South groups have m odified t h e i r c u ltu re t r a i t s a f t e r a few

y e a r s ' occupance, or i n th e nex t g e n e ra tio n . T ypical house types ( i . e . ,

d o g - tr o t, double pen, and even th e bungalow houses) and o ccu p atio n al

p a tte r n s have been d is c a rd e d . The d e p a rtu re o f th e young has f u r th e r

weakened th e m aintenance o f t r a d i t i o n a l Upland South f e a tu r e s in th e

B asin. F o r upland a re a s , th e r u r a l scene s ta y s much th e same, o r r e v e r ts

to f o r e s t , d e s p ite o u t-m ig ra tio n . F or th e B asin , la r g e farm ers buy

r e t i r e d fa rm e rs ' h o ld in g s , t e a r down old ho u ses, and r e v is e f i e l d

p a tte r n s alm ost co m p letely .

Using K n iffe n 's work on house ty p es in L o u isian a a s a guide (K n iffen ,

1962), i t can be noted t h a t th e house types t r a d i t i o n a l l y a s s o c ia te d w ith

th e Upland South a re c o n c e n tra te d n ear th e Streams (Table 23 and F ig . 77-

8 2 ). I n th e B asin, however, th e s e s tr u c tu r e s are u s u a lly e ith e r aban­

doned o r occupied by Negroes. Abandonment has r e s u lte d f ra n d e p a rtu re o f

Negro la b o r , in c re a se d m ech an izatio n , and th e d i f f i c u l t y of m odernizing

 179

F ig . 77. Folk Housing. This 1 0 0 -y e a r-o ld home, s t i l l occupied in

th e N elso n 's Bend a re a , appears to have been a sin g le -p e n home o r i g in a ll y .

F ig . 78. Folk Housing. This long-abandoned and slow ly d e te r io r a tin g

s tr u c tu r e appears to a ls o have been a s in g le pen o r i g in a ll y . Note the
wooden sh in g le s (o r sh ak es, alth o u g h t h i s i s an unccnmon term i n n o rth
L o u isia n a [F olk, l ? 6 l ] ) , a r a r e f e a tu r e among su rv iv in g fo lk housing in
th e B asin.
 180

F ig . 79. F olk Housing. An Upland South homestead n o t f a r frcm

L id d ie v ille . The bungalow, t a H nu t t r e e s , and low u n p ain ted o u tb u ild in g s
to th e l e f t a re t y p ic a l of t h i s type of farm stead .

F ig . 80. F olk Housing. Mary double-pen houses s t i l l e x is t in th e

B asin , u s u a lly occupied by Negroes or abandoned. This example shows a
com bination o f f e a tu r e s , such as th e c h in a b erry t r e e in th e back, th e
everg reen t r e e in th e f r o n t , and encroaching c u lt i v a t io n .
 181

F ig . 81. Folk Housing. A w h ite-occupied d o g -tro t house which has

been v e ry w e ll m ain tain ed and has had a s e c tio n added. This i s one o f th e
few examples i n th e Basin o f an ow ner's m odifying t h i s ty p e f d r modern
l iv i n g .

F ig . 82. F o lk Housing. A d o g - tr o t, w ith fancy porch p o sts and

r a i l i n g s , a sb e sto s sh in g le s id in g and w h ite -p a in te d f r o n t .
 182

TABLE 23

FOLK STRUCTURE TYPES ALONG THE BOEUF RIVER ,

Type of Structure Number Percentage o f Total

S in g le Pen 22 b
Double Pen U2 6
Saddlebag 23 3
Dog-Trot 7 1
B luffland House 6 1

Carolina "I" House 1

Shotgun 111 6
S in g le Crib 36 $
Double Crib 6 1
Transverse Crib b7 6

Total 231 31
Total Structures in Study Area: 72$

these stru ctu res fo r plumbing, e l e c t r i c i t y , or storage and liv in g space.

The absence o f Upland South occupants s tr e s s e s th e ir emphasis in s e t t l e ­

ment away from th a t stream. This holds true for much o f the Basin.

P r a c tic a lly no bungalows are found along th e Boeuf R iver.

In c o n tra st, the se ctio n s id e n t ifie d w ith Upland South occupance,

p a r tic u la r ly West C arroll P arish , show the presence o f bungalow stru ctu res

in overwhleming percentages. The bungalow stands as th e most dependable

and obvious symbol o f Upland South presence in the B asin. I t accounts fo r

at le a s t h a lf o f a l l house ty p es, not ju s t fo lk ty p e s, in th e rural area s.

In one four-m ile str e tc h in West C arroll P arish, the bungalow to ta le d lb

str u c tu r es, only one o f which was inhabited by a Negro fam ily. The

bungalow i s almost always orien ted toward a road, rather than a stream .

In hab itan ts u su a lly no longer b u ild these bungalows, as continued modi­

f ic a t io n of culture t r a i t s fin d s them choosing brick ra n ch -sty le hemes or

 183

m obile u n i t s . Based on in te rv ie w s and o b se rv a tio n s, th e ch o ice o f th e

bungalow (and l a t e r th e ran ch s ty le ) r e l a t e s t o ease of a d a p ta tio n to

modern liv i n g ( i . e . , plum bing, e l e c t r i c i t y ) and t o c lo s e ly r e l a t e d

c u rre n t fa s h io n .

S tu d en ts have claim ed t h a t s tr u c tu r e s w i l l r e f l e c t c lim a te , as w e ll

as th e s k i l l of th e b u ild e rs and th e m a te ria ls a v a ila b le (T rig g e r, 1968s

5 6 ). F or th e B asin , i t m ust be added t h a t an adm ired s ty le and ease of

c o n s tru c tio n in flu e n c e s a g ro u p ’s p re fe re n c e . I f a concern, such as a

lumber company, makes i t easy to c o n s tru c t a c e r ta in s t y l e of house,

s e t t l e r s may alm ost u n iv e r s a lly adopt t h a t s t y l e a t a given tim e . This

appears t o have happened w ith th e type shown i n F ig u re s 50 and 5 l . The

r u r a l house i s h eld e s p e c ia lly to show r e l a t i o n t o th e environm ent

(B runhes, 1920:75). T r a d itio n a l housing i n th e Basin re v e a ls no such

c lo se a s s o c ia tio n , e i t h e r i n o r ie n ta tio n o f d ir e c tio n or i n s p e c ia l

f e a tu r e s .

Table 23 a ls o r e v e a ls th e sp a rse n ess of Upland South o u tb u ild in g

ty p e s . However, th e s e s tr u c tu r e s have proven t h e i r a d a p ta b ility to

p re s e n t-d a y n eed s. The o b se rv er may see abandoned and decaying shotgun,

s in g le -p e n , and double-pen s t r u c tu r e s , o r even bungalows, b u t he w i l l see

few abandoned tr a n s v e r s e - c r ib barns (F ig . 8 3 -8 8 ).

B a p tis t and P e n te c o s ta l churches sta n d as th e n e x t most r e l i a b l e and

v i s i b l e in d ic a to r o f Upland South p re se n c e . B a p tis ts hold th e m a jo rity

i n F ra n k lin and West C a r r o ll p a r is h e s , in p a r t i c u l a r , b u t a ls o in th e

o th e r p a ris h e s a s w e ll (T able 2I4) . The P re s b y te ria n church shows a te n ­

dency to be stro n g i n th o se p a ris h e s where th e E p isc o p a lia n a ls o la s

s tr e n g th . L ik e ly th e P re s b y te ria n church re p re s e n ts th e Upland South

e l i t e ( la r g e fa rm e rs , le a d in g businessm en), w ith th e E piscopal church

s t i l l ten d in g to evidence th e p resen ce o f th e Lowland South.

 181*

F ig . 83. O u tb u ild in g . T his double-pen sh a re s th e f a t e of many o th e r

f o lk houses in th e B asin . I t now fu n c tio n s as a hay b a rn , r t s con­
v e n ie n t lo c a tio n , c lo s e to th e f i e l d or to th e p a s tu r e , has saved i t frcm
d e s tr u c tio n .

F ig . 81u O utbuilding. The Upland South areas s t i l l contain a number

of th e se s in g le -c r ib str u c tu r e s, many o f lo g co n stru ctio n . Owners perform
l i t t l e maintenance upon than, but an abandoned sin g le crib i s d i f f i c u l t to
fin d .
 18$

F ig . 8 $ , Outbuilding. A few farms have th is type o f barn, which

has not been reported in other parts o f the s t a t e . While the o r ig in a l
d esign was probably fo r a s p e c if ic purpose, there seems to be no sp e c ia l
use made of th ese stru ctu res today.

F ig . 86. Outbuilding. Various fonns of th e tra n sv erse-crib barn

are employed by Basin faim ers, although n eith er Lowland South nor Upland
South in h ab itan ts are b u ild in g t h is type a t present.
 18 6

K\ -v ***#$£

F ig . 87. O u tbuilding. A tr a n s v e r s e - c r ib b a m more n e a rly f i t t i n g

th e ty p ic a l d e sig n .

F ig . 88. O u tb u ild in g . T his tr a n s v e r s e - c r ib b a rn seems to a c c e n t th e

l o f t a t th e expense of th e f i r s t f l o o r . Note th e shed b u i l t in to th e main
ro o fed a re a . T his s tr u c tu r e was to r n down s h o r tly a f t e r th e photo was
ta k e n . A much sm a lle r s tr u c tu r e has re p la c e d i t .
 TABLE 2h

RELIGIOUS AFFILIATIONS IN BOEUF BASIN 1957

P a ris h B a p tis t M ethodist P re sb y te ria n E p isco p a lia n

C aldw ell 3,OU2 713 — —

F ra n k lin 9, 111* 1,251 101 —

Morehouse 5,367 2,209 226 221

O uachita 19,958 6,539 1,173 761

R ichland 6,629 l,2 7 ii 205 96

West C a r ro ll 6,718 990 — —

S ource: N a tio n a l C ouncil of Churches o f C h ris t in the U. S. A .,

1957: Table 100.

Land-ownership maps r e v e a l r a t h e r a c c u ra te ly th e p resence of th e

Upland South. The much sm a lle r p lo ts appear i n a re a s which have o th e r

t r a i t s o f th e c u ltu r e . However, th e ItO-acre farm i s r a r e , u n le s s th e

sm all farm er owns a s e r i e s of them. R ath er, l o t s of 80 to 120 a c re s can

be a s s o c ia te d w ith th e Upland S outh i n th e B asin.

Gardens (w ith th e e x ce p tio n of West C a rro ll P a rish ) and cem etery

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , so h e lp fu l i n o th e r p a r ts o f th e s t a t e , and th e South in

g e n e ra l, in id e n tify in g th e p resen c e o f th e Upland S outh, o f f e r l i t t l e

a id i n th e case o f th e Boeuf B a sin . C em eteries may have t r a d i t i o n a l

s e t t i n g s , such as e le v a te d s i t e s , b u t w ith th e e x cep tio n s of o c c a sio n a l

en clo su re s of w a lls o r iro n fen c es (F ig . 89), ccromon ornam entations a re

m issin g (Je a n e , 1969: K niffen, 1967:1(26).

The use of d i a l e c t s o r d e s c r ip tiv e p h rases can be an a id in determ in­

in g c u ltu r e a f f i l i a t i o n . I n in te rv ie w s and i n review ing d i a r i e s and o ld

 F ig . 89. Sacred Square. One of th e few examples o f Upland South
b u r i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s i n th e Basin (Je a n e , 1969). The "squares" con­
ta in e d fo u r t o a dozen g ra v e s, enclosed by an ir o n fen ce or low w a ll.
fam ily l e t t e r s , th e w r ite r o c c a sio n a lly n o tic e d mannerisms t h a t seemed

u n lik e th o se commonly used by r e s id e n ts o f th e h i l l a r e a s . F o rtu n a te ly ,

L u c ille F olk s tu d ie d th e s e m a tte rs in h e r d o c to ra l d i s s e r t a t i o n (F o lk ,

1961), and th e a id of h er work was e n lis te d in c a n p ilin g Table 25. This

ta b le makes no te o f th e s e in s ta n c e s where B asin mannerisms d if f e r e d from

th o se o f th e upland p a ris h e s . I n most in s ta n c e s , in te rv ie w s s u b s ta n tia te d

th e examples shown. I n many c a s e s , Basin usage was s im ila r t o t h a t o f th e

h i l l p a ris h e s , b u t th e r e were enough d iffe re n c e s t o a g a in in d ic a te t h a t

th e B asin does have a c h a ra c te r somewhat u n lik e t h a t of th e Upland South.

F olk made no e f f o r t to lin k th e use o f mannerisms t o c u ltu r e a f f i l i a t i o n

as such; r a t h e r , she spoke of s e c tio n s of th e n a tio n . But an e f f o r t to

l in k c u ltu r e s to speech usages seems w orthw hile. The c o n c e n tra tio n o f

use o f a texm i n th e B asin in comparison w ith th e h i l l s v a rie d from U p e r­

c en t t o 26 p e r-c e n t. R a rely was th e re a com plete a r e a l se g re g a tio n i n

usag e. Table 25 does in d ic a te a marked in flu e n c e o f th e Lowland South

and even th e N orth. Other n o te s o f i n t e r e s t were t h a t R ichland P a ris h

was c o n s is te n tly more l ik e th e r iv e r p a ris h e s and t h a t F olk noted a sim i­

l a r i t y between th e g e n e ra l speech h a b its o f th e B asin and th o se of Winn

P a r is h .

Orthodox Upland South

I n v e s tig a tio n r e v e a ls a k ind o f tw o-dim ensional appearance to th e

Upland South i n the Boeuf B asin. The f i r s t approaches th e t r a d i t i o n a l

c u l t u r a l landscape of th e Upland S outh, w ith wooden or a s b e s to s -s h in g le

bungalows, p lo ts o f IjO t o 120 a c re s (u s u a lly sm a lle r th an 100 a c r e s ) , f i e l d

la y o u t and p re p a ra tio n (F ig . 9 0 ), and a stro n g f e e lin g f o r th e la n d beyond

i t s b ein g a c a p i t a l a s s e t and alm ost a s i f i t were a perso n ab le th in g , and,

o fte n , e le v a te d lo c a tio n (F ig . 9 1 ). On r a re o c c a sio n s, th e r e may be th e

 TABLE 25

COMPARISON CF SELECTED SPEECH AND PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS

P a rish e s
rH
rH
O
0) s*
G, cfl
CO Cti •O fc
cfl •h m
•P m <u
<D §! O to . A
f— •H U CO Ar* "CH
£i—
A
<D o A •P CO 0) -H -P -HO
i o (0
o og
U
CO >

Hill
a! •H V •H «H cfl
C h a r a c te ris tic O ss 13 S K ft

"Kerry" f o r " c a n y " * *

"F a irin g o ff" f o r c le a rin g w eather * * «■ * * *
"Drouth" f a r p e rio d of dry w eather * * ■w- ■* *
"Dry s p e ll" f o r p e rio d of dry w eather

"F o rtn ig h t" f o r 2-week p erio d

"Creek" and "branch" used #
"Highwater"
"Backw ater" *

Farm house r e f e r r e d to as "th e house" o r "b ig house"

(form er co n sid ered a N orthern term )

"S hingles" f a r wooden ro o fin g and sid in g

"Shakes" and "boards"
" P a rlo r f o r roam where g u ests e n te rta in e d * * *
"Eaves" f o r ro o f d ra in s * * *

"G u tters" f o r ro o f d ra in s
"B linds" f o r window coverings * * *
"Shades" f o r window coverings «
"Slop bucket" * * *
 TABLE 25—Continued

to
M
<u S p 9<
, - *®
aJ
CHH
r H ^ H a + i r j t T j W Q J ra 03
O J f H O *H ctf O W ^3 *H P*
g ki ,C jcJ H *ri o ^3«n
"& c a> c> "t3 « a) *h f - h h
H as £ ri O to K S n
as o o b -h S r t Xi ,? ° ^ ^
o S © K s J E W P-> Ss t-3 £C
C h a r a c te ris tic

" Garbage can11 ■M

- 4k «
4k 4k
"Wash ra g ” *
4k 4k
'•Wash c lo th 1*
4k 4k 4k 4k 4k
*'A ftem oon"for hours 12 Noon t o 5 P . M*

••Evening'1 f o r hours 12 Noon to 5 P« M• *

4k 4k «
"Cow pen"
4k 4k *
"Pig Pen11
4k 4k 4k 4k 4k 4k
"Tool shed11 4Hk
"Woodshed11
4k 4k 4k 4k 4k 4k
"W hetstone" f o r k n ife -sh a rp e n in g rock
4k
"Whetrock"
"G rindstone" (Folk says "sto n e " more common in N orthern U .S.) * 4k 4k * 4k 4k
*
"Grindrock"
"Saw horse" (Folk says "saw horse" common i n n o rth e a s te rn U .S .) 4k4k 4k4k 4k4k * * 4k4k
* 4k 4k 4k 4k *
"Souse"
"Hogshead cheese"
4k 4k 4k 4k 4k *
Grandmother, Granddaddy and Dad
4k 4k 4k 4k 4k 4k
Term f o r p a rt-tim e p reach er n o t d e ris iv e
4k 4k 4k 4k 4k 4k
"No account" f o r person considered la z y
4k 4k 4k 4k 4k 4k
"Wop" f o r I t a l i a n
H
VO
H
 TABLE 25—Continued

m
_ 3o f ta ^ -8
m
O h CL aS M-i
rH j^ C
H r ap r j t -' PO cf nc j- eH oc ®
o dcTJd
© H O *H «« u w .5 *H Ph
S ^ JS X! r-j -rl U 0} Xt m
2
H d3k ?
hO 2
d*3 *
o 43
w n p - r l
m }> j- - P -H H
k0 0 *31 -h1
*0 *H ffi *H -H d
C h a r a c te ris tic o ^ a ° * 3= ^ a

"Dago” f o r I t a l i a n ** **
"Haunches’1 f o r sq u a ttin g * * * * * *
"School mam" * * * * * *
"Teacher"

"I want o ff" * * * * * *

■"I Want t o g e t o ff" * *
"Chopping" f o r c u ttin g weeds from c o tto n * * * *
"Hoeing" *

"Lord"
"God" *
"Dog t r o t " f o r house w ith pen or c e n tra l passage *

* Conmon usage ** Overwhelmingly common usage

Note: M is s is s ip p i R iver P a rish e s means the p a ris h e s i n n o rth e rn L ouisiana along th e M is s is s ip p i R iv er.

Source: P o lk , 1961; P e rso n a l F ie ld Work

VO
ro
 F ig . 90o West C a r ro ll P a ris h F ie ld . A n ew ly -c lea red f i e l d i n th e
p a ris h . Mary stu n p s rem ain; th e lin g e r in g of Upland South h a b its in t h i s
s tr o n g ly ( f o r th e B asin) Upland South a re a .

F ig . 91. Macon Eidge S i t e . One of a number o f farm stead s on 80 t o

120-acre farm s. The c r e s t o f Macon Ridge appears in th e background. Many
o f th e s e s e t t l e r s lo c a te d on or c lo s e t o t h i s r id g e . Perhaps i t rem inded
them of t h e i r form er h i l l s e t ti n g . One r e s i d e n t d e c la re d , "That low land
over th e r e j u s t seems so low and l i k e a swamp, bu t h e re i n th e h i l l s , you
j u s t f e e l kind of . . . f r e e " .
 1 9h

ty p ic a l c lu t t e r e d y a rd s , housing may be c o n sid ered su b -sta n d ard by

neig h b o rs ( l i t t l e plumbing, w ringer washing m achines) (Jo hnston, 1971)*

Upland South fam ily heads of t h i s group do n o t share t h i s o p in io n , even

though they may have th e l a t e s t word in autom obiles, guns, f is h in g equip­

m ent, o r even farm m achinery. Most Upland South householders in t h is

group c o n sid e r them selves as c it i z e n s of some d isp e rse d community

(F ig . 92-93).

However, t h i s f i r s t Upland South group in th e B asin has alm ost com­

p le te ly l o s t i t s i n t e r e s t in k itc h e n g ardens. C leanly swept lawns and

b u r ia l p lo ts have, lik e w is e , l o s t t h e i r ap p eal t o t h i s r e l a t i v e l y o rth o ­

dox group, though th e form er was commonly a S aturday chore f o r th e young

only a g e n e ra tio n ago (Beebe, 1972).

Even t h i s c o n serv a tiv e group looks upon a g r ic u ltu r e as a commercial

v e n tu re , w ith emphasis on co rn , c o tto n , soybeans, and c a t t l e . However,

seme have been fo rce d to make o th e r forms of liv e lih o o d th e main source

o f inccme. Those a c tiv e in a g r ic u ltu r e a re u s u a lly second g e n e ra tio n .

The o r ig in a l s e t t l e r s a re m ostly r e t i r e d , o r have le a se d t h e i r land to

o th e r fa n n e rs.

This group fin d s l i f e r e l a t i v e l y d i f f i c u l t . They must compete w ith

o th er farm ers who have much more c a p i t a l , o r who have l e s s h e sita n c y in

th e fa c e of r i s k and in d eb ted n e ss. This group p o ssesse s n e ith e r th e

equipment nor th e landholdings o f t h e i r co m p e tito rs (F ig . 9 0 ). This can

be a lle v ia te d by le a s in g , b u t h e re , a g a in , la c k o f c a p i t a l o r la c k of

enthusiasm f o r o b lig a tin g agreem ents h in d er e x te n siv e le a s in g .

A ttendance and a t t i t u d e tow ard school has t y p i c a l l y been poor in

th e Upland South (M ille r, 1968:65). The problem i s n o t s e rio u s i n th e

Upland South a re as in th e B a sin , b u t a d m in is tra to rs and te a c h e rs reg ard

 ARK.
.M cG in ty
Concord ^ J

J a n e s v ill e )
( F i s k e . Union)
B e u la h j* z v

Goodwill

ij ' jo '
S ta r t

•New Light ft

c
UPLAND
SOUTH
DISPERSED
COMMUNITIES
IN 1972

F ig . 92

Source: F ie ld T rip s
 F ig . 93. Jigger. An Upland South d ispersed community, a back view
o f a number of modest homes appears here. Note the garden in the fo r e ­
ground, a disappearing phenomenon even in predominantly Upland South
areas in the Basin.
such s e c tio n s as th e w est of West C a rro ll P a ris h and th e w est of F ra n k lin

P a ris h as th o se a re a s w ith poorer a tten d a n ce rec o rd s th a n i n o th e r

se c tio n s (F ridays 1971$ Edward Johnston, 1971). The problem seems t o be

grow ing. Perhaps th e d isap p earan ce o f c e n te rs of c u lt u r e , along w ith th e

d e c lin e o f many o f th e conm unities can be held re s p o n sib le f o r t h i s c iv ic

d e c lin e (F rid a y , 1971). School o f f i c i a l s encountered r e s is ta n c e to con­

s o lid a tio n in th e Upland South a re a s , w ith the burning of sane o f th e

new sc h o o ls. I n common w ith some o th e r Upland South p e o p les (M ille r,

1968:65), t h i s group does n o t always re v e re p re a c h e rs, and s u s p e c ts law­

y e rs . This su sp ic io n o f law yers sta n s from t h e i r having l o s t , through

l e g a l a c tio n , lands t h a t they considered t h e i r s .

In c re a s in g m o d ific a tio n o f Upland South t r a i t s in clu d es fa d in g -o u t

o f hog r a i s i n g , due to lac k o f p r e s tig e a s s o c ia te d w ith t h a t a c t i v i t y .

The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f la w le ssn e ss, p o v e rty , and d is e a s e , a ls o noted by

M ille r f o r o th e r such a re a s , appear l e s s marked i n th e B asin anong t h i s

orthodox group o f th e Upland South,

Manner o f speech may a ls o be used t o d i f f e r e n t i a t e t h i s f i r e t group

from th e second. Members w i l l l ik e l y s u b s ti t u t e th e "d" sound f o r the

"st* i n such words as " h a s n 't " , " i s n 't " , and " w a s n 't’*. Less fre q u e n tly ,

th e " th " w i l l be dropped in such a word as " th e r e " • "C u lv ert" becomes

" c u lb e r t" . " I ex p ect" (sometimes ’1 's p e c t" ) seems p r e f e r r e d to " I

th in k " or " I b e lie v e " . "F inger" and "sin g " alm ost become "fan g e r" and

"san g ". »L" d isa p p e a rs from " h e lp " . " I t a l i a n " changes to " E y e -ta lia n " .

"Truck" becomes "tru h c k " . D iffe re n c e s in speech a r e no t so much a choice

o f d i f f e r e n t words fo r th e same a r t i c l e or u se , b u t changes i n sound, in

g e n e ra l, b o th groups p la c e a c c e n ts on th e same s y l l a b l e . Of c o u rs e , some

o f th e s e h a b its a re common to o th e r a re a s and c u lt u r e gro u p s, b u t recog­

n i t i o n o f them aid ed in id e n tify in g a re a s o f dominance by th e orthodox

 198

Upland South group.

F in a lly , a t r a i t o f th e se Upland South a re a s i n th e orthodox group

i s th e presence of few Negroes (Table 2 6 ). West C a rro ll p a r is h , more

Upland South th an th e r e s t o f th e B asin, has th e g r e a te s t m argin of

w h ites o v e r Negroes and most o f th e l a t t e r l i v e on th e e a s t s id e o f th e

p a r is h , out o f th e Basin (U. S. Bureau of th e Census, P o p u latio n Schedule,

1970).

TABLE 26

1970 POPULATION

Parish Whites Negroes Parish Whites Negroes

B ie n v ille 8,1x88 7,532 Ouachita 83,1)89 31,765

Caldwell , 6,863 2,1*53 ■Richland 12,865 8,872

Concordia 13,807 8,728 S t. Helena It,300 5,636

E. C arroll 5,258 7,568 Tensas 3,932 5,773

Franklin 15,350 8,581 W. C arroll 10,1*92 2,530

Madison 5,895 9,151 Winn 11,386 b,97k

Morehouse 18,666 13,780

Source* U. S . Bureau o f th e Census, P o p u la tio n S chedules, 1970:9-11*.

M odified Upland South

The second group of p re se n t-d a y Upland South people in th e Boeuf

B asin e x h ib it t r a i t s s im ila r , on th e s u rfa c e , t o t h e i r Lowland South

n eig h b o rs, bu t s u b tle ly s im ila r to th e orthodox Upland South group.

These people u s u a lly liv e i n modern b ric k ra n c h -s ty le homes w ith a l l

th e modern conveniences, b o th fo r g e n e ra l fam ily com fort and f o r easin g

 199

th e load o f the housewives. The men have the l a t e s t equipment and out­

b u ild in gs •

They firm ly b e lie v e t h a t t h e i r success i s due to hard work and

keeping a b re a s t of c u rre n t developments in a g r ic u ltu r e (Chapnan, 1971}

B u rk e tt, 1971). They commonly look down upon th e orthodox group, because

t h a t group has re fu se d t o m odernize or a d ju s t to th e t i n e s . Simul­

ta n e o u sly , th ey rec o g n ize t h a t they are d i f f e r e n t fra n th e Lowland South

elem ent, and ex p ress a d e s ir e to rem ain se p a ra te fra n i t . They a re proud

of t h e i r success i n a new s i t u a t i o n and d e s ire i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w ith t h i s

su c ce ss, which has come i n one, o r no t more th an two, g e n e ra tio n s.

One encounters d i f f i c u lt y in a llo c a tin g se ctio n s o f the Basin to th is

group. Except fo r those fa m ilie s who were ea rly s e t t le r s on Boeuf

P ra irie and around present-day C h a r lie v ille , members of t h is m odified

group arrived in no d is t in c t era. Rather, they migrated through the

various eras, as did the members of th e orthodox group. Thus, they

u su a lly remain interm ixed w ith th at group, often le a s in g and sometimes

purchasing lands of in a c tiv e farm ers. Units here may be as small as 200

a c re s, but freq u en tly range fran 500 to 1,000 a cres. In ad d ition , t h is

group has l e s s c o rr ela tio n w ith elev a ted areas, as they have sought out

land fo r i t s p rod u ctivity and ease o f conversion to mechanized farming.

A fu rth er hindrance to reco g n itio n of t h is group’s cu ltu r a l landscape

l i e s in the lo c a tio n o f i t s farmsteads in the in te r io r s of s e c tio n s ,

whereas the other Upland South group’s bungalows stand along the roads

and hide the in te r io r areas fran casu al observation.

A few o f these inh abitants c lin g lo v in g ly to garden-tending h a b its,

but most of them p refer to purchase such a r t ic le s a t the s ta r e . Mary of

the men show p o ssib le reversion to th e Upland South h ab it of holding an

 200

a d d itio n a l jo b , se a s o n a lly or perm anently (Newton, Semdnar, L ouisiana

S ta te U n iv e rs ity , 1969). Sane are m ail men. A few te a c h in th e a re a

sc h o o ls. I t seems u n lik e ly t h a t th e a d d itio n a l income i s n e c e ssa ry , b u t

th e o p p o rtu n ity e x i s t s , and th e s e men s e iz e th e openings t h a t o th e rs

ignore (Chapman, 1971).

In te rv ie w s, v i s i t s in th e homes, and o b serv atio n in d ic a te s th e s e

people have a tta in e d m oderate w e a lth . They b e lie v e t h a t th ey have %ade

good" (Chapman, 1971)* The c h ild re n alm ost a u to m a tic a lly a tte n d c o lle g e ,

and many m others e n r o ll as t h e i r c h ild re n reach te e n -a g e .

The a d u lts a c tiv e ly i n t e r e s t them selves in p o l i t i c s . They re s e n t

and a c tiv e ly oppose p r i v il e g e , whereas th e f i r s t group u s u a lly only

re s e n ts i t . Ku Klux Klan a c t i v i t i e s f a i l to arouse much i n t e r e s t . Such

a f e e lin g has been n o ted elsew here in th e Upland South among l a r g e r

farm ers (Delambre, 1 9 6 9 siil). Concern may even be ex p ressed f o r th e

p o s itio n o f th e Negro.

They d e s ire la r g e r la n d h o ld in g s and in v e s t a s much a s p o ss ib le i n

i t s a c q u is itio n , one farm er d e c la rin g , “Buy la n d t i l l you bleed.'*

(Jo h n sto n , 1971). This Upland South group re v e re s lan d f o r i t s p r a c t i c a l

b e n e f its , re c o g n izin g i n lan d a means f o r f in a n c ia l and s o c ia l su c c e ss.

They welcome o th e rs to t h e i r group and e x h ib it a degree o f re s p e c t

fo r th e sm all Upland South farm e rs, w hile ex p ressin g confidence in th e

doom of t h i s group.

This m odified group emphasizes b e e f c a t t l e , c o tto n , and soybeans,

w ith l e s s e r emphasis on b a rle y . Few p a r t i c i p a te i n d a iry in g (th e re a re

only 11 dairymen in West C a rro ll P a rish ) (C ooperative E xtension S e rv ic e :

h7) or hog r a i s in g , o ffe rin g as reasons g r e a te r r i s k in p r o f i t s and more

problems i n management (Jo h n sto n , 1971). In t h i s r e s p e c t, th e B asin

 2 01
p a ris h e s show a g r e a te r s i m il a r it y to lowland p a ris h e s th an upland

p a ris h e s . Less p r e s tig e i n d a iry in g , canpared to th e r a i s in g of b eef

c a t t l e , along w ith d a ir y in g ’s la b o r investm ent demands may p la y a p a r t

in th is .

Lowland South

The Lowland South in h a b ita n ts o f th e Boeuf Basin u s u a lly have

n e ith e r th e w ealth nor fin e hemes of t h e i r c o u n te rp a rts i n the r i v e r

p arish es, and elsew here However, farm steads a re im p ressiv e and elem ents

of th e p la n ta tio n l i f e remain (F ig . 9li-96; perhaps in F ig u re 96 we see

th e two p r in c ip le s o f change o f m a te r ia l, bu t r e te n tio n of ty p e , and

wooden s tr u c tu r e s giving way to o th e r m a te r ia ls , due to danger of f i r e s ) .

R e p re se n ta tiv e s of t h i s group can be found p rim a rily in Morehouse,

O uachita, and R ichland p a ris h e s ; a few re s id e in F ra n k lin P a ris h . Mary-

l i v e i n communities a t some d is ta n c e from t h e i r la n d h o ld in g s. This

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c k ep t such a g r i c u lt u r a l v illa g e s as A lto , Oak R idge, and

Mer Rouge fra n th e l i s t of d isp e rse d Upland South com m unities, I n th ese

Lowland South com m unities, a g re a t v a r ie ty of house ty p e s o r m od ifi­

c a tio n s can be found (F ig . 6 0 -6 7 )f in d ic a tin g d iv e rse in flu e n c e s ,

in c lu d in g Upland S o u th .

These a re th e o ld e s t fa m ilie s o f th e B asin and have always been

involved i n commercial a g r i c u lt u r e . Each p la n ta tio n , a t one tim e, housed

as many as 75 worker f a m ilie s . Few have more th a n e ig h t a t p re se n t

( F l u i t t , 1971; S a r to r , 1970). Many p la n ta tio n owners a c t iv e l y r e c r u ite d

Upland South la b o r in th e t h i r t i e s . Thus, th e Lowland South elem ent views

^ I t m ust be borne i n mind t h a t m ost Lowland South members a r e , or

descend from, p la n ta tio n owners, b u t t h a t same p la n ta tio n s belong to th e
Upland South group.
 202

F ig . 9l|. Modern p la n ta tio n Horae. One o f th e f i n e s t examples of

modern p la n ta tio n homes, t h i s house in c e n tr a l R ichland P a ris h occupies
th e c r e s t o f a rid g e overlooking th e p la n ta tio n f i e l d s and workers»s homes.
This i s one o f th e few p la n ta tio n homes i n th e Basin n o t c lo se to a m ajor
stream .

F ig . 95. Workers*:: Heme. A modern home on th e Noble p la n ta tio n ,

in d ic a tin g t h a t even th e w orkers can be expected to be abandoning t h e i r
t r a d i t i o n a l f o lk ty p e s .
 203

F ig . 96. W orkers’ Heme. A very unusual s tr u c tu r e i n i t s use o f

cement b lo ck c o n s tru c tio n , b u t ten d in g to adhere to th e double-pen p la n .
Though t h i s house was v e ry r e c e n tly occupied (by Negro w o rk ers), i t new
stan d s abandoned, as l e s s and l e s s lab o r i s needed.
 20b

b o th Upland groups w ith a p a tro n ly a i r , a lth o u g h they reco g n ize th e

m o d ified Upland South group as one ra p id ly approaching t h e i r own le v e l o f

f i n a n c ia l means and s o p h is tic a tio n .

Some of th e Lowland South in h a b ita n ts s t i l l dw ell i n t r a d i t i o n a l

B asin p la n ta tio n houses, though th e y have re fu rb is h e d and m odernized than

c o n sid e ra b ly . Many have considered rem odelling much to o expensive fo r

th e r e s u l ts g ain ed , b u ild in g , in s te a d , com pletely new houses which have

an a i r of w e alth and m odernity (F ig . 9b and 9 7 -9 8 ).

Here, we w i l l f in d the "co u n try c lu b s e t " , and th e le a d e rs o f th e

B asin , w hether i n th e economic o r p o l i t i c a l l i f e . However, th e la r g e

fa n n e r o f th e m odified Upland South group a ls o engages in th e s e a c t i v i t i e s .

With th e e x ce p tio n o f Mer Rouge and Oak R idge, t h i s g ro u p 's s e t t l e ­

ment i s o rie n te d toward the stream s o f th e B asin, i n p a r t i c u l a r th e Boeuf

R iver (F ig . 9 9 ), a r e f le c tio n of t h e i r e a r ly a r r iv a l? stream bank

( n a tu r a l le v e e ) lo c a tio n s a ffo rd e d p ro te c tio n from flo o d in g and e a se of

communication w ith m ark e ts. For a tim e, w ith w a te r tr a n s p o r ta tio n

c e a sin g to e x i s t , a tre n d developed f o r p la n te r s to s e t t l e away from th e

stre a m s. However, i n re c e n t y e a rs , a r e v e r s a l o f t h i s tre n d has o c cu rred ,

w ith th e b u ild in g o f new homes along th e stream s, or th e re fu rb is h in g of

o ld e r p la n ta tio n hones on th e stream s (F ig . 97 -9 8 ).

The Mer Rouge and Oak Ridge communities sta n d away from any of th e

m ajor stream s, but Boeuf R iv er and Bayou Bartholomew a re n o t f a r away, it

was on th e se form er p r a i r i e s t h a t v i ll a g e liv in g became more common than

elsew here in th e B asin . Records h in t th a t i t vias d is a g re e a b le to l i v e

away from th e v i l l a g e s i t e s i n e a r l i e r tim e s, due to m osquitoes and

lik e lih o o d of flo o d in g (Anderson, 1955).

S ize o f lan d h o ld in g s f o r t h i s group, in c lu d in g le a s e d la n d s , ran g es

frcm 1,000 to about 2,$00 a c re s ("Land Ownership Maps", C aldw ell,

 205

F ig . 97. Modern P la n ta tio n Heme. A frame ra n c h -s ty le house and

modern th ro u g h o u t, t h i s house em phasizes th e re tu r n t o th e banks of the
Boeuf R iv er.

F ig . 98. Modern P la n ta tio n Home. This i s th e view seen from th e

p a tio o f th e house in F ig . 97* Here, h ig h banks l i n e b o th s id e s of th e
Boeuf and few t r e e s o b s tru c t th e r i v e r . The m ixing o f Upland and Lowland
South in t h i s a re a ( C h a r lie v ille ) i s evidenced by th e tr a n s v e r s e - c r ib
b a m a c ro s s th e r i v e r .
 206

F ra n k lin , Morehouse, O uachita, R ichland, and West C a rro ll p a r is h e s ) , A

number of p re s e n t Lowland South e sta b lish m e n ts in c lu d e two or more of th e

o ld e r u n its ( S a r to r , 1970). G re ater pennanence i n th e o ld e r u n its i s

found in th e n o rth e rn p r a i r i e a re a s . There, farm u n its have tended to

rem ain i n t a c t and in th e o r i g i n a l f a m ilie s .

Figure 99 presents the present-day settlem en t-typ e areas fo r the

Boeuf Basin. Although the Lowland South s t i l l in flu en ces much o f the

Morehouse P arish area, Upland South migrants have s e t t le d more e x te n s iv e ly

during the years sin ce 1930 than during previous p erio d s. Pockets o f

Lowland South settlem en t appear in Richland and Ouachita parish es and do

m anifest them selves on th e landscape in the in d icated s e c tio n s . The

Lowland South presence appears very weak in Franklin P arish, but i s strong

enough to warrant la b e llin g one area as such. Most of the Basin adheres

to the Uplaid South. However, now, as in the p a st, th is adherence i s

in flu en ced by m odifications in house s t y l e s , a g r ic u ltu r a l c h a r a c te r is tic s ,

and economic concepts. While th ese m odification s can be observed

sep a ra tely in a va riety o f in sta n c e s, perhaps they are b e st understood

in the absence of a pronounced Upland South fea tu re—the peasant farm.

In stead of sm all farms lo ca ted amidst fo r e ste d areas, w ith th e ir gardens

and sm all flo c k s and herds (Newton, 1967s88j Arensberg, 1965s110), one

se e s medium to large farms in a nearly continuous p rocession . Gardens

are g en era lly absent, and, i f animals are a part of th e operation,

u su a lly there i s a great emphasis on only one type. Instead o f a non­

p r o fit-o r ie n te d economy (Newton, 1967:152), one fin d s emphasis on com­

m ercial farming, w ith l i t t l e in t e r e s t in providing food crops, e s p e c ia lly

today, but a lso in the previous era. Perhaps t h is emphasises the b e lie f

that no t r a i t o f a cu ltu r e p e r s is t s un less there i s some fu n ctio n a l

 207

•jrio'

fe

cv
SETTLEMENT
/ TYPES
IN 1972
HU L ow land S o u th In flu e n c e

{ H D o m in an t U pland S o u th

| | G am a P ra a e r v a a n d Sw am p

MILES
■jIMIHIUWIWHUW

F ig . 99
S ources: Land Ownership Maps, West C a r r o ll, R ichland, F ra n k lin p a ris h e s ;
F ie ld T rip s.
 208

purpose f o r i t (Vance, 1968:62). C e r ta in ly , Upland South s e t t l e r s had

ex p erien ce i n sto c k management and i n commercial farm ing, b u t e n te rin g

in to th e se a c t i v i t i e s on th e la rg e s c a le which B asin c o n d itio n s allowed

caused g re a t m o d ific a tio n s of c u ltu re t r a i t s and th e c u ltu r e as a whole.

C onclusion

The y ears frcm 1930 to th e p re s e n t saw th e l a s t in te n s iv e m ig ra tio n

o f th e Upland S outh. A com bination of D epression, m ech an izatio n , and

a d a p ta tio n r e s u lte d e ith e r in th e re -m ig ra tio n by th e s e peoples (o r t h e i r

c h ild re n ) or a change in th e c u l t u r a l landscape of t h e i r s e le c te d a re a s ,

A conscious attem p t by t h i s p eople to abandon su b s is te n c e forms of

liv e lih o o d , i n fa v o r of commercial forms can be d is c e rn e d . While seme

ach iev ed su c c e ss, t h i s d r a s t ic change, coupled w ith th e handicaps l i s t e d

p re v io u s ly , was beyond th e a b i l i t y of many. Upland South groups have

remained i n th e B asin, i n seme c a s e s , a f t e r th e a re a had l i t t l e t o o f f e r

them, r e s u ltin g from th e autom obile’s b rin g in g o th e r economic a c t i v i t i e s

w ith in reaso n ab le rea ch .

The c lo se of th e p e rio d fin d s th e B asin becoming devoted t o la r g e -

s c a le a g r ic u ltu r e , i n which th e c u l t u r a l landscape re sa n b le s th e Upland

South l e s s and l e s s . The sm all (p e a sa n t) farm er was unable t o m a in ta in

h im self under B asin c o n d itio n s . The sm all farm er, i n h im s e lf, does not

mark an a re a as Upland South, However, m ost a n a ll farm ers i n th e Basin

have come from t r a d i t i o n a l l y Upland South a re a s . T h e ir i n a b i l i t y to

r e p e a t t h e i r upland ways or t o remain i n th e B asin has weakened th e Upland

South i n th e c u lt u r a l lan d sca p e.

The enduring f e a tu r e i s t h a t th e l i f e s t y l e of th e B asin , one which

has c o n s is te n tly caused m o d ific a tio n by m ig ra tin g p e o p le s, s t i l l p o ssesse s

i t s own i d e n t i t y , one w ith adm ixtures o f b oth the Lowland and Upland

S outh, b u t i d e n t i c a l to n e ith e r . Perhaps t h i s e x em p lifies peoples* ta k in g

on th e h a b its of a s u p e rio r c u ltu re (econom ically, s o c ia lly , and sym­

b o lic a lly ) and showing v i s i b le evidence o f t h i s assum ption (V idal de l a

B lache, 1926jl{66).
 210

CHAPTER 6

C0NCLU5ICN

S e ttle m e n t o f th e Boeuf R iver B asin has inv o lv ed e f f o r t s by In d ia n ,

F ren ch , S panish, and Anglo-Saxon groups, each v is u a liz in g th e advantages

o f th e a re a in r e l a ti o n t o i t s c u lt u r a l h e r ita g e .

In d ian groups u t i l i z e d th e B asin in term s of t h e i r economy,

a p p a re n tly based on h u n tin g , w ith a g r ic u ltu r e as a secondary so u rc e o f

fo o d . I n a d d itio n , th e In d ia n ’ s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c low l e v e l of te c h n ic a l

development confined h is s e ttle m e n t t o com paratively lim ite d s e c tio n s .

Thus, many In d ia n s i t e s a re found on a c tiv e o r d e r e l i c t n a tu r a l le v e e s .

The se a so n a lly flo o d ed in te rv e n in g a re a s w ere e x p lo ite d only i n huntin g

and g a th e rin g . Only a t Oak Ridge did In d ian s lo c a te away from a g e n e ra l

stream o r ie n ta tio n , a p p a re n tly owing t o more emphasis on a g r ic u ltu r e .

By h i s t o r i c tim e s, few In d ia n s o f any c u ltu re made th e Basin a permanent

home. In s te a d , i t had evolved i n to a se a so n a l hunting ground.

Evidence in d ic a te s th a t th e e a r l i e s t perm anent European s e ttle m e n t

emphasized a g r ic u ltu r e ; th u s , In d ia n s i t e s h e ld l i t t l e a t t r a c t i o n .

However, sane s i t e s , e s p e c ia lly mounds, were u t i l i z e d f o r home s i t e s as

p ro te c tio n from flo o d in g . Evidence a ls o in d ic a te s t h a t Europeans used

In d ia n s i t e s f o r r i v e r fo rd s and la n d in g s .

European s e t t l e r s e s ta b lis h e d Im portant c a n n u n itie s a t p o in ts o th e r

th an th o se p o p u lar w ith In d ia n groups. Only th e sm all a g r i c u l t u r a l

v i ll a g e s of Oak Ridge and A lto have been lo c a te d on form er In d ian s i t e s .

 211

The French in flu e n c e in th e B asin e x e rte d alm ost n e g lig ib le in flu e n c e

on s e ttle m e n t. No s i g n i f ic a n t v e s tig e s rem ain o f F rench occupance i n land

survey p a tte rn s o r s tr u c tu r e ty p e s . Some p lac e names, p rim a rily th e

stream s of th e B a sin , r e l a t e to a French h e r ita g e . The s o c ia l environm ent

and th e passage of tim e have thoroughly A n g lic iz e d th e sm all number of

French s e t t l e r s .

The Spanish in flu e n c e i s lim ite d to a few re c ta n g u la r la n d g ra n ts in

R ichland, F ra n k lin , and Morehouse p a r is h e s , and th e Spanish g ran te es

occupied few o r none o f th e s e . In s te a d , th ey so ld th ese t r a c t s , p r i o r to

occupance, to Anglo-Saxon s e t t l e r s . Again, no s tr u c tu r e types show

Spanish in flu e n c e and no o ld Spanish fa m ilie s rem ain.

S e ttle m e n t p a tte r n s a re alm ost e x c lu s iv e ly Anglo-Saxon, a lth o u g h

some Anglo-Saxon s e t t l e r s a rr iv e d during th e l a s t y e a rs o f th e Spanish

a d m in is tra tio n . S e ttle m e n t p r i o r to th e C iv il War c o n s is te d o f b o th

Upland and Lowland South m ig ra n ts . Lowland South s e t t l e r s appear t o have

in flu e n c e d th e c u l t u r a l lan d scap e in Morehouse P a r is h , e a s te rn O uachita

P a ris h , p o rtio n s of H ichland P a ris h , and perhaps Boeuf P r a ir ie in F ra n k lin

P a r is h . Upland South s e t t l e r s lo c a te d i n th o se s e c tio n s , to o , but t h e i r

c u ltu r e achieved d i s t i n c t dominance i n o th e r a re a s o f th e B asin.

During th e A nte-bellum p e rio d , most s e t t l e r s based t h e i r s e le c tio n o f

s i t e s on access to m arket v ia r i v e r t r a n s p o r ta tio n . I n a d d itio n , th ey

observed t h a t in te rs tre a m a re a s s u ffe re d from se aso n al flo o d in g , o fte n

f o r c o n sid e ra b le p e rio d s . Both th e Upland and Lowland South groups

in volved them selves i n commercial a g r i c u lt u r e . A reas under Lowland South

in flu e n c e tended t o have l a r g e r farms and l a r g e r sla v e h o ld in g s. However,

even th e r e , t o t a l p ro d u c tio n , p ro d u ctio n p e r a c r e , la n d h o ld in g s, and

slav eh o ld in g s amounted to l e s s th an th o se found i n th e a d ja c e n t M is s is s ip p i

R iver p a rish es#

 At th e c lo s e of th e 1803-1860 e r a , much o f th e B asin rem ained v a ca n t.

I t i s l i k e l y th a t p o t e n t i a l Upland South m ig ra n ts , in p a r t i c u l a r , were

r e p e lle d by th e se a so n a l flo o d in g and rep u te d p rev alen ce of d is e a s e in

th e B asin, having, a s a group, l e s s e x p erien ce w ith low land c o n d itio n s

th an Lowland South m ig ra n ts.

While a c tiv e w ar c o n d itio n s a ffe c te d th e Basin only s l i g h t l y , th e

a re a d id undergo most o f th e d e trim e n ts o f R e c o n stru c tio n . Contemporary

o b serv ers b e lie v e d s e ttle m e n t was h indered by t h i s p e rio d of h a rd sh ip ,

and, i n r e tr o s p e c t, t h i s appears t o be a v a lid pronouncement.

C iv ic le a d e r s c a lle d f o r a t t r a c t i o n of sm all fa rm e rs, p a r t i c u l a r l y

a f t e r 1870, b o th from th e N orthern U nited S ta te s and fo re ig n n a tio n s .

They r e a liz e d some success i n th e form er c a se , b u t l i t t l e i n th e l a t t e r ;

most m ig ra n ts came from Upland South s e c tio n s of L ouisiana or th e South.

The p o st-w ar p e rio d seems m arked by improvements i n la n d tr a n s p o rta tio n

and d ra in a g e , and acq u ain tan ce w ith B asin c o n d itio n s by Upland South

groups.

The y e ars 1890 through 1930 saw in te n s iv e s e ttle m e n t by sm all

fa rm e rs, p rim a rily from Upland South a re a s . Success i n occupance was

achieved through a com bination o f c u ltu r a l and p h y sic a l c irc u m sta n ce s.

The new m ig ra n ts found s o i l s o f g r e a t f e r t i l i t y i n th e B asin . In

a d d itio n , th e y reco g n ized th e advantages o f commercial corp s p e c i a li ­

z a tio n , a c u lt u r a l m o d ific a tio n of sig n ific a n c e * a change from b a s ic

s u b s is te n c e a g r ic u ltu r e , w ith p a rt-tim e a c t i v i t i e s , such as h u n tin g and

se a so n a l employment. In a d d itio n , th e Upland South a v e rsio n to low land

occupance was overcome. Improved drain ag e and flo o d p r o te c tio n ,

r e s u ltin g from th e r e p a ir and e x te n sio n o f th e lev e e system s in a d ja c e n t

a re a s , g r e a t ly a id e d th e overthrow of t h i s a v e rsio n . C u ltu re change i s

 213

ex em p lified by members o f t h i s g ro u p 's rem aining i n th e Basin even a f t e r

e x p e rien c in g th e g re a t flo o d s of 1916 and 1927.

M igrants from th e Upland South, a lth o u g h they found them selves i n a

low land s i t u a t i o n , d id seek ou t th o se p a r ts o f th e B asin which had some

e le v a tio n , lo c a tin g p rim a rily in w est F ra n k lin P a rish on th e s e v e ra l

p r a i r i e s t h e r e , and i n e a s t F ra n k lin P a r is h and West C a r ro ll p a ris h on

Macon n id g e.

New communities sprang i n to e x is te n c e i n co n n ec tio n w ith Upland South

occupance and lum bering, alth o u g h m ost of th e s e dw indled in im portance,

and some d isap p eared in th e n ex t e ra , or became d is p e rs e d comm unities.

Some m ig ran ts B e ttle d i n th e towns of th e B asin, drawn by employment

in i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s . Most of th ese a c t i v i t i e s were tem porary.

Thus, so was s e ttle m e n t, alth o u g h some rem ained, e v e n tu a lly commuting to

Monroe o r elsew here in se a rc h of o th e r i n d u s t r i a l employment.

The e ra o f 1930 to th e p re s e n t saw continued m ig ra tio n , m o stly Upland

S o u th , through th e World War IT y e a r s . Even d u rin g th e s e y e a rs of a c tiv e

m ig ra tio n , p ro c e sse s and ev en ts were m odifying th e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of th e

Upland South newcomers. These ev en ts in clu d ed th e D epression, beginning

i n th e p rev io u s e ra , b u t c o n tin u in g in to th e e a r ly 1930's in th e B asin .

A nother was th e movement toward m echanization and la r g e r farm s, b o th r e ­

q u ir in g la rg e sums o f money, which th e se people commonly la c k e d . The

Upland South p easan t faim disap p eared and, w ith i t , much of th e t r a d i ­

t io n a l Upland South c u lt u r a l lan d scap e.

We f in d , to d ay , two groups o f Upland South in h a b ita n ts . The f i r s t

can be con sid ered orthodox, i n t h a t th e y r e t a i n some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s

common to th e h i s t o r i c Upland South or s im ila r t o su c h c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .

These c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s in clu d e occupance of humbler re sid e n c e s th an th o se

o f th e o th e r group, a g r i c u lt u r a l a c t i v i t i e s on a r e l a t i v e l y sm all s c a le ,
 21U

and ownership of liO t o 100 a c r e s , though more may be le a s e d . This group

i s c o n c e n tra te d on th e more e le v a te d s e c tio n s of th e B asin. O ften, th e

men, b u t more f r e q u e n tly , th e women, w i l l work s e a s o n a lly a t some o th e r

o ccu p atio n , e i t h e r i n th e B asin communities o r o u tsid e th e B asin. The

fu tu re o f t h i s group i n th e ^ a s in i s d o u b tfu l.

The second (m odified) group has taken up commercial farm ing on a

la r g e s c a le , employing th e l a t e s t in n o v atio n s in equipment and m ethods.

I t s members mey buy o r le a s e la n d beyond th e p o in t o f reaso n ab le in d e b t­

e d n ess. G e n e ra lly , th e s e people do no t y e t rank among th e le a d in g lan d ­

h o ld ers i n th e B a sin , b u t th r e a te n to a ch iev e such ranking because of

t h e i r energy and a g g re ss iv e n e s s. These in h a b ita n ts l i v e in la r g e , modem

houses. W hile many s t i l l l i v e i n e le v a te d a re a s , lowland occupance i s

in c re a s in g ly conmon.

D iffere n ce between th e two groups b ears l e s s r e l a t i o n to f in a n c ia l

re so u rc e s th an to liv i n g h a b it s , a t t i t u d e tow ard th e lan d and i t s u se ,

and a b i l i t y t o a d ju s t to change.

Lowland South s e ttle m e n t, which appears t o in clu d e th e Upland South

e l i t e among i t s members, shows a stro n g a f f i n i t y to th e Boeuf R iver

n a tu r a l le v e e s in R ichland and F ra n k lin p a ris h e s , and w ith p r a i r i e a re a s

i n Morehouse P a r is h . These in h a b ita n ts may l i v e i n re fu rb is h e d o ld e r

homes o r in v e iy la r g e new homes. Methods o f a g ric u ltu r e may g r e a tly

resem ble th o se o f th e m odified group o f Upland South, b u t lan d h o ld in g s

a re u s u a lly c o n sid e ra b ly l a r g e r . Both husband and w ife norm ally have

c o lle g e e d u c a tio n s, u s u a lly fro n schools of a h ig h r e p u ta tio n .

A rem arkable t r a i t i s common t o a l l th re e groups. This i s i d e n t i ­

f i c a t i o n of th e Boeuf B asin as a d i s t i n c t a re a o f n o rth e a s t L o u isian a.

This t r a i t sta n d s as e s p e c ia lly s i g n i f ic a n t i n l i g h t o f th e f a c t t h a t

c itiz e n s o f a d ja c e n t a re a s do n o t have c le a r concepts o f a se p a ra te a re a ,

 21$

co n sid e rin g i t to be l i t t l e d i f f e r e n t and sim ply a p a r t o f th e ad ja ce n t

O uachita V a lle y or M is s is s ip p i R iv er p a r is h e s . P erhaps th e Basin in h a b i­

ta n ts can more e a s i l y id e n tif y t h e i r a re a because of p h y sic a l l im i ts such

as stream s l i k e th e Bayou Macon, o r th e swamps between Monroe and th e

B asin. A gain, i d e n t i f i c a t i o n could be based upon a c q u a in ta n c e s1 and

a sso c ia tio n s * being predom inantly w ith in th e B asin , se ttle m e n t having

been lim ite d by occupied la n d s to th e e a s t and swamps to th e w e st.

Perhaps th e unique c h a ra c te r o f th e B asin i s due to i t s being i n th e

backw ater o f s e ttle m e n t u n t i l 1890. The wave of westward m ig ra tio n

g e n e ra lly passed i t by. I f in te n s iv e s e ttle m e n t had occu rred in th e a re a

50, o r even 2$, y e a rs p r io r to 1890, a p a tte r n of sm all farms m ight have

become dom inant. Coming when th e y d id , sm all farm ers found them selves

d isad v antaged by a conm ercial e ra in a g r ic u ltu r e f o r which th ey were i l l

equipped, i . e . , a sm all f in a n c ia l cushion o r none a t a l l . The l a t e

a r r i v a l o f g r e a t numbers o f sm all Upland S outh fa im e rs , an d t h e i r e v e n tu a l

f a i l u r e , m o d ific a tio n , or w ithdraw al has weakened th e Upland South image

in th e c u l t u r a l lan d scap e. Ease of access t o areas f a r and n e a r, w ith

v a r i e t i e s of in f lu e n c e s , e s p e c ia lly d uring t h i s p e rio d o f in te n s iv e

s e ttle m e n t, a ls o p lay ed an im p o rtan t p a r t i n the development of th e

B a s in 's c u lt u r e . Perhaps we see h ere a good example of e a r th and man

e v o lv in g to g e th e r, due to re c ip ro c a l in flu e n c e s (B arnes, 1921*333)*

However, o u tsid e and p erh a p s, nation-w ide in flu e n c e s a ls o played a p a r t ,

such as changing a g r i c u lt u r a l c o n d itio n s and th e D epression o f th e 1930*8.

The B asin in h a b ita n ts could have l i t t l e c o n tro l over th e s e in flu e n c e s .

A ll o f th e s e in flu e n c e s worked tow ard th e e lim in a tio n o f a stro n g and

t r a d i t i o n a l Upland South c u ltu r e p resen c e.

 Thus, th e Boeuf B asin p o ssesse s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t would seem to

s e t i t o ff frcm o th e r a re a s of th e s t a t e . P rim a rily Upland South i n

h e r ita g e , i t i s n e ith e r p u re ly Upland South nor Lowland South, alth o u g h

v e s tig e s o f b o th c u lt u r e s , p lu s h in ts o f a N orthern in flu e n c e , can be

found. Perhaps th e B asin should be c la ss e d as M iddle S outh. The term

seems to o sim p le, but no te i t s p h y sic a l p o s itio n between th e h i l l s and a

m ajor r i v e r , and i t s c o n s is te n tly in te rm e d ia te p o s itio n in p ro d u ctio n ,

farm u n it s i z e s , p o l i t i c a l view s, and c u lt u r a l landscape f e a tu r e s . It

ap p ears to be a c u l t u r a l backw ater, where d i f f e r i n g c u ltu r e s meshed and,

w ith m o d ific a tio n s i n each of th e c u lt u r e s , f lo u r is h e d .

 217

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Sartor, Mrs. J . R. Personal In terview , January 31, 1970.

W hatley, Dr. Edward G. Personal In te rv ie w , October 7, 1970.

Wiggins, L ouis. P erso n al In te rv ie w , November 21, 1970.

 VITA

John C larence Lewis was b o m in Akron, Ohio, on August 1 8 , 1930,

A fte r graduation from Akron South High School, in I9I48, he e n ro lle d in

th e U n iv e rsity o f Akron, Ohio, secu rin g th e B achelor of S cience degree

in music ed u catio n i n 1952.

A fte r a p erio d of m il i ta r y s e rv ic e and c i v i l employment, he ta u g h t

elem entary school in Cuyahoga F a l l s , Ohio, from 1958-1966. I n I960, h e

commenced grad u ate work a t Kent S ta te U n iv e rs ity in Kent, Ohio, re c e iv in g

th e M aster o f A rts degree in geography in 1965.

Work toward th e d o c to ra te a t L ouisiana S ta te U n iv e rs ity was begun in

th e summer o f 1967.

M r. Lewis has tau g h t a t N o rth east L ouisiana U n iv e rsity sin c e 1966

and has a ls o tau g h t a t th e U n iv e rsity of Akrcn and Kent S ta te U n iv e rs ity ,

Peimanent a d d re ss: 122 W estern Avenue

West Monroe, Louisiana 71291
 EXAMINATION AND TTECESIS R EPO RT

Candidate: John Clarence Lewis

Major Field: Geog' -phy

Title of Thesis: THE SETTLEMENT SUCCESSION OF THE BOEUF RIVER. BASIN, LOUISIANA

Approved:

[ajor Professor and Chairman

Dean of the 'aduate School

EXAMINING COMMITTEE:

f t ______

Date of Examination:

A p ril 12, 1973