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TECHNIQUES AND
ceramic pastes. The book provides an adequate framework for understanding
the way pottery production is organised and clarifies the meaning and role of the
pottery in archaeological and traditional societies.
SOCIETY IN POTTERY
The goal of this book is to encourage reflection, especially by those researchers who
face the analysis of ceramics for the first time, by providing a background for the
generation of their own research and formulate their own questions depending on
PRODUCTION
their concerns and interests. The three-part structure of the book allows readers
to move easily from the analysis of the reality and ceramic material culture to the
world of the ideas and theories and to develop a dialogue between data and their
interpretation.
THE TECHNOLOGICAL STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL
CERAMICS THROUGH PASTE ANALYSIS
Daniel Albero Santacreu,
is a Lecturer Assistant in the
University of the Balearic
Islands, member of the
Research Group Arqueo UIB
and the Ceramic Petrology
Group. He has carried out
the analysis of ceramics from
several prehistoric societies
placed in the Western Mediterranean, as well as
the study of handmade pottery from contem-
porary ethnic groups in Northeast Ghana.
www.degruyter.com
ISBN 978-3-11-041019-8
Daniel Albero Santacreu
Materiality, Techniques and Society in Pottery Production
The Technological Study of Archaeological Ceramics through Paste Analysis
Daniel Albero Santacreu
Materiality, Techniques
and Society in Pottery
Production
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 license,
which means that the text may be used for non-commercial purposes, provided credit is given to the
author. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/.
ISBN: 978-3-11-041019-8
e-ISBN: 978-3-11-041020-4
www.degruyteropen.com
Cover illustration: © Konkomba potter from the Northern Region of Ghana (Source: Arqueo UIB
Research Group).
To Lucía
2 Sampling Strategies 5
2.1 Limitations in the Sampling Strategy 7
3 Analytical Methods 11
3.1 Textural Analysis 12
3.2 Mineralogical Analysis 18
3.3 Petrographic Analysis 22
3.3.1 Determination of Petrogroups 23
3.3.2 Archaeological Application of Petrogroups 27
3.4 Chemical Analysis 29
3.4.1 Determination of Reference Groups 32
3.4.2 Point Chemical Analyses 36
3.5 Analysis of Microstructures 37
3.6 Micropaleontological Analysis 38
3.7 Other Analytical Techniques 41
3.8 Statistical Analysis 43
7 Clay Extraction 65
8 Paste Preparation 67
8.1 Clay Purification 67
8.2 Temper Addition 69
8.3 Clay Mixing 75
9 Forming Methods 77
10 Drying Process 80
11 Surface Treatments 82
12 Firing Process 87
12.1 Changes in the Clay Matrix during the Firing Process 90
12.2 Calcareous Pastes 93
12.3 Pastes Rich in Organic Matter 98
12.4 Non-calcareous Pastes 100
12.5 Firing Atmosphere 101
broad and solid dataset from which we can develop different interpretations about
the society that created and/or used the pottery.
Therefore, studies focused on archaeological ceramics have been substantially
enriched by the implementation of chemical, physical and mineralogical analyses. This
improvement has enabled us to transcend the analytical scales and the information
that used to be obtained by less sophisticated macroscopic methods or the typological
classification of the vessels. Thus, the use of archaeometric analytical techniques
has allowed us to increase the data available concerning the material culture of past
societies (Cordero et al., 2006; Jones, 2002). The advantages of ceramic archaeometry
for addressing many archaeological enquiries resulted, especially since the 1980s, in
the consolidation and continued improvement of research methodologies based on
physicochemical analysis. At the same time, we have witnessed the emergence of new
analytical techniques, which allow a more accurate approach to the manufacturing
techniques and the composition of the artefacts.
Moreover, most archaeometric techniques provide the possibility to approach
the materials both in qualitative and quantitative terms. This ability encouraged, in
addition to the application of these scientific and technical advances, the emergence
of statistical analysis and regulated descriptions in the study of materials (Vidal,
2008a). The quantitative nature of archaeometry, especially when linked with
statistics, allows establishing the degree of variability of the pottery features with
greater efficiency. Hence, archaeometry and statistical analysis are complementary
and provide an operational method to face aspects such as the technological change
or the organization of production.
However, the use of archeometric analyses does not necessarily involve deeper
interpretations of material culture or further knowledge regarding past societies. In
this way, a solid theoretical framework (of which archaeometry is a methodological
tool) is an absolutely indispensable starting point to properly approach past societies.
In consequence, the archaeometric characterization of pottery technology must start
from a number of basic assumptions related to specific archaeological and historical
concerns. Therefore, the research should start by setting the theoretical framework
that is going to determine the methodology and, particularly in ceramic archaeometry,
the combination of several analytical techniques used to collect data (Jones, 2002,
2004).
However, it cannot be forgotten that any explanation of the past should based on
the thorough study of the archaeological artefacts, their manufacturing processes and
the analysis of the contexts of their production and use. This phase of the research is
absolutely necessary, since the archaeological background is, in its essence, material.
It is at this level of analysis where archaeometry can play a decisive role. In practice,
archaeometry is an analytical option that potentially allows obtaining large amounts
of information from each sample tested. The sheer volume of information provided
makes it possible to deal not only with a diversity of phenomena but also with the
complexity embedded in material culture.
4 Introduction: Ceramic Archaeometry and Paste Analysis
This book focuses on the study of pottery production and most of the issues
that it entails basically through the archaeometric analysis of ceramic pastes and
fabrics. The archaeometric characterization of fabrics mainly focuses on defining
the petrological, mineralogical, chemical and textural composition of the vessels. In
this sense, compositional analyses which can be performed with a huge variety of
techniques and methods are of paramount importance to address the characteristics
of the ceramic objects. Thus, in this first section the main types of studies and
methods commonly used in archaeology to accomplish the analysis of ceramic
materials and the range of variables that are usually recorded will be exposed. Also,
the archaeological significance that each method has in the study of the ceramic
record will be highlighted.
Therefore, we will not approach the many analytical techniques that are
associated with each of these compositional analyses and their basic scientific
and technical foundations. This greatly exceeds the goals and expectations of this
book. Moreover, this information has already been repeatedly collected in several
monographs on ceramics (e.g., Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Orton et al., 1993; Rice, 1987;
Sheppard, 1971; Velde and Druc, 1999) or in volumes addressing analytical methods
in archaeology (e.g., Banning, 2005; Esparza and Cárdenas, 2005; Hurcombe, 2007a;
Sutton and Arkush, 2002). In any case, some works of a technical nature that must
be consulted in order to deal with each type of archaeometric analysis that may be
applied to ceramics will be pointed out.
Finally, we must consider the complementarity existing between the different
types of studies, methods and techniques commonly applied in the pottery analysis
(e.g., typological and archaeometric analysis, see Chapter 3). This combination is
advisable, since it implies the application of a more rigorous and complex scientific
approach that combines several scales of analysis (Jones, 2002). No technique
or method accomplishes by itself all the requirements needed to properly study
material culture. The information obtained with a single technique is limited and
insufficient to approximate all the technological aspects of ceramics. The study of
pottery should be multidisciplinary, so that the conjunction of different methods
and analytical perspectives (e.g., ethnoarchaeology and experimentation with
archaeological studies, or combining chemical and petrographic analyses) provide
a greater number of findings that makes our inferences about material culture more
significant. Consequently, most researchers currently complement the potential of
chemical, mineralogical and petrographic studies with other analytical approaches.
The combination of several methods provides consistent information regarding
ceramic technology that increases the knowledge potentially available to address the
dynamics involving the production, use and exchange processes (Tite, 2008).
2 Sampling Strategies
When we aim to study the ceramic record of one or more archaeological sites, normally
large populations of pottery fragments have to be faced. First of all, before starting
the archaeometric study of ceramic pastes and fabrics, it is advisable to select the
samples to be analysed. This selection must be done keeping in mind archaeological
or statistical considerations (see Orton, 2000). Thus, the criteria involved in
selecting samples must be directly related to the theoretical issues and objectives
to be achieved in the research, being focused especially towards obtaining specific
information. The sampling strategy is important because, in addition to responding
to a series of starting statements and influencing the scale of interpretation, it also
limits or expands the methods and analytical techniques that can be applied in the
study of ceramics. The sample selection criteria are chosen with a view to obtaining
archaeological information, but they are also subject to certain constraints. In this
respect, ceramic samples related, for instance, to different archaeological contexts
or sites are usually selected. These sites are often assigned to the same or different
chronologies, either in order to perform diachronic and synchronic approaches
to the characteristics of the pottery assemblages, or to develop morphological and
typological associations, and so forth.
Diverse types of materials can also be selected in order to perform comparisons.
Sample selection should be open to the many ways ceramics can be understood from
the material sciences and not restricted to only the vessels themselves (Banning,
2005). Thus, authors such as Kingery (1984) broadly define ceramics as the art and
technology related to the manufacture of all those mud products to which heat is
applied. This definition implies expanding ceramic studies to a wide variety of
materials that should be also considered in archaeometrical analysis: adobe bricks,
mud for architectural roof waterproofing, loom weights, clay coatings, toys, clay for
body painting, construction materials, clay ecofacts, clay as medicine or drugs (see
Aguzzi et al., 2007; Browman, 2004), etc. In all these cases we refer to more or less
solid products, manufactured in cold and hardened by heat (Morales, 2005).
In this way, although the pottery is one of the most frequently found and studied
materials within the archaeological record, in many archeometric research (e.g.,
Albero and Garcia, 2010; Capel, 1983, 1986; Carmona et al., 2008; Gherdán and Horváth,
2009; Kovács et al., 2009; Sofaer, 2006; Spataro, 2006; Starnini and Szakmány, 2009;
Szákmany and Starnini, 2007) other mud artefacts such as loom weights and adobe
bricks as well as other construction materials are also analysed. As pointed out by M.
Tite (1999, 2008), it is through the comparison of the materials and techniques used
in the production of several types of mud artefacts that we will be able to address
concerns related to ceramic technology and raw material management as a whole.
Thus, this analytical strategy allows a better understanding of the interrelationships
that exist between different technologies.
6 Sampling Strategies
Any sampling strategy may have several constraints arising from the archaeological
practice itself, which often precludes a selection of those samples that are able to
provide more information. The kind of samples available also affects the sort of
analysis that can be performed and, therefore, the resulting data. On one hand, we
have to be aware that in any archaeometric investigation the analytical possibilities
are necessarily limited by the available infrastructure and funding. Archaeometrists
frequently apply technical instruments that are also used for other scientific
disciplines and purposes. This means that the parameters that can be recorded and
the procedures used are often beyond the control of these scientists. Hence, using one
or another method will also depend on the techniques and procedures available in
the laboratories at hand (Baxter and Jackson, 2001; Pollard et al., 2007).
In any case, even when there are some methodological limitations arising from
sample selection possibilities or the equipment available in the laboratories, it is
always worth undertaking the archaeometric analysis. For instance, interesting
archaeological results about the technology of the artefacts have been obtained by
means of semi-quantitative X-ray fluorescence analysis or using only 10 to 13 chemical
elements (e.g., Albero, 2011a; Carmona et al., 2008; Maritan et al., 2005b; Speakman
8 Sampling Strategies
et al., 2011). Sometimes, it is just the combination of a few specific chemical elements
which allows reading the data and which facilitates the analysis, interpretation and
presentation of the results (Baxter and Jackson, 2001; Schneider and Daszkiewicz,
2006; Taubald, 2009). In short, it is possible to obtain valuable archaeological results
just knowing a partial quantification of the materials (Milazzo, 2004). Actually,
the use of variables that are irrelevant in the interpretation of the data structures
may complicate the identification of significant patterns. In this sense, one should
distinguish between all the variables recorded in the analysis and the particular
variables that are useful to properly interpret it. However, it is more advisable to
analyse as many variables as possible, since we usually do not know a priori which
ones are going to be the most effective to explain the data.
On the other hand, given the destructive nature of most archaeometric analyses,
a compromise should be agreed upon between museum curators and scientific
researchers. We can summarize the discussion on the preponderance of either
materialist or conservationist criteria over the scientific research. This controversy
has fostered a great development of non-destructive methods and techniques in
archaeometry in recent decades. For instance, the use of spectrometers and specific
software in X-ray fluorescence (XRF) analysis designed to record effectively small
quantities of a sample as well as non-destructive portable instruments is becoming
widespread in the chemical analysis of ceramics. Although not without constraints,
these kinds of instruments provides analyses with good detection limits, qualitatively
reliable results and allows accurate determinations of the relative concentrations of
the elements detected in the samples. However, this conflict limits the accuracy and
the sort of information that can be obtained from the samples selected for analysis in
most cases, especially those coming from museum collections. Thus, while elemental
analyses with limited accuracy can provide interesting data concerning the chemical
composition of the artefacts, they also have some limitations and margins of error that
compromise the established groups (Fernández and García Heras, 2007; Mommsen,
2004; Pollard et al., 2007; Speakman et al., 2011; Warren and Shadforth, 1999).
This situation ultimately affects the possibility of archaeometric analyses to act
with all its scientific potential. Actually, this is a pointless discussion because such
archaeometric methods generate best practices in the management of archaeological
materials. On one hand, the archaeometric analysis increases the available information
about objects and people, thus allowing better and more complex interpretations of
the past. In this way, the study of the archaeological materials favours the possibility
to generate and disseminate deeper and updated knowledge within the museums. On
the other hand, the analyses conducted by means of archeometric techniques also
provide key information regarding the composition of the artefacts. This compositional
signature of the materials can be very useful to the curators to the extent that it
allows them to design more effective strategies for restoration and conservation of
the archaeological ceramics. Therefore, in an ideal situation, museums themselves
should carry out the proper techniques and instruments for characterising different
Limitations in the Sampling Strategy 9
kinds of materials (Albero, 2013; Cristiani, 2009; Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Emami et al.,
2008; Janssens et al., 2000; Pollard et al., 2007; Scott, 2001; Trojanowicz, 2008).
The development of archaeometric studies on ceramic materials coming
from old excavations that have remained stored in museum collections and were
rejected for research purposes is often problematic. When these materials are well
contextualised, its study makes it possible to update and incorporate into current
enquiries artefacts that are unique and special by their context and often also by
their excellent conservation. Another problem that researchers have to face is the
impossibility of selecting the best preserved pottery vessels, such as those having
full profiles. In almost all cases, sample selection must be compulsorily performed in
consensus with the museum curators. This means that, in many occasions, only those
sherds in which their removal will not cause any problems for later restorations of the
pottery vessels are able to be selected. Furthermore, researchers may seek to recover
the ceramic fragments which are rejected once the vessels have been restored.
These constraints determine the amount of sample available, one aspect that can
affect the analytical strategy and the quality of the results obtained. Often ceramic
samples accessible to researchers are small, highly fragmented and extremely eroded
(Pollard et al., 2007). Although we can take advantage of the amount of sample
that is usable, for example using the same powder prepared from crushed sherds
for mineralogical analyses again in subsequent chemical analysis, the amount of
sample available is usually limited. This limitation occurs, for instance, in pottery
vessels with full profile that are already restored and in which the amount of sherds
remaining after the restoration process is very low.
These problems are relevant when sampling, since the amount of the sample
analysed becomes a key aspect in order to validate the archaeometric studies on
ceramics. This aspect has direct consequences in the instruments and methods
potentially available to perform the analysis. In addition to conditioning the
representativeness of pottery analysis, the amount of sample available determines
the number of techniques that can be applied as well as the type of information
to be obtained from each sample. In this sense, there is some controversy about
how representative one sherd is regarding the whole composition of a vessel. To a
large extent, representativeness of the sample will be strongly conditioned by the
homogeneity of the paste (Betts, 1982; Darvill and Timby, 1982). In this sense, no
analysis of a ceramic sherd is 100% representative of the paste composition of the
whole vessel. Thus, we have to be aware of the advantages and limitations related to
the methods applied in the compositional characterization (Bishop et al., 1990).
As several authors have pointed out (Gibson and Woods, 1990; Spataro, 2002;
Weymouth, 1973), prehistoric ceramics fired at low temperatures and with high
porosity also have greater fabric heterogeneity. This internal variability is derived
from the use of coarse, heterogeneous raw materials which are poorly prepared.
This type of fabric differs from more standardised wheel-made productions that are
usually much finer and homogeneous. Therefore, in coarse hand-made ceramics it
10 Sampling Strategies
should be considered and accepted that the analyses performed and the data obtained
refer only to a particular area of the vessel. This area is partially representative of
the ceramic composition and not of the whole vessel. This fact may compromise,
in some cases, quantitative comparisons undertaken between different samples as
well as among different types of archaeometric analysis. That is why the amount
of sample recommended when analysing the chemical composition of coarse and
heterogeneous ceramics must be large (Mommsen, 2004). Samples over 10 g are
considered to be representative of the whole vessel in these kinds of pottery fabrics
(Cau, 2003). Likewise, it is advisable to increase the number of samples analysed for
each pottery. However, removing several samples from different parts of the same
vessel can be difficult, especially when there is only a little amount of pottery vessel
available.
3 Analytical Methods
Macroscopic approaches of the ceramic record are essential in any archaeological
research and indispensable in the study of many aspects of pottery such as
modelling techniques, typology, surface treatments, firing process, decorative
patterns and style. However, the application of microscopic and compositional
analyses is also necessary to approach in depth the technology and study of
ceramic pastes and fabrics. These analyses allow further classifications of the
vessels that can be meaningfully related to different technological dynamics and
distribution patterns.
From an analytical viewpoint, the archaeometric characterization of the
petrographic, mineralogical, textural and chemical composition of the paste
makes available a basis for the creation of ceramic fabrics and compositional
groups associated with specific technological features. It is required to study
the matrix, inclusions and tempers that compose the ceramic body in order to
determine a pottery fabric. In this sense, the systematic use of several analytical
methods and techniques that provide complementary information allows us to
approach the study of the ceramic as a whole. Thus, the study of the pottery can
be initiated, for example, by means of the macroscopic observations of the record
in order to subsequently undertake mineralogical, petrographic, textural and
chemical analysis.
The presence of analytical research that integrates different and varied
methods and techniques has become quite usual in ceramic archeometry (Spataro,
2006; Tite, 1999; Turbanti, 2004). Thus, the implementation of several methods
provides stronger evidence and further information about pottery pastes and
fabrics, allowing us to overcome the constraints involved in the use of a single
technique. For instance, we can compare the different pottery groups established
by means of chemical analysis with those recognised through petrography. The
combination of both techniques allows us to confirm the chemical groupings
and to learn the differences that exist between these groups in optical terms.
In addition, as discussed above, the complementary use of several analytical
techniques also permits us to address issues related to different interpretative
scales (Jones, 2002).
In the following sections textural, petrographic, mineralogical, chemical
and micropaleontological analyses in ceramic studies will be approached. Such
analyses are widely used in the characterization of the ceramic composition at
different stages. Thus, the usefulness of each one of these analyses in the study of
raw material origin, paste preparation, modelling techniques, surface treatments,
firing process or post-depositional alterations is going to be highlighted. Also,
special attention will be paid to their role within pottery studies and their
archaeological implications.
12 Analytical Methods
Minerals and rock fragments occurring in clays1 are provided by various transport
processes and deposited in different depositional environments, and they therefore
experience dissimilar erosion cycles. The depositional environment and the erosion
by water flows as well as other erosive agents determine changes in the morphology
and grain size of the sediment used to produce the pottery. In this way, each clay
deposit has a characteristic grain size that distinguishes it from others. These erosion
cycles determine then the relative ratio of the constituent particles and the texture
of the clay. The texture is a parameter that involves complex mechanical effects and
influences the final properties of the materials. Thus, for example, clays improve
their plasticity through long periods of exposure to weathering, where variations in
temperature and humidity cause physicochemical alterations in the materials and
promote the formation of finer fractions (Ferrari and Gualtieri, 2006; Rice, 1987).
Hence, the characterization of the sediments by particle grain size analysis provides
important information about the environment in which the sediment was deposited
and its degree of alteration (Hein et al., 2004a).
The clays used in pottery production are composed by both clay matrix and
inclusions. In some cases, organic and mineral tempers can be also present alongside
this raw material. The clay matrix is a more or less continuous phase in which other
components such as inclusions and tempers are placed. Inclusions are non-plastic
particles naturally occurring in clays, while tempers are non-plastic materials
intentionally added to the paste by potters. Despite this distinction, the two last
components are both part of the coarse fraction of the paste. In this way, texture
analysis mainly refers to the percentage of fine and coarse fractions occurring in the
paste and especially to the characterization of its inclusions and tempers by means
of variables such as frequency, grain size, particle shape, sorting and roundness
(Echallier, 1984; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Morales, 2005; Orton et al., 1993; Potter
et al., 2005; Rice, 1987; Velde and Druc, 1999).
The particle grain size distribution of the non-plastic components and their
sorting degree are key variables in textural analysis of archaeological ceramics. The
estimation of “unimodal” or “bimodal” grain size distributions within the coarse
fraction can be crucial to identify the presence of tempers in the paste (Velde, 2005).
The grain size distribution of a crushed rock or mineral may be also “polymodal” or
a “seriated texture”. These terms refer to coarse fractions that have a wide range of
grain sizes that grade into each other. This kind of texture distribution is considered
1 There is abundant literature which has dealt with the physicochemical, structural and crystallogra-
phic features of clays (e.g., Besoain, 1985; Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Echalier, 1984; Gibson and Woods,
1990; Linares et al., 1983; Pollard and Heron, 2008; Rice, 1987; Searle and Grimshaw, 1959; Shepard,
1971; Velde and Druc, 1999; Worrall, 1975).
Textural Analysis 13
bimodal and also as proof that temper was probably added to the clay. Determining
whether a temper is added to the paste entails combining the grain size distribution
with other variables such as the amount and angularity of the non-plastic inclusions
occurring in the paste (Gibson and Woods, 1990; Maggetti, 1982).
On the one hand, the analysis of these textural parameters allows the
characterization of the granulometry of the fabric as well as to establish textural
differences between ceramics that exhibit analogous mineralogical composition.
Thus, variations in particle size, shape and proportion of the non-plastic components
may help to group the samples and establish some technological features in pottery
vessels related to a close origin or that were produced using very similar materials and
techniques. Consequently, textural analysis is expected to be particularly efficient
when several fabrics with different textures are present in the archaeological record
(Betts, 1982; Darvill and Timby, 1982; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Middleton et al., 1985;
Tucker, 1991; Velde and Druc, 1999).
On the other hand, the textural analysis allows us to approach some physical
properties of raw materials and pastes, for instance their plasticity. In this sense, the
finer the clay fraction of the sediment the higher the surface area of the clay minerals;
and the plasticity of the raw material therefore increases as well (Bernal et al., 2003;
Ferrari and Gualtieri, 2006; Morales, 2005). In this sense, we can consider that 15% of
clay mineral particles up to 2 µm in size will provide some plasticity to the paste (Rice,
1987). In this regard, most silty clay deposits relate well with raw materials usually
used in the pottery production, as happens, for example, with the tertiary clays
currently exploited in Sardinia (Strazzera et al., 1997) or Brazil (Souza et al., 2005).
Summing up, the determination of textural parameters has become one of the
bases in the characterization of clay raw materials2 and archaeological ceramics.
Thus, it is usual to perform granulometric studies in order to identify several human
actions involved in clay procurement and paste preparation as well as in the use of
artefacts.
There has been significant methodological development since the 1980s regarding
the protocols used in textural analysis3. Until the relatively recent introduction of
image analysis, texture of ceramics was basically studied following two types of
procedures. On the one hand, through qualitative comparative tables developed from
sedimentological studies (e.g., Barraclough, 1992; Matthew et al., 1991; Tucker, 1991).
2 There are numerous studies that have performed granulometric analysis on raw materials that are
used in the ceramic production (e.g., Besoain, 1985; Capel, 1986; Carretero et al., 2002; Carter, 2002;
Duitama et al., 2004; Hussein et al., 1999; Jordan et al., 2000; Mahmoudi et al., 2008; Matson, 1989;
Morales, 2005).
3 Examples of the different methods and some discussion about their main problems can be found in
Betts, 1982; Capel et al., 1982; Cau et al., 2004; Darvill and Timby, 1982; Freestone, 1991; García Heras
et al., 2001; Livingood and Cordell, 2009; Matthew et al., 1991; Middleton et al., 1985; Orton et al., 1993;
Rafferty and Galaty, 2002; Stoltman, 1989; Stoltman, 2001; Streeten, 1982; Tucker, 1991.
14 Analytical Methods
only slightly stand out from the background in which they are located (Cordell and
Livingood, 2009; García del Amo, 2000).
Once the objects are detected and edited, the image is segmented according to a
procedure based on binary logics that permits us to extract a new image in which only
those pixels associated with the selected items are present (Fig. 3.1). A large number of
parameters for each object (e.g., area, perimeter, length, width, elongation, sphericity)
can be automatically measured in this binary image following a routine procedure
(Polvorinos et al., 2001). The percentage in volume of the non-plastic components
present in the paste can be also estimated following specific mathematical formulas
(García del Amo, 2000).
Figure 3.1: A) Microphotograph taken with binocular microscope of a coarse textured pottery with
calcite crystals added as temper (Image width = 10.5 mm). B) Segmented binary image acquired
through image analysis with the pixels related to calcite grains already detected.
Several authors have highlighted the usefulness of image analysis in ceramic and
other archaeometric studies4, especially in textural approaches. Data generated by
this technique allow comparisons of the total amount of non-plastic inclusions and
their particle size between different samples. Therefore, besides being complementary
to traditional petrographic study, the estimation of quantitative textural parameters
such as percentage, area, perimeter and orientation of the particles have to be
considered valid in its own. Moreover, image analysis is a potentially effective method
to identify the mixture of clays and the addition of temper to the paste. These actions
are identified by recognising certain characteristics in the type, size and frequency of
the non-plastic components (Velde and Druc, 1999; Velde, 2005).
In the same way, we can quantify the porosity of the ceramics through volume
measurements (Steponaitis, 1984). Thus, textural analyses also comprise the study
of the porosity and the percentage of voids in volume that are present in the ceramic
body. It is important to take this parameter into consideration as it influences the
physical properties of the vessels. On one hand, recording the porosity the consistency
of a pottery, which in part depends on the amount and size of the pores, it is indirectly
approximated. On the other hand, the amount and type of pores indicates the
capillary absorption capacity of the vessels (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Morales, 2005;
Rice 1987; Seva and Almiñana, 1996; Tsetlin, 2003a). Mercury porosimetry (see e.g.,
Seva and Almiñana, 1996; Whittemore and Halsey, 1983) provides precise information
on the size and distribution of the pores as well as the apparent density of the fabric.
However, the percentage of apparent porosity and water absorption in fired samples
can be also calculated by the water saturation method (Carter, 2002; Chávez and
Johns, 1995; Mahmoudi et al., 2008; Morales, 2005; Tsetlin, 2003a).
In short, several procedures can be used to determine the texture of
archaeological ceramics. All of them have some advantages and disadvantages and
require different levels of sample preparation, research skills and training, as well as
human and material resources. Petrographic microscope and thin sections are used
in most textural studies while others examine directly ceramic cross-sections under
a binocular microscope. If the textural analysis is performed through a binocular
microscope it is necessary to use fresh cross-sections of the pottery in order to clearly
see its features and components. On the one hand, the observation of fresh cross
sections under a binocular microscope can expand the number of samples analysed
and reduce time investment, avoiding also the cost of making large amounts of thin
sections. Furthermore, the use of sherds themselves allows examining larger ceramic
sections at low magnifications. Thus, the area studied and the amount of non-plastic
4 See, for instance, Adán et al. (2003); Fieller (1991); García del Amo (2000); Livingood and Cordell
(2009); Middleton et al. (1985); Orton et al. (1993); Pijoan et al. (2002, 2004), Polvorinos (2001); Pol-
vorinos et al.(2001, 2005); Reedy (2008); Sestier et al. (2005); Tucker (1991); Velde and Druc (1999);
Whitbread (1991).
18 Analytical Methods
5 A detailed description of X-ray diffraction and key concepts on crystallography can be found in
Brindley and Brown (1980) or Jenkins and Snyder (1996).
Mineralogical Analysis 19
relative reliability, the main minerals that exist in the ceramic, their quantity and the
structural changes they have undergone (Brindley and Brown, 1980; Cardoso et al.,
2005; Hughes et al., 2002; Jenkins and Snyder, 1996; Moore and Reynolds, 1989;
Sheppard, 1971; Tite, 2008; Weymouth, 1973).
Although it is possible to obtain an X-ray diffractogram through non-destructive
procedures, ceramics are usually ground in order to homogenize and standardize the
samples with the aim to favour semi-quantitative comparisons (Weymouth, 1973). The
appropriate preparation of the sample determines in part the quality and accuracy of
the analysis. The ideal sample should have a crystal size up to 10 µm; the ceramics can
be ground in agate mortars or by ball mills as well as pulverisers in order to achieve
this grain size.
Interpretation of X-ray diffraction patterns provides the broad mineralogical
composition of the ceramics. Furthermore, this method makes available information
related to some features and properties of the pottery as well as other technological
aspects such as their provenance or firing temperature. That is the reason why the
use of this technique for archaeological purposes is quite widespread in ceramic
studies and has been applied systematically from the 1990s, both in the mineralogical
analysis of archaeological artefacts and for clay raw materials. As already mentioned,
mineralogical analysis by XRD permits us to identify the main crystalline phases
occurring in ceramics and clays. Moreover, the detection of certain mineral phases,
such as the clay minerals, is only available by this method, especially if oriented
aggregate mounts are performed. Qualitative estimations achieved through the
identification of crystalline phases associated with primary and secondary peaks
present in the diffractograms allow the classifying of samples into groups according
to their mineralogical features (Tite, 2008).
The mineralogical phases occurring in the ceramics can be divided into the
following phases:
a) Primary Phases: relate to mineral phases that were present in the ceramics before
the firing and, therefore, have not undergone any change during the heating
process. Thus, X-ray diffraction permits to identify even the smallest minerals
existing in the paste, such as clay minerals. To avoid terminological confusion it
is necessary to distinguish between the term “clay fraction” used previously in
granulometric studies with the term “clay minerals” used in mineralogy. The first
term refers to the grain fraction of the sediment that is up to 2 µm in size, regardless
of the minerals. In contrast, in mineralogy, clay minerals (illite, chlorite, kaolinite,
etc.) are compounds whose crystalline structure is formed from a stack of layers
of tetrahedral and octahedral sheets that are linked by residual bonds or water
molecules. Thus, even though the clay minerals normally have sizes below 2 µm,
their size is not necessarily limited to this fraction. In addition, many other non-
plastic minerals such as quartz and feldspars are likely to show a size that is equal
to or less than 2 µm (Besoain, 1985; Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Martineau et al., 2007).
20 Analytical Methods
b) N
eo-formed Phases: are related to crystalline phases that occur in the ceramics as a
result of reactions in solid or gaseous state during the firing process depending on
the maximum temperature and the time of exposure to higher temperatures. These
aspects involve the formation of hi-temperature minerals such as plagioclase,
gehlenite, diopside, hematite, wollastonite, pyroxene, etc. Throughout the
study of primary, secondary (vide infra) and neo-formed mineral phases we can
establish the equivalent or estimated firing temperature of the pottery (Capel, 1983;
Linares et al., 1983; Ortega et al., 2005; Riederer, 2004; Tite, 1969, 2008). Moreover,
archaeological samples can be analysed experimentally by means of X-ray
diffractometers equipped with a high-temperature chamber. The purpose of these
experiments is to observe which changes occur in the mineralogical composition
of the sample as it is exposed to a certain heating rate, temperatures and duration
before developing the X-ray diffraction pattern. This kind of experiment determines
which high temperature minerals develop in the pottery, so that the patterns
obtained can be compared with the mineral phases observed in archaeological
ceramics (e.g., Buxeda and Cau, 1995; Buxeda et al., 2002; Schwedt et al., 2006).
c) Secondary Phases: Amorphous phases (e.g., glass) that develop when pottery is
fired at certain temperatures can give place, under specific conditions of pressure
and humidity, to the emergence of silicates, hydrated aluminasilicates, salts
and zeolites. These components are formed during the process of deposition,
recovery and storage of ceramics and their presence depends on the intensity of
the weathering conditions to which the sherds have been exposed as well as the
amount of easily alterable compounds existing in the paste. Thus, new mineral
phases detectable by XRD can crystallise in the ceramic after manufacturing
and use processes. The detection of secondary minerals is important to make an
adequate interpretation of the technology used in the materials samples, but also
to undertake more suitable conservation and restoration procedures involving the
pottery vessels (Buxeda et al., 2002; Capel, 1983; De La Fuente, 2008; Schwedt et al.,
2006; Turbanti, 2004).
beams of a magnitude significantly greater than the conventional XRD, thus allowing
high resolution X-ray powder diffractions (HRPD). This higher resolution enables an
accurate measurement of crystal cell parameters and estimations of the particle size
through the features of the diffraction lines. The identification of even the marginal
mineral phases occurring in the fabric permits, therefore, more precise mineralogical
characterizations of the samples, especially when this technique is combined with
quantitative approaches such as the Rietveld method.
The use of petrographic analysis in archaeology was first documented in the second
half of the nineteenth century (Worley, 2009) and has since become a widely used
technique, especially in ceramic analysis6. This optical method permits us to identify
the minerals, rock fragments and other materials (e.g., organic matter or microfossils)
which are present in the coarse fraction of the sample. In addition, the texture,
porosity, orientation, frequency and morphology of each of these components in
the paste are usually recorded. This technique also focuses on certain aspects of
the fabric microstructure, thus referring to the characteristics of the clay matrix
too. Therefore, the petrographic study of ceramics provides information on two
parameters: the petrographic composition and the structure of the ceramic fabric. The
complementarity of both parameters allows the determination of specific petrofabrics,
taxonomic categories that distinguish between ceramic groups depending on their
particular composition, technology and origin (Banning, 2005; Capel and Delgado,
1978; De La Fuente, 2007; Freestone, 1991, 1995; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Peterson,
2009; Quinn, 2013; Reedy, 1994, 2008; Riederer, 2004; Riley, 1982; Stoltman, 2001;
Tite, 2008).
Petrological analysis is performed by means of a petrographic microscope
using polarised transmitted light7 which incorporates a polariser filter, a removable
polariser filter called the analyser and a rotating stage. These filters allow seeing the
thin section in plane polarised light (PPL) and cross polarised light (XPL), where the
waves, in contrast to ordinary light, vibrate in only one plane. The rotatable analyser
can be inserted and removed changing the planes of light vibration. When the sample
analyser is inserted the thin section is observed in XPL, if we remove the sample with
the analyser inserted there will be no light at the microscope, since the polarised
6 Pioneering research using this technique in ceramics can be found in Sheppard (1971), Courtois
(1976), Williams (1982) and Howard (1982). For an evolution and state of the art of its application see,
for instance, Peterson (2009) and Quinn (2013).
7 However, when studying opaque minerals reflected light is usually also used (Nesse, 1991; Riede-
rer, 2004).
Petrographic Analysis 23
light emerging is blocked by the analyser. In order to study ceramics by this method
thin sections are required. These sections are usually perpendicular to the vessel
margins but can also be vertical or tangential to them (Whitbread, 1996; Woods,
1985). Samples have to be mounted and polished to obtain a thin section at least up
to 30 µm, when quartz crystals have a grey-white first-order interference colours. This
thickness allows the light to go through the different minerals, so that observing the
way the light interacts with the crystals it is possible to establish several features that
allow mineral identification (Courtois, 1976; Kerr, 1959; Mackenzie and Adams, 1994;
Mackenzie and Guildford, 1980; Nesse, 1991; Peterson, 2009; Quinn, 2013; Reedy,
2008; Riederer, 2004).
The microscope can incorporate a micrometer to perform the textural analysis of
the samples and to record the particle size of the minerals identified. The percentage
of each mineral observed in a thin section is usually estimated against comparative
tables widely used in petrological analysis of ceramics as well as through the point
counting procedure explained earlier (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Mathew et al., 1991;
Orton et al., 1993; Stoltman, 2001). In any case, as noted, it is increasingly common to
combine automatic methods such as image analysis with the petrographic microscope
to perform the textural analysis of the sections (García del Amo, 2000; Livingood and
Cordell, 2009; Reedy, 2008; Whitbread, 1991).
Normally, when the petrological analysis of the ceramic record is performed, the
strategy consists in classifying the samples into petrofabrics or petrogroups rather
than describing each sample individually. The establishment of pottery groups
based on petrological features can be made with automated statistical procedures
or non-automated categorical groupings, having each procedure certain benefits and
problems (Cau et al., 2004; Middleton et al., 1991; Whitbread, 1991).
It is difficult to establish fixed and universal parameters that define the petrogroups
since, usually, two ceramic specimens are never exactly alike (Middleton et al., 1991;
Orton et al., 1993). This fact involves that petrological analysis is developed with certain
subjectivity derived from the grouping strategies used by the researcher. Also some
subjectivity arises when the researcher introduces changes in the grouping criteria as
a result of the addition of new samples for analysis. Thus, a classification system which
is efficient for a set of samples may not be suitable for another. So, the determination
of petrogroups requires a flexible system to simultaneously and accurately describe
the features that characterize each group as well as its internal variability. In this
regard, non-automatic categorical groupings do not admit statistical analysis of the
data that provide a more accurate sorting of the samples. However, this qualitative
procedure has the advantage of allowing greater flexibility for the creation of groups
and a better connection to particular archaeological enquiries (Whitbread, 1991).
24 Analytical Methods
These advantages favour the formation of assemblages that closely match the scale of
analysis required by the materials and the research.
In any case, the description of the petrographic composition should entail
consensus among researchers in order to establish groups that are comprehensible
and comparable with other ceramic records. Currently, the procedure developed
by Ian Whitbread (1986, 1989, 1995) that combines foundations from sedimentary
petrology, ceramic petrology and soil micromorphology is the one most commonly
used to describe the petrological features of archaeological ceramics. His routine
allows a method for determining which groups are consistent with each other,
while also reflecting their internal variability. As noted, a ceramic assemblage can
be petrographically classified into groups (called petrogroups or petrofabrics)
and subgroups according to some shared characteristics in their composition. The
petrological sorting will depend on the minerals (usually quartz, feldspars, micas,
calcite, etc.) and the types of rocks (igneous, metamorphic and sedimentary) detected
in the samples (Fig. 3.2 and 3.3). Petrographic analysis is performed at different
levels; thus the basic characteristics of the matrix should be stated: calcareous or
non-calcareous nature, presence of microfossils, colour, isotropic or non-isotropic
character, type of birefringent fabric, etc. Amorphous components which occur in the
matrix must be also described using a standard routine (Whitbread, 1995).
Figure 3.2: Thin sections photomicrographs taken in cross-polarised light of A) a petrofabric charac-
terized by the presence of metamorphic rocks (e.g., phyllite) (Image width = 3.8 mm) and B) petrofa-
bric characterized by the presence of acid igneous rocks (e.g., granite) (Image width = 3.8 mm).
pores, planar voids, channels and vesicles according to their morphology. Another
variable to be recorded is the orientation of the grains and pores within the fabric in
relation to the vessel margins or other particular elements, such as rock fragments.
Oriented particles and pores are especially easy to identify when their morphology is
elongated, so that they are aligned in parallel to the vessel walls as a consequence of
the manufacturing process.
Furthermore, we have to focus on the coarse fraction of the paste and identify
which minerals and rock fragments are present, as well as record their characteristics,
degree of alteration and the possible presence of pseudomorphs (Peterson, 2009;
Reedy, 2008; Whitbread, 1995). Any possible textural feature concentration
occurring in the paste should be also described in detail following standardized
protocols (Whitbread, 1986). The combination of the observations made about the
matrix microstructure and the coarse fraction permit the determinination of specific
petrofabrics. When several samples are related to the same petrofabric they give place
to a petrogroup. Thus, petrofabrics and petrogroups relate to more or less broad
categories and characteristics. An example of a general classification of ceramic
fabrics is their initial division depending on its siliceous or calcareous nature or the
major presence of igneous or metamorphic rocks. Subsequently, sub-groups can be
determined by means of more subtle differences regarding the presence of certain
minerals, amorphous components, textural feature concentrations, fragments of
particular basic or felsic igneous rocks, etc., that permit us to distinguish variations
between the ceramics forming part of the same group.
In short, petrological analysis focuses on the study of certain optical attributes
in order to characterize the microstructure of the clay matrix as well as the minerals
and rocks present in the ceramics. This characterization also includes inorganic
components of biological origin, such as microfossils, organic constituents and other
anthropogenic components such as grog (Garrison, 2003; Peterson, 2009; Spataro,
2002; Stoltman, 2001). The identification of the minerals is performed using certain
parameters8 that are characteristic for each mineral and are observed in both plane
polarised light (e.g., crystal habit, cleavage, colour, pleochroism, index of refraction,
relief) and cross polarised light (e.g., birefringence, interference colours, zoning,
extinction angle).
The textural attributes of the paste may be as important as the identification of
rocks and minerals when we aim establish a petrofabric (Fig. 3.3). On the one hand,
we have to record the frequency and particle size of the non-plastic components
present in both the fine and coarse fractions of the sample. As explained before, the
estimation of these textural attributes is usually performed by using comparative
visual charts, point-counting procedures and, more recently, image analysis
8 A detailed description of these parameters can be found, among many others, in Kerr (1959), Ma-
ckenzie and Adams (1994), Nesse (1991), Peterson (2009), Reedy (2008), Riederer (2004).
26 Analytical Methods
software. On the other hand, petrofabric description must also include the textural
characteristics of the different minerals, rocks and other components identified in
the thin sections. Therefore, parameters such as angularity, shape and grain-size as
well as the polymineralic and polycrystalline character of each type of mineral and
rock identified must be recorded. These are key issues when comparing several types
of samples and determine whether a group of ceramics is associated with a similar
origin or not. Moreover, also some of these parameters are crucial to know if a mineral
was intentionally crushed and added to the paste or was naturally occurring in the
clay (Courty et al., 1989; Orton et al., 1993; Riederer, 2004; Stoltman, 2001; Whitbread,
1989, 1995).
Hence, aspects such as the average grain size or the maximum and minimum
particle-size are essential to petrographic description. Pastes can be related to finer
or coarser fabrics depending on the size of their non-plastic components. If the grain-
size is up to 0.1 mm the paste is considered “dense”, while if it is between 0.1-0.33
mm can be classified as “fine-grained”. Grain-sizes between 0.3 and 1 mm are “small-
grained”, from 1 to 3.3 mm are “medium-grained” and, finally, textures with most of
the grains greater than 3.3 mm are “coarse-grained” (Riederer, 2004). The frequency
and proportion of the different minerals and rocks present in the thin section can be
visually estimated, so that we can determine their presence in qualitative terms: i.e.
absent, rare, few, common, frequent and dominant (Whitbread, 1995). Other authors
(Sauer and Gassner, 2009) establish the relative grain proportions using intervals
regarding the number of grains occurring in one representative field of view (e.g.,
dominant: > 20 grains, very frequent: 10-19 grains, frequent: 5-9 grains, etc.).
Particle distribution and sorting are also important since often the coarse fraction
do not occur in a single size range and has certain variability. Through petrographic
observation the different sizes of the minerals and rock fragments present can be
identified. We can also record if they are well or poorly sorted and their unimodal,
bimodal or polymodal distribution. Thus, well sorted fabrics contain at least 90%
of the grains of the same size, while poorly sorted fabrics have a mixture of different
particle sizes approximately in the same proportions.
The angularity of the minerals and rocks appearing in the paste must be also
approached. This variable should not be confused with the crystal habit, which refers
to the prismatic, equant, acicular, anhedral or euhedral morphology of the crystals,
although this aspect can also inform broadly about particle angularity. In contrast,
the angularity relates to the presence of sharp angles in the edges that define each
plane of the crystal. The presence of more or less angular and roundness particles
provides information, especially in sedimentary petrology, regarding the degree
of alteration and weathering that the different mineral grains have suffered due
to erosive processes (Allen, 1989; Barraclough, 1992; Blatt, 1982; Streeten, 1982).
Although it depends on the kind of mineral, a more intense erosive process results in
greater particle roundness. The angularity of the grains is usually divided into four
main categories: angular, sub-angular, sub-rounded and rounded. In any case, there
Petrographic Analysis 27
some scholars have determined the provenance of the raw materials used in pottery
production by comparing the chemical, mineralogical and petrographic results
from ceramics and the available clay sources in the area or sediments found in the
archaeological site (Albero and Mateu, 2012; Capel, 1983; Heidke and Miksa, 2000;
Peacock, 1969; Spataro, 2002).
Archaeological petrography goes beyond the use of purely geological scopes
and concerns regarding the provenance of the raw materials. In this sense, there are
some changes in the petrological composition of the original clays used in pottery
production that are caused by paste preparation and firing processes as well as the
deposition of the vessels. These changes highlight the need to consider geological
but also social factors in the petrographic study of pottery (Capel et al., 1990). Thus,
petrofabrics may vary depending on the raw materials selected but also on the actions
that the potters performed and the techniques they used in clay preparation and the
other phases involved in pottery production.
The petrological traits of the ceramics are also related to technological factors
associated with manufacturing processes which determine the characteristics of
the final product. For instance, the potter can alter the mineralogical composition
of the paste by subtracting or adding certain components as well as by altering the
characteristics of the materials (i.e., putrefaction of organic inclusions). In this sense,
petrology is also suitable for identifying, through parameters such as the shape, size
and frequency of rocks and minerals, if the non-plastic components are naturally
occurring in the clays or, conversely, were intentionally added by the potter to the
paste (Gibson and Woods, 1990; Ortega et al., 2005; Riederer, 2004; Stoltman, 2001;
Velde and Druc, 1999).
Fabric studies by petrographic microscope can also report other technological
actions related to forming methods and surface treatments (Albero 2011a; Morzadec,
1993; Quinn, 2013). In addition, optical observations regarding the decomposition or
the alteration of certain inclusions or tempers, such as the transformation of calcite
to diopside or the presence of thermal alterations in spathic calcite crystals (Risch
and Gómez-Gras, 2003), can provide key information about the firing process. Further
information about the way the firing process affected the pottery can be recorded
through the presence or absence of a vitrified matrix. In this way, the presence of an
isotropic matrix with no birefringence evidence refers to vitrified ceramic fabrics fired
at high temperatures, since the vitrification process starts at about 850°C. In contrast,
an anisotropic and birefringent matrix indicates that the clay minerals preserve their
crystalline structure and no vitreous phase was developed in the ceramics. Finally,
particular chromatic transitions related to the use of different atmospheres in the
firing process can be clearly seen in the section by means of a petrographic microscope
(Barrios et al., 2001; Cau et al., 2004; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Ortega et al., 2005;
Peterson, 2009; Riederer, 2004).
Despite the many advantages that petrographic analysis offers in the
characterization of archaeological ceramics, there are some limitations that
Chemical Analysis 29
recommend the use of other analytical techniques. Ceramics often have a very similar
mineralogical composition, making it only possible to determine, for instance,
variations in the amounts of quartz or carbonates. Thus, sometimes the implementation
of petrographic analysis with other textural, chemical and paleontological approaches
is required in order to address the provenance and technology of the samples with
more efficiency. Therefore, it is common to complement petrological approaches with
other analytical techniques such as X-ray fluorescence (XRF), instrumental neutron
activation analysis (INAA), X-ray diffraction (XRD), image analysis, scanning electron
microscope (SEM), etc. Moreover, these techniques also provide key information to
corroborate the petrofabrics classified through optical means (Adan-Bayewitz and
Wieder, 1992; Freestone and Rigby, 1982; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Middleton et al.,
1985; Quinn and Day, 2007a; Riederer, 2004; Riley, 1982; Tite, 2008).
Chemical analyses are used for various purposes in archaeology and there are
many techniques to approach the chemical composition of the artefacts9. The most
widespread methods in ceramic studies are Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis
(INAA), X-Ray Fluorescence (XRF) and, more recently, Inductively Coupled Plasma
Mass Spectrometry (ICP-MS). However, other techniques such as X-ray Emission
Induced by Protons (PIXE) or even Scanning Electron Microscopes combined with
Energy Dispersive X-ray Spectroscopy (SEM-EDX/EDS) have also been used.
In ceramic studies, chemical analyses are particularly useful in the study of the
provenance of raw materials, manufacturing technology and the identification of
postdepositional alterations. Thus, analyses centred on establishing the chemical
composition of materials supplement other studies that address the petrological,
mineralogical and textural composition of pottery vessels. With all these chemical
methods, differences in the composition of the samples that allow grouping the
ceramics can be characterized with more or less accuracy. These groups relate to
the different geochemical origin of the vessels, even in areas that are quite uniform
in mineralogical terms. Often, in these cases, petrographic and mineralogical
approaches may be useless to group the samples and determine their provenance.
Therefore, the application of chemical analysis is expected to be particularly useful
to distinguish pottery assemblages coming from geological environments that are
9 The state of the art, the evolution and the application of different chemical methods in Archaeology,
specifically in ceramic Archaeometry, are discussed, among others, in Glascock (1992), Kennett et al.
(2002), Martinón-Torres (2003), Mommsen (2004), Neff (1992), Pollard and Heron (2008), Pollard et al.
(2007), Trojanowicz (2008), Tykot (2004).
30 Analytical Methods
quite similar (Capel, 1983; Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Kennett et al., 2002; Morales, 2005;
Padilla et al., 2003; Pollard and Heron, 2008; Potter et al., 2005; Spataro, 2011).
The provenience postulate (Bennett et al., 1989; Bishop et al., 1982) is a basic
concept in provenance studies of ceramics conducted through chemical methods
that involves principles of geochemistry. This concept assumes that the chemical
composition of a ceramic largely represents the chemical composition of the raw
material it was made with. Then, the first aspect that affects the compositional
variability among the materials is the natural variability of the raw materials used for
pottery production. This principle involves determining that a particular geographical
area has a specific petrographic and geochemical composition embodied in a series
of rocks. Therefore, the chemical variation between two different source areas will be
higher than the variability existing within a single source. Hence, depending on the
local geology and the compositional variability of the clay sources, the raw materials
used in ceramic production may vary in their chemical composition. This implies that
analytically it is possible to distinguish between ceramics made from raw materials
from distinct sources in geochemical terms.
In this respect, the internal variability present within the same clay source
and between different clay deposits, as well as their distribution in the territory,
significantly affects the chemical variability of the ceramic pastes. Thus, clays may not
have noteworthy variations in their mineralogical and petrographic composition, but
instead, may have significant chemical differences. These differences may be evident
in the concentrations of major, minor and trace elements. Thus, in some cases, it is
possible to establish consistent relationships based on chemistry between certain
ceramics and specific types of clay. Moreover, since a ceramic without any artificially
added component remains with the original geochemical features of the clay (except
for water loss and modifications in the molecular structure of clays), sometimes it is
even possible to suggest a probable location for the source (Capel, 1983; Echallier,
1984; Pollard and Heron, 2008; Potter et al., 2005; Rice, 1987; Van As, 1984).
Differences between clay deposits can be related to both qualitative and
quantitative variations. Whilst both the chemical elements and their associations
present in the paste can vary, there may be also differences in the concentrations of
such elements. As noted by Tite (2008), the concentrations of the different chemical
elements in the paste come to be a compositional fingerprint of the origin of the
raw materials. Therefore, chemistry is useful to group samples made from the same
raw material and distinguish them from other ceramic assemblages manufactured
with different clay sources. However, the term “fingerprint” is misleading, since it
implies uniqueness and individuality. Indeed, it is more appropriate to use the
expression “signature”, as this concept assumes the internal variability, for instance
in the concentrations of trace or rare elements, that can be found within a single clay
deposit (Hunt, 2012). Therefore, it should be noticed that determining the provenance
of ceramic raw materials involves some degree of uncertainty and should be best
understood in probabilistic terms.
Chemical Analysis 31
Two main strategies are usually used to investigate the origin of ceramics. In one case,
the composition of the vessels can be compared with the clay deposits found in a
specific region. The final aim of this procedure is to relate the ceramic features and
their place of production to an origin well located in geographical terms. However,
this approach is not without problems derived from the disturbing factors discussed
above. Also, many clay sources used in ancient times may had been mined until
exhaustion or may not be currently accessible for analysis. On the other hand, the
pottery characterized chemically can be compared with other ceramics of known
provenance that are considered as control groups (Bishop et al., 1982; Gómez et al.,
2002; Mommsen, 2004; Pollard and Heron, 2008; Potter et al., 2005).
The most common and viable strategy is to compare the chemical composition of
the samples with other ceramics that are used as a reference group. That is, try to relate
the samples analysed with a ceramic group that is compositionally homogeneous in
chemical terms and statistically significant. In this sense, the samples under study can
be related within a certain range of probability to a given reference group. Moreover,
the place of production of the pottery samples that make up these reference groups is
also known with certainty. In cases in which there is a lack of reference groups against
which to compare the chemical data, we have to establish first the potential reference
groups that may be present in any given archaeological site.
In this way, archaeometric studies that aim to establish reference groups by
means of the chemical composition of pottery usually select samples from contexts
of production. In these contexts there exists a higher probability that the reference
groups relate to local sources and known production centres (Barone et al., 2005;
Buxeda et al., 2001, 2003; Gómez et al., 2002; Tsantini et al., 2004). Thus, the samples
analysed are mainly related to workshops, kilns or work areas and, eventually,
archaeological sites that could be both producing and consuming centres. In the case
of consuming centres, there is normally more uncertainty about the possible local or
foreign origin of the pottery.
The chemical characterization of pottery vessels from workshops and production
centres has spread widely in ceramic studies since the 1980s, especially for the materials
dated in classical periods and in certain areas such as the eastern Mediterranean or
the Middle East. For these regions and periods it was possible to establish reference
groups related to specific areas of production and to approximate the distribution of
their products. This procedure, in this type of ceramic assemblages, has the primary
goal of learning the distribution of ceramics in order to approach the exchange and
trade networks as well as the economic relationships that took place between different
archaeological sites and regions. In short, chemical analyses are used in particular to
assess distribution patterns and changes in the ceramic assemblages, thus enabling
a comparative analysis of the data and to quantify the significance of these processes
(Bishop et al., 1990; Pollard et al., 2007; Tite, 1999; Whitbread, 2003).
Chemical Analysis 33
However, this analytical strategy had a more limited impact in the study of
prehistoric pottery. This is mainly due to three factors: first, the heterogeneous nature
that usually have pastes of ceramics produced by prehistoric societies in contrast to
most wheel-made pottery. This fact a priori constrains the usefulness of chemical
paste analyses. Second, the restricted spatial distribution that is paradigmatically
assumed for hand-made ceramics produced in domestic contexts by prehistoric
societies. Although it has been ethnographically recorded how domestic productions
can provide a significant amount of hand-made ceramics to be distributed on a
regional scale (Calvo et al., 2011, 2013), it is broadly assumed that this type of pottery
productions mainly respond to local manufacturing and consumption patterns. Thus,
it is considered that, in these cases, chemical analyses have little to contribute in
the study of pottery distribution and the socioeconomic relations existing between
different human groups. Third, the limited implementation of reference groups in
prehistoric ceramics is also derived from the difficulty, given the poor material record
that is often associated with hand-made pottery productions, to identify workshops,
production areas and even firing structures. This issue can be especially problematic
when ceramic reference groups associated with presumably non-producer settlements
such as ritual or burial sites are interpreted. This interpretation can be especially
complicated if we lack compositional groups against which to compare the samples.
These constraints greatly restrict the potential application of chemical analyses
in prehistoric pottery and we have to accept the difficulties in identifying production
areas related to this type of ceramics. However, on the one hand, ethnoarchaeometric
studies (Buxeda et al., 2003) have shown that the heterogeneity of coarse wares
does not necessarily restrict the chemical identification of pottery production
centres by means of the composition of the vessels. On the other hand, although
the study of distribution patterns in prehistoric ceramics may be more limited, they
are not completely useless. Long term chemical analysis of large series of samples
from contexts where the ceramics are presumably produced and used can allow the
establishment of reference groups related to specific locations and pottery distribution
patterns. In these situations, we can rely on the abundance criterion, an assumption
of the provenience postulate which states that the majority of the ceramic repertoire
found in an archaeological site is usually represented by locally produced pottery.
In contrast, pottery vessels that have a particular chemical composition and higher
variability are supposed to be of foreign provenance.
This approach allows, on one side, by long-term characterizations of the
ceramic record of different archaeological sites, to identify production centres and
interregional distribution patterns. On the other side, the chemical characterization
of the pottery vessels also permits to recognize statistical loners and outliers, i.e.
individuals which have a particular composition and are presumably non-locally
produced. Even so, only when the source of provenance of these peculiar samples is
analytically demonstrated we can consider these vessels as an import (Arnold, 2000;
Buxeda, 1999; Buxeda and Kilikoglou, 2003; Stark et al., 2000).
34 Analytical Methods
10 Reference groups can be established by means of the compositional variation matrix in combina-
tion with multivariate analysis. This matrix also determines which chemical elements are more or less
variable within the data set. The mathematical procedure of this statistical analysis and examples of
its archaeological application can be found in Aitchison (1996), Aitchison et al. (2002), Barone et al.
(2005) Buxeda (1999), Buxeda and Kilikoglou (2003); Buxeda et al. (2001), Tsantini et al. (2004).
Chemical Analysis 35
ratios11. Nevertheless, some scholars have argued that, at times, more interesting or
very similar results are also obtained by means of unprocessed data (Baxter, 1994,
2000; Baxter and Freestone, 2006). On the other hand, grouping strategies using
Euclidean distance matrix rarely consider differences in the error margins that may
exist in the several elements. In this sense, there are gaps in the standard deviations
of the different elements that influence the groups established through multivariate
analysis. To avoid distortions due to the heterogeneity occurring in some elements
it is advisable to consider the error margins individually when establishing groups
(Mommsen, 2004).
Once the different compositional reference groups have been established by
means of these statistical procedures and their statistical significance has been
checked, we obtain ceramic assemblages that are chemically homogeneous. Therefore,
groups having low internal variability in chemical terms can be considered products
which were manufactured using similar materials and/or techniques. Nevertheless,
these reference groups must not be directly related to different production units,
since a single production unit can develop several reference groups whilst a given
reference group can be related to various production units (Tsantini, 2007). In short,
the reference groups acquired by this analytical procedure have a well-defined
archaeological provenance and are potentially related to certain areas of probable
origin.
Finally, we must be aware of the accuracy and limitations of the techniques used
to establish chemical reference groups. We have to consider the sensitivity of the
instruments as well as the degree of reproducibility, compatibility and correspondence
of the results with other analyses developed following other procedures and techniques
or performed by other laboratories (Bishop et al., 1990). In this sense, methods such
as INAA, XRF or ICP-MS usually have a high sensitivity and enable us to record over 20
elements. In addition, most of these elements can be quantified in parts per million
(ppm) or even in parts per billion (ppb). These techniques provide very precise and
reliable data regarding the concentrations of major, minor and trace elements and
even some rare earth. Thus, when properly used, these techniques characterise with
significant accuracy the ceramics and establish solid reference groups. In contrast,
other techniques such as SEM-EDX only record a few elements, since their detection
limits are up to 0.3% of the total sample weight.
11 The methodological evaluation of this procedure can be consulted in Aitchison et al. (2002), Bax-
ter (1994, 1995, 2000, 2004), Baxter and Freestone (2006) and applications in ceramic Archaeometry
have been developed by Arnold et al. (2000), Barone et al. (2005), Buxeda et al. (2001), García Heras
et al. (2001), Heidke and Miksa (2000), Maritan et al. (2005b), Odriozola et al. (2009a), Vaughn and
Neff (2004).
36 Analytical Methods
Chemical analysis can be also used to study the composition of the fabric without the
need to establish ceramic groupings as the ultimate goal. In this sense, techniques such
as the Scanning Electron Microscopy combined with Energy Dispersive Spectrometry
(SEM-EDS) are essential and widespread in the study of archaeological ceramics12
(Capel, 1983; Freestone, 1982; Freestone and Middleton, 1987; Gibson and Woods,
1990; Padilla et al., 2003; Tite et al., 1982). In these cases, the electron microscope is
combined with a microprobe to detect characteristic X-rays that are concentrated in
the EDX detector. With this procedure, the X-ray signal resulting when electrons are
released from the sample are recorded and reflected in a spectrum which embodies its
composition. Thus, the SEM-EDX spectra obtained provide us information regarding
the chemical elements that are present in the sample.
The detection of backscattered electrons (BSE) provides images based on chemical
differences. Variations in the grey scale gradients of these images are directly related
to the atomic number (Z) of the different components of the ceramic body (Fig. 3.4
A). BSE images permit to differentiate particles following their atomic number and
chemical composition, allowing us to perform chemical analysis exclusively focused
on certain components of the paste. Through this technique we identify and confirm
the chemical composition of the minerals observed by other means such as the
petrographic microscope as well as to solve certain doubts that may have arisen in the
mineralogical and chemical study of the samples. In addition, this technique permits
us to approach the basic chemical composition of the clay minerals.
Electron microprobe analysis using energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy allows
quantifying the elements present in a sample. Thus, this technique determines with
relative accuracy percentages related to major and several minor elements present
in specific points or areas of the sample. High-tech scanning electron microscopes
accurately detect elements weighting more than 0.3% of the total sample. This technique
is especially useful to characterize the chemical composition of heterogeneous fabrics
(Spataro, 2011), as the various components of the ceramics (e.g., clay matrix, aplastic
components, slips, etc.) can be analysed separately. Likewise, this method is also
being applied in the study of the mineralogical composition of ceramic samples
(Knappett et al., 2011). Finally, SEM-EDX analysis allows identifying post-depositional
alterations occurring in the fabric such as, among others, the presence of analcime or
phosphates (e.g., Freestone et al., 1985; Maggetti, 2001; Maritan and Mazzoli, 2004;
Tschegg, 2009; Turbanti, 2004).
To obtain qualitative and quantitative chemical data of ceramics fabrics with
SEM-EDX it is convenient to use sectioned and flat sherds or to take advantage of
non-covered thin sections already prepared for petrographic analysis. The use of thin
sections promotes more efficient and accurate quantifications than those performed
directly on the fresh cut section (A. Middleton, 2007, pers. comm.; Garrison, 2003).
In any case, as already explained, the low sensitivity and resolution of this method
constrains the establishment of precise ceramic groupings according to their chemical
composition. Anyway, in spite of being limited to carry out a detailed chemical study
of the samples, SEM-EDX is a useful analytical tool to quantify the composition of
certain components of the fabric and perform, for example, a comparison between
the chemical composition of the matrix and the slips covering the surface of some
pottery.
Another problem that hampers the establishment of accurate reference groups
through SEM-EDX is related to the high degree of heterogeneity typical of coarse
fabrics and hand-made ceramics. This heterogeneity is especially conflicting when
significant levels of porosity are present in the analysed area, since the results may
be quite unrepresentative of the whole fabric. Moreover, when the pastes abound in
temper or inclusions it is difficult to separate the mineral grains from the groundmass,
thus hindering the chemical analysis of the clay matrix. In short, multiple problems
derived from the heterogeneity of the samples cause several problems when recording
the total percentage of each element in the sample (Padilla et al., 2003; Pollard et al.,
2007; Spataro, 2002).
The scanning electron microscope has a secondary electron detector that allows
observing the topography of the sample in three dimensions in a digital image. Due
to the very narrow electron beam, secondary electron images have a large depth of
field which permit to focus simultaneously a large part of the sample as well as the
acquisition of high-resolution images of a sample surface. Thus, samples can be
examined at magnifications ranging from x10 - x500.000. These high magnifications
allow us to identify components within the paste that are very difficult or impossible
to observe with other methods, such as very fine inclusions or the clay minerals
themselves (Fig. 3.4 B). The information obtained by means of this technique is
potentially useful in terms of provenance and pottery technology (Capel, 1983;
Freestone and Middleton, 1987).
Hence, SEM is very useful for approaching the sample microstructure as well
as the habit and external form of the clay minerals directly from fresh fractures of
pottery. Thus, this technique is valuable to undertake the study of the phyllosilicates,
especially when it is combined with XRD or energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy
that permit us to establish their mineralogical and chemical composition. In
addition, the use of SEM is also crucial for detecting microstructural changes in
the clay matrix, providing evidence to evaluate the presence of a vitreous phase in
the groundmass and estimate the temperatures reached during the firing process
38 Analytical Methods
(Freestone, 1982; Freestone and Middleton, 1987; Tite and Maniatis, 1975; Tite et al.,
1982). Finally, we can study the morphological and metric characteristics of clay
minerals and their diverse vitrification patterns with the aim to establish the use
of different raw materials as a complementary method to the petrographic analysis
(e.g., Faber et al., 2009). Raw materials coming from different geographical areas
that are extremely similar in geological terms can be even differentiated by means
of this procedure.
Figure 3.4: A) Backscattered electron image of a ceramic showing the pores in black, the clay matrix
in dark grey and calcite crystals in white colour (x50). B) Secondary electron image showing the
microstructure of a pottery vessel formed by the presence of lamellar clay minerals.
and the distribution of the pottery (Bernal and García, 1999; Besoain, 1985; Capel and
Delgado, 1978; Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Jones, 2004; Quinn,
1999, 2008, 2013; Quinn and Day, 2007a).
As already discussed, microfossil characterizations are especially useful to
discern the provenance of the raw materials involved in the pottery production (Gibson
and Woods, 1990; Peterson, 2009; Quinn, 1999, 2008, 2013; Quinn and Day, 2007a;
Riederer, 2004). This usefulness explains their application in numerous ceramics
studies (e.g., Albero and Mateu, 2012; Maritan et al., 2005a; Martineau et al., 2007;
Morzadec, 1993; Muntoni et al., 2009; Quinn and Day, 2007b; Riley, 1982; Spataro,
2002). Moreover, the study of microfossils is also profitable to understand some results
obtained from the chemical analysis of ceramics. For example, the chemical reference
groups established may be conditioned by the mixture of different clays, an action
that is impossible to detect from the chemical analysis alone (Stark et al., 2000). In
this regard, the study of the origin of the microfossils, along with petrographic and
textural approaches, is a valuable complementary procedure to identify the mixture
of clays in the paste.
The identification of the microfossils in thin section is based on several parameters
such as their shape, size, mineralogy, microstructure and chamber arrangement
(Flügel, 2004; Tucker, 1991). The main objective in the study of these parameters is to
classify the foraminifera in terms of families, genera and species (Fig. 3.5). However,
some constraints that compromise, in some cases, an accurate identification of the
microfossils may arise.
On the one hand, we have to be aware that microfossils are visualised only in two
dimensions in thin section. The sectioning process cut off the foraminifera, affecting
the morphology of the skeletons examined under the petrographic microscope. Thus,
the same foraminifera may have different habits depending on the sectioning plane.
In this sense, the taxonomic classification of these microorganisms by thin section at
the species level can be often seriously compromised. Also, in some cases the presence
of planktonic or benthic foraminifera can be only distinguished in the fabrics.
On the other hand, the skeletons of foraminifera from sedimentary environments
are typically formed by calcium carbonate and decompose at low temperatures
(650-800 °C). Therefore, when the ceramics reach this range of temperatures in
the firing process the morphology of the microfossils is seriously affected, also
precluding an accurate identification of the foraminifera. Thus, in cases in which
the foraminifera are greatly thermally altered their family, genus and species may
be indistinguishable. Then, it is just possible to broadly recognize the presence
of unidentifiable microfossils in the fabric commonly called “ghosts”. Ghosts are
therefore microfossils that could not be optimally classified, since they are highly
altered, thus losing their architectural structure (Quinn, 1999, 2007; Quinn and Day,
2007a). In these conditions, we can only indicate the presence or absence of these
organisms in the fabric and classify the vessels according to their fossiliferous or
unfossiliferous character.
40 Analytical Methods
Figure 3.5: A) SEM electron secondary image of a foraminifer identified in a clay deposit. B) Thin
section photomicrograph taken in cross polarised light showing a foraminifer (Globigerina) identi-
fied in a ceramic (Image width = 225 µm).
Other Analytical Techniques 41
The vast majority of methods and archaeometric analysis discussed in this section
usually provide large amounts of data. Therefore, the application of statistics is
essential to draw conclusions and establish their statistical significance. We have
already seen how statistical analyses are essential, for example, to group ceramic
assemblages on the basis of their chemical composition. Therefore, the datasets
resulting from the study of ceramics should be usually treated using univariate,
bivariate and multivariate methods in order to achieve consistency and statistical
significance. The aim of this section is, following the methodological chapter, to
provide a brief description of some statistical techniques commonly used in ceramic
archaeomety, as well as incorporating literature to provide further information to the
readers interested in this topic.
On the one hand, we can observe basic trends in our data from descriptive
statistics based on parameters that consider only a single variable, such as mode,
median, arithmetic mean and standard deviation (Baxter, 1994; Shennan, 1988;
Sinopoli, 1991). These measures are used to assess the central tendency of a
variable and see if the values of the data are normally distributed according to a
Gaussian distribution. We can also determine the adjustment of the data to a normal
distribution or its frequency distribution from measures such as the relative standard
deviation (RSD) or the coefficient of variation (CV). This type of coefficient is usually
used in Archeology and ceramic Archaeometry, including chemical analysis, to
establish the degree of variability and standardization of pottery production (e.g.,
Clark, 2007; Kennett et al., 2002; Longrace, 1999; Schneider et al., 2007; Vaughn
and Neff, 2004). Also, the kurtosis can be measured, i.e., another parameter used
in some studies on archaeological ceramics to evaluate the distribution of the data
regarding the central tendency (Darvill and Timby, 1982; Kvamme et al., 1996;
Streeten, 1982).
On the other hand, there are statistical analyses that include two or more
variables. In this sense, the analysis of covariance is used to explore the significance
of the relationship between pairs of variables by using linear correlation coefficients
(e.g., r Pearson) and generating correlation matrices which are independent of the
scale of measurement of the variables (Aitchison, 1986; Shennan, 1988; Sinopoli,
1991). Finally, the use of multivariate analysis should be highlighted; it is a set of
statistical methods widely used in compositional paste analysis that allows working
with data sets in which several variables are measured for each of the individuals.
Its use provides a better understanding of the subjects under study thanks to the
integrated and simultaneous treatment of many variables. These parameters are
usually quantitative, but can also be qualitative or even binary categorical variables
(Esquivel et al., 1991).
44 Analytical Methods
Principal Component Analysis (PCA) and Hierarchical Cluster Analysis are by far
the multivariate methods most commonly used in paste studies. Both usually focus
on quantitative data and do not distinguish between dependent and independent
variables. Their goal is to identify which variables and individuals are interrelated
and the significance of these relationships. The objective of the hierarchical cluster
analysis is to classify a set of data into a smaller number of groups so that the measures
within a group are very similar among all its individuals and dissimilar from the
others. Thus, a classification of the data based on the differences and similarities of
the various individuals is carried out (Baxter, 1994, 1995, 2004; Baxter and Jackson,
2001; Baxter et al., 2008; Shennan, 1988; Whallon, 1990).
4 Analytical Data and the Life Cycle of Ceramics
The ceramics collected in archaeological excavations are usually objects with a
long and complex life cycle. As noted by M. Tite (1999), the life cycle begins with
the production of the artefact and its subsequent use, maintenance, reuse and
amortization processes developed by individuals in the past. Afterwards, once their
useful life is complete, the ceramics are discarded and deposited. Pottery vessels can
remain in this depositional state throughout long periods of time, until archaeologists
dig the sites and recover the objects. During this burial process many agents can
potentially produce significant alterations on the original contexts directly related to
the behaviours that people carried out in the past.
Closely related to the existence of these diverse processes, authors such as M. Schiffer
(1976) distinguished some decades ago between systemic contexts, resulting directly
from past human actions, and archaeological contexts. The latter are understood as the
records on which archaeologists work and whose formation is influenced by many other
processes that take place after the human actions were undertaken in the past. Besides
these two contexts and within the life cycle of ceramics, we propose to consider also the
actions undertake in the context of heritage management. This context implies, among
other aspects, actions for recovering, storing and management of ceramics performed
by archaeologists, researchers, restorers and any other professional involved in the
chain of actions associated with the processes of excavation, research, conservation
and dissemination of the cultural heritage.
Following the proposal referred to above, we must consider that the life cycle of
ceramics does not end with the deposition of the pottery in the past but that this cycle
of changes continues once the vessels are buried as well as during the management
of the materials in present times. Thus, in materialistic terms, pottery is subject to
successive physical, chemical and mechanical changes during the several phases
involved in their life cycle, from the day the potter selected the clay to the instant the
archaeologist recovered the pottery and the curator stored it.
Thereby, the study of the composition of ceramic fabrics and a correct
interpretation of the data obtained through the methods discussed requires reflection
on the origin of such data. This means to consider the possible alterations that
may occur in the various phases of the life cycle of ceramics. These alterations take
place during the processes of manufacture, use, deposition, recovering, storage,
management and analysis of the ceramics (Buxeda, 1999; De La Fuente, 2008; Tite,
1999, 2008). Therefore, some chemical, mineralogical and textural alterations that
may take place in the vessels are addressed in the following paragraphs according to
the three main contexts listed above.
a) Systemic Context. Once potters select a raw material with a specific composition,
they start to carry out actions along the manufacturing process that alter the original
characteristics of the clay. Although, the physicochemical changes that occur in clays
46 Analytical Data and the Life Cycle of Ceramics
during the several phases of the production process will be developed in depth in
the next chapter, it is advisable to highlight some relevant alterations here. In this
sense, when potters add water to the clay in order to make the material plastic and
workable they are also altering the chemical composition of the raw material through
the introduction of highly soluble salts containing potassium or sodium chloride.
Furthermore, the addition of seawater can contribute to increase the amount of
chlorine in the ceramics. However, some authors pointed out that the addition of
water normally does not distort the relationship between the composition of ceramics
and clays (Arnold, 2000; Echallier, 1984).
Potters also usually alter the chemical, mineralogical and textural composition
of the raw materials through purification processes such as the manual removal of
some non-plastic components. The same effect is obtained by the introduction of
external materials to the paste. Thus, the addition of tempers can greatly alter the
features of the paste and reduce the compositional differences existing between two
vessels produced using distinct raw materials (Blackman, 1992; Kilikoglou et al., 1988;
Livingstone-Smith, 2000; Mommsen, 2004; Neff et al., 1988, 1989; Pollard and Heron,
2008; Sterba et al., 2009).
Other apects that distort the relationship between the composition of the
ceramics and the raw materials derive from the firing process. At certain temperatures
physicochemical reactions occur in the pastes that result in severe changes in their
mineralogical and chemical composition. These thermal alterations can greatly alter
the composition of the pottery and have to be seriously taken into account to properly
interpret the features of the pottery (Arnold, 2000; Buxeda et al., 2002; Kilikoglou
et al., 1988; Pollard and Heron, 2008).
Finally, the composition of ceramic artefacts can also be affected by the
introduction of new elements in the fabric due to its intended use for cooking, serving
and storing liquid and solid products. These kinds of contaminations may increase,
for instance, the concentrations of phosphorus (e.g., Bollong et al., 1993; Dunnell and
Hunt, 1990; Klein et al., 2004; Maritan and Mazzoli, 2004; Pollard and Heron, 2008)
or calcite (Buxeda and Cau, 1995) in the fabric.
increase in volume they favour the potential formation and propagation of fractures
along the ceramic (De La Fuente, 2008; López, 2008; Mommsen, 2004; Pollard and
Heron, 2008; Tite, 2008). Besides providing some external elements, these hydrolysis
processes promote the neo-formation of mineral phases occurring in the paste, such
as calcite (Buxeda and Cau, 1995; Cau et al., 2002) or certain phyllosilicates that
usually begin their decomposition during the firing process (Núñez et al., 2002).
After a considerable burial period taphonomical processes that cause important
changes in the chemical and mineralogical composition of the ceramics may take
place, especially in elements such as Ca++, Mg++, K+ or Na+ which have a greater ability
to exchange cations (De La Fuente, 2008; Maritan and Mazzoli, 2004; Pollard et al.,
2007; Tschegg, 2009). This means that the composition of the ceramics and the groups
statistically established may, in some cases, be also related to postdepositional
alterations. In this sense, not all chemical elements have the same range of variation
in a group of ceramics. It is often possible to observe wider dispersions in the
concentrations of elements such as CaO, P2O5, K2O, Na2O, Ba, Sr, Rb, As, etc., even
if they are measured with high accuracy and low analytical error. In this way, it is
common in chemical compositional studies to group the samples without considering
many of these elements in the analysis. In most cases, their use is considered to be a
risk factor which can greatly distort the chemical groups established and complicate
their interpretation (Arnold, 2000; Buxeda et al., 2001, 2002; Cau et al., 2002; Golitko
et al., 2012; Ortega et al., 2005; Schwedt et al., 2006; Tite, 2008).
An example of a secondary postdepositional phase occurring in archaeological
ceramics is the formation of zeolites (Capel, 1983) such as analcime. This phase,
which is detectable by XRD, is associated with calcareous ceramics fired at high
temperatures (>1000 ºC). Fabrics that have this secondary phase have undergone an
alteration process in which results the lixiviation of potassium and rubidium during
the firing. Subsequently, during the burial phase, the crystallization of analcime takes
place by external contributions of sodium through hydrolysis processes. Eventually,
the effect of these processes on the ceramic composition consists in a reduction in the
potassium and rubidium concentrations, while the amount of sodium is increased.
Recent studies stated that potassium is lost after a long time in the burial phase and not
during the firing process, so that the relationship between potassium and rubidium
does not seem to be correlated. Anyway, despiteit is quite common to find this kind of
alteration in Greek, Punic or Roman pottery (e.g., Buxeda, 1999; Buxeda et al., 2001;
Schwedt et al., 2006; Tsantini et al., 2004), analcime is an unusual secondary phase
in prehistoric ceramics.
from the recovering, cleaning and storage of ceramics. According to the actions
undertaken in these stages, new mineral phases and chemical alterations may
generate in pottery vessels. These processes involve, for instance, the contamination
of organic residues present in pottery vessels by introducing fatty acids during their
handling. Also, the crystallization of salts such as calclacite may take part during the
storage of the ceramics (De La Fuente, 2008; Pollard et al., 2007).
Another example would be the fixation of allocthonous chlorine in the pottery
due to the use of hydrochloric acid in its cleaning process (Albero, 2013). Such
alterations in the materials must be taken into account, especially when pottery
vessels stored in museums for long time are selected for analysis. In this way, the
criteria used in the management or restoration of the vessels may have changed over
time, thus introducing different types of products that alter to different degrees the
archaeological ceramics.
Finally, the compositional data may be also influenced by the own analytical
process. In this case, we should consider the sampling variance as well as the
analytical variance introduced by the detection limits of the instruments. Also, errors
due to calibration methods and sample preparation processes should be taken into
account. For example, the grain size of the powder used in the XRPD analysis greatly
influence the intensity of the peaks obtained in each mineral phase. Also the use of
tungsten carbide ball mills alters the concentrations of this element in the samples.
In short, the life cycle of ceramics is long and complex, and we have to realize
that it involves several phases and agents that are interrelated. In this regard,
the complementary archaeometric methods usually applied to characterize the
composition of ceramics provide key information to infer the various changes
that occur in the vessels along the different phases of their life. Since we can
best approach the physical transformations in the materials and evaluate their
causes, we can also undertake more accurate archaeological interpretations of the
compositional data. However, the characterization and identification of the possible
compositional alterations is not only relevant for undertaking a proper interpretation
of the compositional analyses and the technological features of the pottery. Beside
this, these analyses provide useful information for all the professionals that work
side by side with archaeological heritage. In this way, archaeometric studies are
capable of creating synergies and developing good practices between archaeologists,
researchers, restorers and curators that work with ceramics in their daily life.
Part II: Materials, Techniques & Chaînes Opératoires
When we study archaeological materials we are in fact looking at something far beyond
the mere physical dimension of materiality. Actually, we conduct a technological
analysis that concerns the procedures, skills, materials and techniques used to
produce the pottery. This viewpoint leads us to reflect upon our subject of study: What
is technology? What elements are involved in technology? Are there different ways of
understanding technology in archaeological studies on ceramic pastes and fabrics?
In this chapter the first two questions will be addressed from a materialistic position
(versus idealistic), while the third inquiry will be fully discussed in the last chapter
of the book.
This chapter dedicated to the analysis of the chaîne opératoire aims to establish
an explicit connection between ceramics and techniques, or in other words, between
materiality, activity and knowledge. In this sense, pottery vessels are physical
entities that are collected and studied by archaeologists as evidence of past societies.
Whereas techniques are related to human actions performed in the production or
use of these physical entities. This distinction highlights the possibility of making
inferences that exceed the tangible dimension of the objects themselves and face the
technical actions carried out by people in order to approach past societies. Therefore,
although a clear connection exists between both terms, this conceptual division
between objects and techniques explicitly separates the descriptive phase from
the interpretative phase within the research process. This distinction between the
description and interpretation of the objects should be established only in a heuristic
sense. In fact, it is through the physical features of the ceramics that we can approach
the techniques and materials used by potters and other people in the processes of
production, exchange, maintenance and use of pottery (Dietler and Herbich, 1998;
Dobres and Hoffman, 1994; Roux, 2011; Sigaut, 1994).
A theoretical and methodological framework is required in order to properly
define and organise the potter’s actions regarding the specific physical traits
underlying each stage of the pottery manufacturing process. In this way, the chaîne
opératoire is a suitable conceptual tool that allows us to address such relationships,
since it relates to all the phases involved in the manufacture of ceramics as well as
the spaces, materials and human resources that also take part in this process. So, this
concept includes and organises the active factors (materiality, activity and knowledge)
involved in the process of creating artefacts. Some authors (e.g., Prieto, 2006) go
beyond the exclusive application of this concept to the manufacturing process and
also include in these operational sequences actions that relate to the use of artefacts.
In short, this section considers the way ceramics can be studied according to
their relation with certain activities and human actions. Then, we are going to inquire
about how it is possible to approach the activities performed in the past through the
analysis of the materiality and, above all, by means of the different datasets resulting
from the archaeometric methods discussed before. Thus, this approximation requires
paying attention to the complex relationships existing between subjects and objects.
This reflection is absolutely necessary for addressing past societies, since the material
Statistical Analysis 51
culture becomes the unique source of information about the actions undertaken by
the individuals (Carreras and Nadal, 2003).
While a tendency towards a fragmentation of ceramic studies currently exists
there is also a convergence in the use of technology as a meaningful theoretical
and methodological framework valuable to address past societies. This interest in
technology is due to the fact that Archaeology involves the study of material culture
and its technical diversity. Ultimately, the technical features of the artefacts are useful
to approach the societies and cultures in the past. Thus, it is crucial to establish
technological inferences from the archaeological record, since these inferences will
eventually permit us to approach the societies that produced the pottery (Latour and
Lemonnier, 1994; Lemonnier, 1976, 1986, 1989, 1993; Martineau, 2001; Roux, 2003;
Tite, 1999).
5 Techniques, Chaîne Opératoire and Technology
Most of the phases of the chaîne opératoire involved in pottery production are
addressed through the observation and characterization of ceramic fabrics. However,
before approaching each of these phases, it is necessary to continue discussing
briefly some basic concepts that are necessary to understand the archaeological
relevance that has the identification of the materials and techniques related to
pottery manufacture. The aim is to highlight the importance that techniques, chaînes
opératoires and technology have in the study of the archaeological ceramics. All
these concepts are closely interrelated and also connected with society. However,
they imply different levels of analysis and, therefore, require some clarifications
and qualifications.
As noted by Sigaut (1994), the techniques and the technical sequences that we
observe in the archaeological record are part of a broader framework, technology.
In the study of technology the concept of chaîne opératoire is used to organise
the techniques involved in the production and ultimately aims to summarize
consistently the technological features used by the individuals from a given society.
Meanwhile, as we will see later, it is actually the study of the technology that allows
us to approach society, becoming a key issue in archaeology. In short, techniques,
chaîne opératoire and technology are concepts closely related, but it is suggested to
separate them to properly explain the role that each one plays.
Before dealing with the concept of chaîne opératoire and the role of technology in
pottery production we must pay attention to the meaning given to techniques.
Techniques are, like the alphabet, the first main level13 of encoding technological
processes and become one of the key parameters that allow, in short, the development
of technological behaviours. The different ways of understanding the techniques
have been also applied in the studies of ceramic technology, where it is considered
that techniques mean a link between people, crafts and materiality. Thus, we can
summarize that techniques are a set of procedures engaged in craftworks and used by
people in the process of making objects from an array of materials. In this process the
different individuals participate in pottery production in a more or less coordinated
way and according to their skill and knowledge in order to fulfil a number of needs
(García Rosselló, 2008; Pfaffenberger, 1992).
13 In this sense, it should be considered that there are other secondary elements below techniques,
such as the technical gestures or the motor habits.
Introduction to the Chaîne Opératoire 53
The concept of chaîne opératoire14 entails a proper framework for rebuilding and
organising all the technological choices regarding the materials and techniques
as well as the operations involved in the pottery production process (Lemonnier,
1976; Sillar and Tite, 2000). Each technique that the potter uses constitutes a minor
technological process (Calvo et al., 2004a; García Rossello, 2008). However, the
manufacture of pottery comprises a set of techniques and materials that go beyond
the individual or isolated technical gestures. Thus, the concept of chaîne opératoire
14 The notion of chaîne opératoire, its development in the study of technology and broad literature
about this concept can be found in García Rosselló and Calvo (2013).
54 Techniques, Chaîne Opératoire and Technology
encompasses all the techniques and materials used in the manufacture of pottery,
overcoming the mere addition of minor technical processes. Moreover, this concept
involves the use of recipes related to specific social dynamics that regulate the whole
production process, from the raw materials selected to the final product obtained.
These recipes are the consequence of the technological knowledge acquired by an
individual as a result of her or his social behaviour and interaction. In this sense,
the chaîne opératoire consists in socially meaningful operational sequences in which
different actions involving specific materials, spaces and tools take place. In these
operational sequences even the problems that arise during the manufacturing process
are solved in a specific way depending on social consensus.
The notion of chaîne opératoire has been widely used in technological analysis
and particularly applied in the study of pottery technology from the 1970s, with
significant contributions, among others, from the school of Techniques et Culture of
the French CNRS (Balfet, 1965, 1973, 1975, 1991; Cresswell, 1976) and the Department
of Pottery Technology of the University of Leiden (Van As, 1984, 1987; Van der Leeuw,
1976a, 1976b, 1993). In recent decades, the application of this concept in the study of
ceramics has been systematized and generalized (Gelbert, 2000; Gosselain, 1992a,
2002; Livingstone-Smith, 2007; Roux, 1994).
As will be discussed later, in general, the first approaches developed based on
the concept of chaîne opératoire understood the physical process of manufacturing
an object as the mere acquisition of skills in terms of technical complexity and
technological progress. In these pioneering studies, technology was seen in an
evolutionary sense or as closely adapted to the environment in economic and
functionalist terms (Prieto, 1999; Sigaut, 1994). In any case, in spite of the limitations
of these processual theoretical trends from a current viewpoint, we must recognize
that they were the first ones to be aware of the significance of technology in ceramic
studies (Matson, 1965a; Rye, 1976, 1981; Shepard, 1971). Thus, these perspectives
permitted us to overcome the strict use of typological studies in our discipline around
the 1960s (Albero et al., forthcoming).
In the 1980s new viewpoints on technology from anthropology, sociology, as well
as from structuralist theories in general were introduced. As a result, technology was
linked to social and symbolic phenomena that are characteristic of the societies that
perform the technical gestures. It is in these frameworks where concept of chaîne
opératoire acquires a greater theoretical and methodological potential to interpret
the social phenomena behind the technology of artefacts (Cresswell, 2003; Edmonds,
1990; Lemonnier, 1986, 1990; Martinón-Torres, 2002; Sillar and Tite, 2000; Vidal
and García Rosselló, 2009). As J. García Rosselló pointed out (2008), currently the
concept of chaîne opératoire entails a procedure that allows identifying the technical
processes applied by individuals with the aim to comprehend a given material culture.
Thus, the concept has been widely used in the research undertaken in recent decades,
becoming a viable theoretical and methodological framework for studying ceramic
technology from different schools of thought.
Introduction to the Chaîne Opératoire 55
of the individuals and not with the materiality itself. The know-how or savoir faire
transmitted between individuals is essential not only to understand how ceramics
are produced but their entire life cycle. In this way, techniques and technology
conceptually unify knowledge, practice and experience. Recording the continuities
and ruptures present in the technological choices that characterise the different
phases of the chaîne opératoire can also be approached changes related to knowledge
and the characteristic rationale of each society.
As stated before, there is a close connection between the artefact manufactured
and the production process put in practice. In this sense, the use of different actions,
techniques and materials may condition the achievement of completely different
pottery vessels, providing individuals with a mean to articulate their actions. Through
pottery characterization we can associate certain traits in the materials with specific
technical actions and eventually with sequences of particular technical gestures that
make up a chaîne opératoire and a particular technological tradition. Ultimately, the
technological tradition synthesizes a particular know-how and way of expression
through material culture. The concept of technological tradition makes sense when
we consider that no object lasts forever, thus the end of the life cycle of a given
ceramic object takes place when it loses its physical and/or intangible properties. At
this point, the pottery has no longer a function in society and can be replaced by a
similar artefact. This replacement process enables and encourages the development
of specific technological traditions which would create vessels manufactured in the
same way and having the same characteristic as the later pottery.
Furthermore, as mentioned earlier, each technological choice made during
the production process has an effect on one or more formal properties of the final
product. Hence, the technical actions undertaken will also influence the several
phases involved in the manufacturing, use and maintenance processes. The
importance of approaching all the phases involved in the chaîne opératoire lies in the
fact that the potters’ actions are carried out in relation to the production process as a
whole. This assumption affects both the physical and the ideal factors involved in the
manufacturing of ceramics. On the one hand, each technique and material used in
the chaîne opératoire is embedded with social and symbolic meaning. Moreover, the
chaîne opératoire must not be seen as a simple addition of these meanings; it rather
involves complex connections and movements back and forth among all of them.
The use of a particular technical gesture affects the meaning of the following and the
complete set determines the overall meaning of the pottery production process and
the object itself (Dobres, 2000).
On the other hand, we have to consider the physical constraints that the use of
certain materials and techniques has in the different phases of the chaîne opératoire.
Thus, materials and techniques can also limit the potters’ freewill regarding the use of
new technological choices. In short, all the techniques, materials and agents directly
or indirectly involved in the production are closely related, so that changes in the
materials and/or techniques used in a specific stage induce changes in the other
58 Techniques, Chaîne Opératoire and Technology
(Sillar and Tite, 2000). For example, the addition of temper may increase the difficulty
of building of thinner walls while it generates a porous microstructure in the matrix
which in turn has effects in the firing process and the final properties of the vessel.
This interrelationship has a dual effect, since some phases of the production
process can be maximised while other are minimised. This combination of complex
causal processes between different technological choices involving materials and
techniques is one of the aspects that make possible the existence of technologies.
Each technology involves a complex interaction of actions and phenomena that takes
place during the several stages of manufacture, use and maintenance of the material
culture. Thus, each potter’s decision potentially involves a series of compromises in
which some groups of actions can be performed at the expense of another. In the
same line of thought, a particular technology also interacts with other technologies
enabling us, in long-term research studies, to address issues that go beyond the
ceramic record itself (Balfet, 1984; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Van As, 1984).
So far we have been briefly discussed the technology concept and its connection
with certain sequences of actions involving various techniques and materials. We
have also evaluated the role of the chaînes opératoires and some related elements in
the study of past societies and their material culture. We will later discuss in depth
this question in connection with the existence of specific technological traditions
and their long duration in certain geographical areas. In short, the characterization
of chaînes opératoires based on materials and techniques is an adequate procedure
to establish the existence of certain technological traditions. These traditions are
closely related to particular social, functional and environmental contexts in which
knowledge is transmitted. It is within these complex contexts in which the chaînes
opératoires have to be understood and interpreted. The study of ceramic technology
only makes sense when we carry out social explanations that move back and forth
from the materiality to the individual and their actions.
Nevertheless, before facing this major interpretative level, it is convenient to
overview first the technical processes that potters usually carry out in each phase
of the chaîne opératoire. What is more important, we have to reflect on the way
these phases can be addressed by means of the analysis of the pottery sherds. In
this reflection we must also pay special attention to the technological implications
that the use of certain materials and techniques have in the development of other
phases of the production process. The actions and choices that the potters introduce
during the manufacturing process cause textural, mineralogical and physicochemical
changes in the raw materials that affect their properties and the type of final product
achieved. Thus, we can summarize in the chaîne opératoire all the actions performed
by the artisans involving changes in the clay during the different phases of pottery
production, from raw materials management to the rest of the operations undertaken
to manufacture the pottery vessel.
Technology and Ceramics 59
While several stages compose the pottery chaîne opératoire (see, for instance,
Calvo et al., 2004a; García Rosselló and Calvo, 2013), the phases most commonly
discussed in ceramic paste studies are:
There are many handbooks (e.g., Cuomo di Caprio, 1985; Gibson and Woods, 1990;
Morales, 2005; Orton et al., 1993; Rice, 1987; Rye 1981; Shepard, 1971; Sinopoli, 1991;
Velde and Druc, 1999) that provide a comprehensive approach to all the phases
of the chaîne opératoire in pottery production. The aim here is to make a brief
overview of the different technological options that potters have in each phase of the
manufacturing process and the way they can be identified through the analysis of the
archaeological record. Thus, in order to avoid repeating what was already mentioned
in these volumes we will only emphasise and clarify those aspects that are considered
most relevant. Furthermore, to best undertake the identification of the techniques
and raw materials through the ceramic traits we have used a framework enhanced
with ethnoarchaeological and experimental studies. As discussed at the end of this
chapter, both disciplines provide a broader perspective regarding the technological
choices that can be potentially used to produce traditional pottery and their technical,
social and symbolic significance.
Finally, it should be highlighted that from a materialistic viewpoint the concept of
chaîne opératoire also characterises the mutability of the matter, from the raw clay to
the fired product. Therefore, through the analysis of each manufacturing phase we can
also approach the complex physicochemical changes undergoing the materials along
the production process. In this sense, it will be also emphasised which procedures
and factors cause marked physicochemical differences between ceramics and the role
of the human actions in these processes of change.
6 Clay Selection and Procurement
As previously noted in the Chapter 1, the archaeometric study of ceramic fabrics
provides information on the type of raw materials used in the manufacture of the
vessels. In this sense, it is considered that the composition of the pottery is a signature
of the provenance of the raw materials involved in the production. However, we have
seen how fabric composition is only partially related to the provenance of the raw
materials, since can be also related to other stages of the life cycle of ceramics. Thus,
changes occurring in the life cycle can greatly alter clays of the same provenance.
It is often extremely difficult to identify and locate the specific deposits used to
make pottery. Hence, it is more feasible to search for the use of certain types of clay
deposits in regional territories and then try to determine their distribution in the areas
under study. Therefore, a proper starting point regarding the use of raw materials
could be the relation of the fabric’s features with broad source areas. In a second
stage, it may be feasible to focus on the peculiarities of the deposits located in the
territory in order to best detect the clay sources of interest. Nevertheless, it should
be remembered that usually the main purpose in provenance studies of ceramics
through chemical and petrographic analysis is to establish different reference groups
or petrogroups related to specific sites and periods. The main purpose of these studies
is by no means to determine the use of specific clay sources located in well-defined
areas of the territory.
There are geographic areas, such as the Mediterranean basin, where it is
common to find a close geological composition between distant zones and deposits.
These areas may overlap in their geomorphological features because they respond
to the same formation and depositional processes. In these cases, it can be very
difficult to pinpoint the specific provenance of the raw materials involved in pottery
production, even if petrographic and chemical analyses are conducted (Ortega et al.,
2005; Peterson, 2009). Hence, it is often common to refer to a generic provenance
compatible with the mineralogical and geochemical characteristics observed in the
ceramics. From the compositional features of the fabrics we can determine the areas
within the local geology that best match with the results and distinguish those pottery
vessels that do not belong to these areas.
One of the difficulties that can arise from the study of the provenance of the raw
materials is the absence of optical properties that allow us to suggest accurately the
use of particular clays (Gibson and Woods, 1990). Sometimes the mineral assemblages
documented by petrography and XRD can be fully consistent with the geological
features of the areas under study, but may be also present in other areas or regions.
This fact introduces some uncertainty, as it cannot be absolutely ensured that the
vessels do not belong to an external or distant source with a composition very similar
to the local clay deposits (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Muntoni et al., 2009; Nesse, 1991;
Velde and Druc, 1999).
Technology and Ceramics 61
This uncertainty derives from the limited mineralogical and textural variation
that may exist between certain clay deposits. Thus, these cases may require the
characterization of the chemical composition of the vessels to deepen in the
provenance of the raw materials. Therefore, from the combination of petrographic,
textural, mineralogical and chemical data, as well as through the characterisation
of local clay sources, we can determine the provenance of the raw materials used in
pottery production and even relate them to specific sources in the territory (Howard,
1982; Riley, 1982). Moreover, this analytical strategy reveals if deposits with specific
characteristics and properties were preferred and triggers hypotheses about the
reasons for their preferential selection.
As seen, special attention should be paid to the geomorphology and lithology of
the territory under study in order to establish the features that characterize the local
sources potentially attributable to the provenance of the artefacts. The particular
characteristics and regional variations that take place in the frequency, size,
distribution, roundness and sorting of detrital minerals such as quartz and feldspars,
in conjunction with the chemical composition, refer to differences in the depositional
environment and processes of formation of the sources (Tucker, 1991). Most clay
minerals and other detrital minerals that are present in the raw materials derive
from the erosion of the Earth’s crust and the transportation of suspended particles
by water until their deposition in low-activity environments as deltas, lagoons, lakes,
marisms or coastal areas, etc. These processes determine the features and properties
of the raw materials such as their colour and sedimentary structure as well as their
mineralogical and geochemical composition.
Hence, the study of all these parameters in the pottery allows us to approach the
type of raw materials used in the production of ceramics. Besides the comparison
of the mineralogical, petrological, chemical and textural composition of clays and
vessels we can also search for the presence of distinctive components, for example
clay pellets or argillaceous rock fragments (Fig. 6.1). These particles are similar to
crushed ceramics but may differ in their morphology and the orientation of the non-
plastic components, as well as in a composition more or less similar to the clay matrix
(Cuomo di Caprio and Vaughn, 1993; Whitbread, 1986). These components should
not be confused with crushed ceramics, since normally clay pellets and argillaceous
rock fragments are particles naturally occurring in the clays. However, they can also
be related to clay pellets which are dried in the potter’s hands and thereafter are
incorporated into the paste forming isolated clay granules. Thus, in both cases their
presence may provide evidence of the textural characteristics of the raw materials,
being especially useful to study the original features of the clay when tempers are
added to the paste (Kretier et al., 2007; Livingstone-Smith, 2007; Potter et al., 2005;
Vince, 2009).
62 Clay Selection and Procurement
Figure 6.1: Thin section microphotographs taken in cross polarised light of fine-textured and well-
rounded clay pellets that clearly differ from the surrounding clay matrix (A: Image width= 2.7 mm; B:
Image width = 1.75 mm).
Also the provenance of the raw materials can be approached through the
characterisation of the microfossils existing in the clay sources collected by the
potters (Quinn and Day, 2007a). As stated before, micropalaeontological analysis
provides relevant information regarding both the clay used and its depositional
environment. Thus, sediments placed in marine environments are rich in pelagic
fauna, such as planktonic foraminifera (e.g., Globigerinidae), which is deposited
in the deep ocean (Fig. 6.2 A). In contrast, benthic foraminifera (Fig. 6.2 B) are
characteristic of warmer depositional environments such as shallow, coastal saline
waters containing abundant fauna that tolerates hypersaline environments like
brachiopods, arthropods, molluscs and bivalves (Tucker, 1991).
Figure 6.2: Thin section microphotographs taken in cross polarised light showing foraminifera
identified in archaeological ceramics (Globogerinidae and Rupertina) (Image width= 215 µm).
Technology and Ceramics 63
Iron-rich calcareous clays were used, for example, in the manufacture of pottery in
Syria since Hellenistic times to the Islamic period (Schneider et al., 2007). In this
sense, heavy minerals and iron oxides naturally occurring in the sediments may be
characteristic of a particular source (Fig. 6.3 B). Since these components have some
resistance to erosion they are usually common in the clays used to manufacture the
ceramics. In this way, in the Mediterranean basin the presence of certain lateritic clays
which can exceed 10-15% in iron content is well documented (Cuomo di Caprio, 1985).
Thus, differences in the ceramics regarding the concentrations of Fe2O3 or
the presence of certain opaque inclusions associated with iron oxides can be used
as evidence to identify vessels made from different clay deposits (Albero, 2011a;
Krause, 1984; Riederer, 2004; Sauer and Gassner, 2009; Shoval et al., 2006; Tucker,
1991). Pottery classifications based on the iron content of the fabrics have therefore
proved very efficient, for instance in Bronze Age ceramic assemblages from several
archaeological sites in Mesopotamia. Through re-firing tests carried out at 1050°C
along with the optical analysis of the pottery the researchers were able to establish
several groups based on the more or less ferruginous nature of the clay (Van As, 1984).
Figure 6.3: Thin section microphotographs taken in cross polarised light (Image width = 4.6 mm)
showing A) terra rossa clay used as building material and B) a well-rounded iron nodule of pedoge-
nic origin containing some quartz grains in an archaeological ceramic.
7 Clay Extraction
When potters collect raw material their first action usually consists in the removal of
the humus layer which in most cases covers and contaminates the clay. In modern
societies, clay is often extracted from ca. 2-3 m diameter surface outcrops. In some
cases, the depth of the pit carried out can reach up to 5 m (e.g., Albero et al., 2013).
It should be expected that the pressure existing at these depths does not produce
significant changes in the clay’s properties. Hence, the material keeps relatively
homogeneous in terms of quality and composition (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Druc,
1996; Echalier, 1984; Stark et al., 2000).
Addressing this phase of the chaîne opératoire without identifying the areas of
clay extraction and in the absence of evidence of traces and tools in the outcrops
involves many difficulties. Due to their soft nature, the surface of clay deposits tends
to be modified by several erosion processes, so that traces of extraction are usually
erased throughout time. Therefore, only some basic assumptions can be usually
suggested about the extraction systems. We can speculate that clay deposits that
extend in broad areas offer higher possibilities to be exploited through horizontal
outcrops for long periods of time, since a great quantity of raw material is available.
Furthermore, clays from outcrops that are visible in cuts on the sides of slopes are
easy to remove through vertical veins. Finally, the use of other more complex and
dangerous extraction methods such as the construction of underground galleries
(e.g., Varela, 1990) cannot be dismissed.
An intense and continuous extraction of raw material can exhaust the sources,
thus forcing the potters to search for new clay deposits. This fact should be taken into
account when addressing changes in the clays used in pottery production. In addition
to their depletion due to anthropic causes, the delocalisation of the resources can be
also the result of environmental processes such as erosion as well as social factors
affecting land tenure and soil management (Cruz, 1996; Druc, 1996; Echallier, 1984;
Rice, 1984a; Stark et al., 2000). We must expect that broad and extensive clay deposits
are unlikely to be exhausted. Clay is normally available in great quantity in the
environment; thus it is possible to use the same clay deposit for a long time and even
in different historical periods. For example, the clay sources used to produce majolica
in Lleida (Spain) seem to be the same that had been previously selected by the Roman
terra sigillata pottery workshops in the area (Buxeda and García Iñañez, 2010).
Similarly, modern potters located in Calvià (Balearic Islands) could have exploited
clay deposits that were already used during prehistoric times (Albero, 2011a).
Clay extraction can be made, as observed ethnographically in San Nicolas
(Philippines), only by hand or using tools (Longacre, 1999). However, when neither
the quarries where the clay was extracted nor the work areas in which the pottery was
manufactured are already identified it is almost impossible to infer the type of tools
involved in the collection, handling, storage or transport of the clay. Perhaps one
way to advance in this regard may be through intensive prospections and systematic
66 Clay Extraction
excavations of clay outcrops from which we have clear evidence of their use in ancient
times.
Ethnographic studies with potters of the Bantu ethnic group (South Africa) have
documented that the amount of clay to be collected is determined visualizing in the raw
material the shape and size of the pottery that is going to be produced (Krause, 1984).
Anyway, in many cases the clay extracted can overcome the immediate manufacturing
needs of the potter. Then, the clay can be stored for a long time, several months or
even more than a year, without losing the properties required for the manufacture
of ceramics. To properly preserve the clay it should be kept wrapped, for example in
textile fibres or wet clothes, and stored in a cool place, avoiding locations with high
risk of freezing. These conditions allow the clay to remain relatively wet, even if it has
not been previously purified, and ready to be used depending on the rhythm of the
production or the consumers’ demand (Drake, 1972).
The extraction of large amounts of clay may be not desirable when artificial
storing conditions are poor and natural deposits offer an appropriate “natural
storage”. From an economic viewpoint, the extraction of large quantities of raw
materials requires more effort to transport the clay as well as more space to store it.
Moreover, a larger scale of production is needed; otherwise there is greater risk of
wasting the raw material as well as to develop failures in the pottery due to possible
changes, undetectable by the potters, in the properties of the materials. Once the clay
is extracted, the potters have to transport the raw material to the place where the
paste is prepared or the clay is stored. The proximity of clay sources, usually available
in the nearest territory, meant carrying the clay on foot was a system commonly used
by many pre-industrial societies. Thus, moderate amounts of clay can be transported
both collectively and individually on foot or using beasts of burden inside bags or
other containers (Djordjevic, 2003; Gosselain, 2008; Van der Leeuw, 1984).
8 Paste Preparation
The paste is the material resulting from the clay with which the potter shapes the
pottery vessels. Raw materials can be used directly as they appear in the clay source or,
in contrast, certain substances may be added or removed from the clay. Thus, a potter
can prepare different types of paste by using the same raw material. As can be seen,
the preparation of the paste produces several changes in the original raw materials
depending on the actions introduced by the artisans. The alterations occurring in the
clay may differ according to the processes applied, which usually involve changes in
the texture and the chemical and mineralogical composition of clays (Arnold, 2000;
Blackman, 1992; Buxeda et al., 1995; Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Ortega et al., 2005; Orton
et al., 1993; Sterba et al., 2009).
Few clays can be directly modelled without any previous preparation, but not all
clays necessarily need to be modified. Thus, communities of potters related to ethnic
groups such as the Bantu (Krause, 1984), the Kusasi (Calvo et al., 2013) or the Kalinga
(Skibo, 1992) neither purify nor add temper to the clay. The direct use of alluvial clay
sources linked to recent geological deposits is also well-known among many other
communities, like in the area of Negros in the Philippines (Van der Leeuw, 1984),
Congo (Mercader et al., 2000) and Mallorca (Albero and Puerta, 2011), as well as in
pre-Hispanic pottery from Tabasco (Gallegos and Armijo, 2008).
As already mentioned, clays usually require a basic purification process. Thus, the first
change that usually occurs in the raw materials relates to the subtraction of certain
components. There are many documented ethnographic examples (e.g., Arnold,
2000; Barley, 1994; Djordjevic, 2003; Druc, 1996; Gallegos and Armijo, 2008; García
Rosselló, 2008; González Ruibal, 2005; Gosselain, 2008; Krause, 1984; Neupert, 2000;
Spataro, 2004; Stark et al., 2000; Varela, 1990) where, before preparing the paste and
adding any component to the clay, potters usually removed mineral and organic
coarse materials (> 5 mm) that are naturally present.
These mineral components and rock fragments often come from adjacent
deposits that contaminate the clays. On the one hand, the presence of high amounts
of coarse organic matter in the raw materials may promote ceramics with an excessive
macro-porosity. On the other hand, volume changes occurring in the coarser non-
plastic components during the manufacturing process can generate severe fractures
that propagate from one margin of the vessel to the other. In this way, inclusions such
as rock and plant fragments should be subtracted from the clay by hand or through
levigation processes.
68 Paste Preparation
It can be then assumed that, in many cases, ancient potters undertook at least
the purification of the raw material through the removal of the surface layer of the
clay source. Moreover, the inclusions coarser than the wall thickness intended
for the vessels might also have been removed from the clay. We can approach the
efforts intended for this action through the identification of larger rocks fragments
remaining in the paste (Fig. 8.1 A), possibly after going unnoticed during the purifying
process. Although these rock fragments could be also introduced when the paste is
being mixed, their presence is evidence of the lack of interest of the potters to properly
homogenize and refine the raw materials.
In some cases the purification is particularly relevant in the pottery production
process. Then, potters decant the clay through levigation using water and tanks
in order to eliminate the coarser fraction present in the sediment, thus increasing
considerably the plasticity of the paste. If this procedure is very intense potters may
obtain very fine-grained sediments that can be even used to make slips (Banning,
2005; Cooper, 2002; Echallier, 1984; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Stoltman, 2001; Tite
et al., 1982). Levigation processes can be very difficult to detect in the fabric, even
using optical methods such as the petrographic microscope. In any case, very fine-
textured pottery vessels with low amounts of fine sand and a low frequency of
aplastic minerals are the most likely to have experienced this type of purification (Fig.
8.1 B). However, these textural features do not necessarily involve the application of
these kinds of decanting processes, since very fine and plastic clays with only some
fine sand and silt may be also naturally present in the environment (e.g., Albero
and Mateu, 2012). In this sense, the presence of certain infrastructures such as
tanks in the production areas is evidence of the application of levigation processes,
although this type of structure is quite uncommon or difficult to identify in prehistoric
archaeological records.
Figure 8.1: Photomicrographs taken with binocular microscope showing a A) ceramic section with a
large rock fragment of several millimetres (Image width = 11.2 mm). B) Fine-textured pottery related,
perhaps, to an intense purification and levigation process (Image width = 11 mm).
Temper Addition 69
The addition of temper to the clay was one of the most widespread technological
choices performed in the preparation of pastes in prehistoric pottery. This action
greatly alters the properties of the original clay and largely determines the chemical,
mineralogical, textural and petrological composition of the vessels. For example,
potters can add tempers formed by calcium carbonate such as limestone, calcite or
shells. Thus, the presence of these components in large amounts in the paste causes a
significant increase in the concentrations of CaO and mineral phases such as calcite.
Moreover, their addition involves the creation of a pottery fabric with particular
physicochemical characteristics (Albero, 2011a; Bollong et al., 1993; Gibson and
Woods, 1990; Hoard et al., 1995; Ortega et al., 2005; Potter et al., 2005; Shoval et al.,
2006; Yankowski, 2008).
The addition of mineral temper provides a paste more consistent and reduces the
amount of water required for hydration. This choice involves an intense interaction
between the potter and the clays and tempers available, not only in the paste
preparation stage but during the whole production process. In this sense, there is no
perfect temper and each material has certain technical advantages and disadvantages.
Moreover, two clays can be quite different from each other, so that, different clays may
require diverse tempering strategies (Banning, 2005; Djordjevic, 2003; Orton et al.,
1993; Riederer, 2004; Williams, 1982).
Several types of temper have been used in the ceramic production along time.
Thus, many modern and ancient potters have commonly added minerals such as
quartz or calcite to the paste. In this way, sands are traditionally used in ceramic
production due to their high content in quartz and feldspars. Ethnographically their
use is documented in such different places as the Thar Desert in Pakistan (Spataro,
2003) or in Ancash in Peru (Druc, 1996). Moreover, the use of sands as temper is
observed from the Neolithic to the medieval period in archaeological ceramics from
Britain (Tite et al., 2001; West, 1992; Woods, 1986). Also, regarding chronology, the
addition of quartz-rich sands to the paste is typical in Roman fabrics from England
(Freestone and Rigby, 1982; Mainman, 1982) and prehistoric ceramics from Alabama
in America (Steponaitis, 1984).
In addition, different types of sedimentary, metamorphic and igneous rocks can
be added to the paste as temper. These rock fragments are usually polymineralic
(Gibson and Woods, 1990; Velde, 2005) and their intentional addition can be assumed
when the grains have a bimodal distribution and are quite abundant in the paste as
well as angular in shape. This is the case of rocks such as limestone, chert, sandstone,
calcarenite, sedimentary or volcanic breccia, schist, phyllite, basalt, granite, etc.
We must also consider that some fragments of these rocks may be unintentionally
incorporated into the paste during the course of its preparation. In this sense, humans
often use varied mineral resources for the creation of several types of artefacts whose
waste may be present in the places where the potters prepare the pastes. In these
70 Paste Preparation
amounts of temper that are stipulated through handfuls and are thoroughly mixed
with the clay (Krause, 1984). Also the potters of San Nicolas in Philippines use recipes
consisting of sands that are added to the clay in a ratio of 1:3 (Longacre, 1999). The
same occurs in communities of potters from the Ancash region in Peru, where the
artisans mix specific proportions of different materials (Druc, 1996).
The addition of tempers can be inferred by means of optical observations of the
fabric with petrographic microscope (Fig. 8.2) and sometimes also using a binocular
microscope (Albero, 2011a; Albero, 2014). In this sense, the presence in the fabric of
abundant elongated pores, often with charred organic matter inside, is usually an
indication of the intentional addition of organic matter (Gibson and Woods, 1990).
Organic inclusions naturally occurring in the clays are usually quite variable in size
and have irregular shapes. In contrast, organic matter added as temper often has a
less variable size and shape, especially if specific parts of a particular plant have been
selected. In this sense, the observation of the plant imprints through optical methods can
indicate whether there was a preference for using a particular part of a plant, or if both
fine and coarse stems were selected following a regular pattern (Fig. 8.2 B). The analysis
of the shape and the features of the voids may allow the identification of the parts of
the plants (e.g., leaves, stems, seeds or roots) added to the paste. Indeed, in some cases
the type of plant used as temper can also be broadly recognised. Unfortunately, the
accurate identification of the species present in the ceramics on the sole basis of their
imprints is usually very difficult to achieve. Precise identifications require conducting
experimental reference collections focused on establishing the morphology and the
location of the internal nodes and the traces that diverse organic materials and different
parts of plants leave in the fabric after combustion (Mainman, 1982; Riederer, 2004;
Sestier, 2005; Sestier et al., 2005; Smith and Trinkley, 2006; Velde, 2005).
Figure 8.2: Thin sections photomicrographs showing tempers in ceramics (Image width = 870 µm).
A) Fabric with abundant euhedral, prismatic and rhombic crystals of spathic calcite (XPL). B) Imprints
of organic matter temper with some charred fibres and the presence of thin and thick stems (PPL).
72 Paste Preparation
Figure 8.3: Thin section photomicrographs showing A) Fabric composed by sub-angular and sub-
rounded monocrystalline quartz sand with a polymodal distribution (XPL; Image width = 4.6 mm). B)
Crushed ceramic fragments added to the paste as temper (PPL; Image width = 2.3 mm).
Unlike many mineral components, the presence of grog in the paste (Fig. 8.3 B) is
almost always15 related to its intentional addition (Ots, 2008). In this sense, several
studies (Cuomo di Caprio and Vaughn, 1993; Whitbread, 1986) have focused on the
characteristic features present in crushed ceramics with the aim to distinguish grog
from clay pellets or argillaceous rocks. Thus, parameters such as the orientation or the
shape differentiate grog fragments from other particles naturally occurring in the clays.
The size, sorting and distribution of the temper provide some evidence about the
effort intended to crush the rock and homogenize the paste. In this operation we must
consider the hardness of each mineral, for instance in the Mohs scale, and its physical
characteristics. For instance, calcite has a defining Mohs hardness of 3 and marked
cleavage planes that make it easy to exfoliate. Hence, it suggests the need for low levels
of activity compared to the effort required to crush harder rocks such as flint, granite or
basalt. Each type of temper has a characteristic morphology when their cleavage planes
are broken, giving place to more or less equant or elongated shapes along one axis, as
well as more or less angular edges. In this way, in contrast to rounded grains, elongated
and sharp crystals are more suited to favour higher adherence with the clay particles
and the temper and, thus, to achieve a more consistent paste (Carter, 2002; Gibson and
Woods, 1990).
The addition of mineral tempers such as spathic calcite slightly reduces the rate
of water absorption in the paste (Albero, 2010). This behaviour should be related to
a reduction in the percentage of clay minerals in the paste. The latter minerals have
15 It should be considered that the areas where the potters develop their activity may not be spotless.
Therefore, small fragments of rocks, bones, ceramics or other materials that come in contact with the
paste can be unintentionally incorporated.
74 Paste Preparation
great capacity for water absorption and retention, effects that are significantly reduced
through the addition of others substances that do not have this property. In this sense,
the addition of temper can solve some harmful consequences involved in the use of
highly absorbent clays. Simultaneously, the higher presence of non-absorbent materials
reduces the amount of water needed to hydrate the paste. In short, the addition of temper
has important implications in the whole manufacturing process as well as the several
phases involved in the chaîne opératoire. Furthermore, this action largely determines
the type of pottery obtained at the end of the production process.
The way in which clay and tempers are mixed and the paste is prepared can be
representative of the potter’s skills. On the one hand, there are pastes in which clay
and temper are heterogeneously distributed in the matrix, thus evincing a poor clay
mixing prior the addition of temper as well as subsequent failures in the mixture of clay
and temper. Hence, these features indicate, first, the use of heterogeneous clays, and
second, little interest and time investment for homogenizing the paste. On the other
hand, fabrics that look very well kneaded and worked can also be observed, which
show a fairly homogeneous distribution of the tempers along all the section. This higher
homogeneity is also favoured by the addition of temper to fine-grained clay.
Finally, sometimes a laminar arrangement of the organic matter(Fig. 8.4 B) can
be observed in most sections of archaeological ceramics by means of binocular and
petrographic microscope. Some authors (Schiffer and Skibo, 1987), relate this feature
to an inadequate paste preparation in which the temper was not properly mixed with
the clay. This effect can be avoided through the addition of the organic matter to
powdered and dry clay. Thus, this lamellar and fibrous structure may indicate that
probably the clay was already wet when it was mixed with the organic matter.
Figure 8.4: A) Thin section photomicrograph in cross polarised light showing crushed calcarenites
added as temper along with a large fragment of sandy limestone (Image width = 2.7 mm).
B) Photomicrograph taken with binocular microscope showing organic matter temper with a lamellar
arrangement (Image width = 12.2 mm).
Clay Mixing 75
Some potters use only one type of clay while others mix two or more different types
of clays. Thus, plastic clays are usually mixed with other coarser sediments in
order to achieve suitable pastes and final products. This action is ethnographically
documented, for example, in Kentri and Thraspano in Crete (Hein et al., 2004a; Riley,
1982), in Skala in Greece (Matson, 1989), in several barangays of Philippines such as
San Nicolás (Longacre, 1999; Van der Leeuw, 1984), in Ancash in Peru (Druc, 1996)
and in Quinchamalí in Chile (García Rosselló, 2008).
In the Mediterranean basin, the most common mixture results from the
combination of non-calcareous red clays (called terra rossa) and very fine-grained
Neogene or Cenozoic calcareous clays. Sometimes the terra rossa is the main basis of
the mixture, while in others, as occurs in the manufacture of liquid storage vessels,
the potters use marls as basic material and only optionally add red clay. In the latter
case, the resulting pastes are characterized by a calcareous matrix with rounded
nodules or veins formed by relicts of terra rossa (Basso et al., 2006; Hein et al., 2004a).
Such technological choices are documented, for instance, in the pottery productions
carried out in Galilee during the Iron Age and the Roman period (Shoval et al., 2006;
Wieder and Adan Bayewitz, 1999) or currently in the community of potters settled in
Pòrtol in Mallorca (Albero and Puerta, 2011).
Detecting clay mixtures can be extremely difficult in some archaeological ceramic
records. It is impossible to detect this action through chemical analysis and, in fact,
the mixture of different clays promotes significant alterations in the composition of
the original raw materials. The resulting changes depend on the proportions of each
type of clay mixed as well as their heterogeneity. Thus, clay mixing increases the
compositional variability in the ceramics and hinders the establishment of reference
groups. Although not always easy, thin section petrography is the best method to
detect this action (Stoltman, 2001).
The main procedures available to detect clay mixtures are based, on the one hand,
in the presence of clay pellets with particular and different characteristics regarding
the clay matrix (Fig. 8.5 A). Also in the existence of clay veins in the fabric that provide
a mottled appearance to the groundmass, with clays of different coloration, when it is
observed under plane polarised light (Fig. 8.5 B). These differences between the colour
of the clay matrix and clay relicts or veins are related to a divergent composition,
such as different iron content (Kilmurry, 1982). On the other hand, the presence in
the same vessel of microfossils such as foraminifera related to different geological
periods and depositional environments is also reliable evidence that different clays
were mixed (Albero and Mateu, 2012; Quinn and Day, 2007a). Finally, bimodal textural
distributions in the clay matrix can be also related to the mixture of clays that have
different textures (Velde, 2005).
76 Paste Preparation
In short, even when the given several procedures are used we have to be very
cautious to point safely to the mixing of different clays. On the one side, the presence
in the paste of clay pellets and argillaceous rock fragments such as argillites or
mudstones that have a differential composition with the surrounding matrix may
occur within the clay deposit itself. Moreover, as already seen, these components
may also have an anthropogenic origin as a consequence of the preparation of the
paste. On the other hand, many clay deposits are unrelated to the marine or coastal
environments in which foraminifera and other microfossils occur. Thus, in these cases,
paleontological characterizations are completely ineffective to detect the mixture of
clays. Finally, the presence of bimodal textural distributions in the paste can also be
a consequence of the addition of temper in a well standardized grain-size. Therefore,
the development of experimental reference collections with different types of clays
and mixtures is needed to best approach the mixture of clays in pottery pastes. This
experimental approach is useful to verify those features that can be unambiguously
related to the mixture of clays of different provenances, thus allowing us to identify
this action in archaeological ceramics.
Figure 8.5: Thin section photomicrographs of A) textural feature concentrations with distinctive
colour in cross polarised light (Image width = 1.75 mm). B) A multi-coloured matrix in plane-polarised
light (Image width = 4.9 mm).
9 Forming Methods
Some of the techniques applied in the analysis of ceramic pastes and fabrics can
be used to investigate certain actions undertaken by the potters in order to shape
the pottery vessels. At the same time, these analyses record the consequences that the
forming methods have in the configuration of the fabric, e.g., in the orientation of the
aplastic components, as well as in the properties of the final product. The study of
the forming techniques in hand-made and wheel-made pottery vessels through
binocular and petrographic microscope (Capel and Delgado, 1978; Capel et al., 1982;
Capel et al., 1995; Courty and Roux, 1995; Morzadec, 1993; Quinn, 2013; Quinn and
Burton, 2009) or X-radiography (Berg, 2008, 2011; Carr, 1993; Greene and Hartley,
2009) have had a low impact compared with their use in the analysis of provenance
and other aspects of pottery technology (Martineau, 2001). This is mainly due to
the assumption that macroscopic analyses are usually much more affordable and
successful at addressing the modelling phase of the chaîne opératoire (e.g., García
Rosselló, 2007, 2008, 2010; García Rosselló and Calvo, 2013; Wynveldt, 2008).
Therefore, there has been little interest in archaeometric literature to include this
phase of pottery production as a key objective of research. Nevertheless, there are rare
exceptions (e.g., Morzadec, 1993) in which the petrographic microscope was mainly
applied with the aim to infer the forming methods used to shape the vessels and add
appendixes such as handles or sprouts. Anyway, microscopic observations of the
fabrics by means of optical methods such as binoculars or petrographic microscopes
provide key information to establish hypotheses about the modelling techniques
involved in the production and their implication in the kind of fabric obtained.
While macroscopic analyses of vessels are assumed to be more effective to
study forming methods, often modelling traces can remain hidden by the surface
treatments applied by the potter (García Rosselló, 2008, 2010; García Rosselló and
Calvo, 2013). Hence, the application of microscopic techniques commonly used to
characterise the fabric may supplement macroscopic approaches at the same time
that they can provide interesting results related to this phase of the manufacturing
process when other methods are useless. In this sense, it is important to record the
modelling traces located on the surface of the pottery, but also the possible evidence
that is seen exclusively in the ceramic section. The complexity of the modelling
process and its relevance in the pottery production requires, whenever possible, a
combination of both kinds of studies, macroscopic and microscopic. This additional
information, although limited, may be interesting to complement and validate the
macroscopic study of modelling traces in ceramics. At the same time, the results
obtained are useful to approach the technical significance of the forming methods
applied (Martineau, 2001).
The microscopic study of forming methods focuses on the observation of the
ceramic section, particularly where the joints of the coils and clay slabs can be clearly
identified through their characteristic fractures. There are several types of joints such
78 Forming Methods
as diagonal coil junctions or overlapped joints, among other (see Gibson and Woods,
1990), that can be identified through this procedure. Also, the orientation of tempers,
inclusions and pores within the section provides information regarding modelling
techniques. Moreover, the study of the morphology, orientation and thickness of
the aplastic components located near the vessel margins may suggest the use of
techniques such as beating the surface with a tool such as a paddle (Capel et al., 1995;
Gibson and Woods, 1990; Martineau, 2001; Morzadec, 1993; Quinn and Burton, 2009;
West, 1992; Whitbread, 1996).
a) Joint Fractures
The presence of continuous fractures crossing perpendicularly the wall of the pottery
in the thin sections can be related to the joint point between two coils of clay (Fig.
9.1 A). These fractures evidence that the coils had not adhered properly when the
potter shaped the pottery due to excessive water retention in the time of adhesion.
Therefore, both clay masses were slightly separated during the drying phase. The
presence of these fractures is evidence that the pottery was manufactured using
the coiling method. Furthermore, the orientation of the aplastic components along
these fractures is a consequence of the pressure that the potter apply to join both clay
masses. These sorts of modelling traces are associated with the cracks caused by the
tension produced between the coils and may indicate that the paste used was not the
most apropiate for a particular vessel shape. Fractures like these evidence that the
paste is not as plastic as it should be to shape vessels of a given typology without any
constraint (Capel et al., 1995; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Morzadec, 1993; Van As, 1984).
along the vessel margins is an evidence of the manufacturing techniques and the
degree of pressure applied to shape the pottery and join the clay coils. Thus, it is
important to record the intensity of this action in order to approach the potter’s skills
(Buddden, 2009). In addition, the forming methods may have certain implications
in the behaviour of the pottery during the drying and firing stages, as well as in the
properties of the end products (Berg, 2008; Capel and Delgado, 1978; Cau et al., 2004;
Gibson and Woods, 1990; Hill, 1984; Peterson, 2009; Riederer, 2004; Velde and Druc,
1999; West, 1992; Woods, 1985).
The parallel arrangement of the particles along vessel margins promotes higher
shrinkage during the drying stage in the perpendicular plane of the wall of the pottery,
rather than on the longitudinal axis. This behaviour allows potters to achieve thinner
walls in the modelling phase that are also more resistant to fracture propagation
during the drying, firing and use processes (Schiffer and Skibo, 1987; West, 1992).
In addition, the pressure applied on the surfaces of the pottery also favours the
elimination of possible air bubbles that may remain in the paste and can cause severe
damage during the firing stage.
Figure 9.1: Thin section photomicrographs in cross polarised light (Image width = 2.7 mm) showing a
A) continuous fracture crossing perpendicularly the wall of the pottery; note how the particles have
a parallel alignment along the fracture. B) Parallel alignment of inclusions, tempers and voids along
the vessel margins.
10 Drying Process
The addition of water is required to hydrate the paste and make it workable in order
to shape a ceramic. The amount of water that clays can absorb is usually between 15
and 50% of their weight. As already explained, the water used for modelling pottery
provides the paste with certain elements in very small proportions, thus altering its
chemical composition. An example is the use of sea water, since this kind of water
has a high chlorides content that remains in the paste after the water is evaporated
(Echallier, 1984; Morales, 2005; Potter et al., 2005).
Once the paste has been hydrated and the vessel shaped, the evaporation of
the water absorbed must be slow, gradual and uniform with the aim to minimize
differential stress in the diverse parts that form the pottery. Ceramic does not dry as
fast in its thicker parts as it does in the thinner walls, which dry more quickly and
easily. The drying time required for a ceramic can vary between several days or even
weeks depending on the properties of the clay, the wall thickness and the way the
paste is prepared. The most important variables involved in the dehydration process
are the area of the vessel exposed to the weather as well as the temperature, humidity
and location in which the drying process takes place, which may be in the open air
or not. However, the factor that mostly affects the behaviour of the paste during
dehydration is the type and amount of clay minerals which are present in the raw
material and, to a lesser extent, the arrangement of the pores in the matrix (Banning,
2005; Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Djordjevic, 2003; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Morales,
2005; Van der Leeuw, 1984).
This phase of the chaîne opératoire will be succinctly explained, since P. Rice
(1987) has already developed a detailed description of the behaviour of ceramics
during the drying and the different stages that this process involves. During the
drying process, the ceramic object experiences a significant decrease in volume and
weight that is particularly noticeable in the constant-rate period of drying, when more
than 3/5 of the water is removed from the pottery. During the constant-rate period the
loss of capillary water that evaporates from the clay due to air temperature takes place
causing a gradual shrinkage of the walls and the subsequent contact between the clay
particles. As the water evaporates it also leaves a porous microstructure in the matrix.
The drying rate is then determined by several factors such as temperature, humidity,
water content, pore size, etc. The end of this drying process is known as the “critical
point”, when the weight of the pottery is stabilized and the paste is already rigid and
in a leather-hard stage. However, after this process not all the water absorbed by the
clay minerals is removed: critical moisture content also known as “pore water” still
remains in the pottery. The amount of pore water occurring in the paste depends on
the moisture present in the atmosphere (Carter, 2002; Khalfi and Blanchart, 1999;
Morales, 2005; Rice, 1987).
Clay Mixing 81
Thus, the next kind of water that evaporates from the ceramic is the pore water
that remains isolated in the micro-pores formed between the clay particles due to the
shrinkage that took place during the constant-rate period of drying. In this second
phase of drying, known as the falling-rate period, the drying rate is determined by the
water’s ability to migrate through the pores from the core of the wall to the surfaces
of the vessel. Therefore, the dehydration of the pottery is slower than in the previous
drying stage (Gibson and Woods, 1990; Morales, 2005; Rice, 1987). At the end of
the drying process and before firing, the paste has both a macro-porous and micro-
porous structure due to the evaporation of water from the lamellar structure of the
clay minerals. In the end, not all the water absorbed is completely removed and some
remains in the core of the wall. The total evaporation of the pore water occurs during
the firing process, thus giving place to the formation of more micro-pores in the fabric
(Echallier, 1984; Worrall, 1975).
11 Surface Treatments
Surface treatments are usually carried out at the end of the drying phase, once the
pottery vessels reach the critical point and are in what is known as the leather-hard
stage. At this time, the paste is relatively dry and the pottery is consistent enough to
undertake further actions. However, it is also wet enough to be workable and sensitive
to the technical gestures made by the potters. The most common surface treatments
applied to prehistoric vessels consist in the application of slips and polishing. These
actions have also effects on the behaviour of the paste during the firing process as
well as in the properties of the end product.
Other actions such as decorations may be included in this phase of the chaîne
opératoire since both surface treatments and decorations are applied once the pottery
is dried. Anyway, it should be stated that the colour of pottery, although clearly
decorative and perceptible, does not have to be included in the surface treatment
phase. In this way, some traditional societies establish a clear division between the
decoration and the colour of the vessels. The latter results mainly from the firing
process and is therefore not considered as part of the decoration (Krause, 1984).
Another action that alters the surface of the pottery and is related to decoration
is the application of paintings on the surface of the vessels. Pigments are usually
selected from organic substances or iron oxide nodules (e.g., hematite or magnetite)
and copper oxide which occur naturally in the environment. As with some slips, these
minerals have to be crushed and diluted in water or fats, among other components,
before its application. Thus, the use of pigments such as hematite provides a
characteristic red colour to the pottery surface (Capel et al., 2006; Krause, 1984).
Beyond their high visual impact these pigments do not involve significant changes,
neither in the physical properties of the paste nor the final product obtained.
The most common surface treatment involving mud raw materials is the slip. Slips
consist in clay particles in aqueous solution that are usually applied on the ceramic
surface once the paste has reached the leather-hard stage and before firing. Thus, this
action, when carried out on the unfired ceramic body, rehydrates the outermost layers
of the pottery. This rehydration can lead to cracks during the subsequent drying or
firing processes as a consequence of the mechanical discontinuity between the paste
and the slip. The vessel is better dried and fired through the gradual application of
several thin layers of slip preferably performed with the clay formerly used to shape
the pottery. The use of macro-porous pastes (e.g., calcareous) favours the application
of the slip by its infiltration through the pores. A higher infiltration facilitates
the adherence of slips due to different dilatometric behaviour of the materials.
Furthermore, slip may be an ideal media on which to apply other surface treatments
such as polishing. Thus, the final appearance of the pottery mainly depends on the
type of raw materials used to produce the slip (e.g., iron and calcite content), the
way slips are prepared and the techniques used in their application. Other variables
involved are, for example, the subsequent firing atmosphere, the thickness of the
Clay Mixing 83
vessel walls and the colour of the pottery (Banning, 2005; Capel et al., 2006; Cuomo
Di Caprio, 1985; Echallier, 1984; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Gómez and Doherty, 2000;
Matson, 1989; Morales, 2005; Reid, 2001; Turbanti, 2004).
Slips may have a variable thickness typically ranging between 30 and 80 µm,
although sometimes they measure less than 10 µm. On the one hand, the mere
immersion of the vessel in liquefied suspension of clay particles in water can be
considered as a slip. Nevertheless, this kind of application is very difficult to identify
in the archaeological record due to the small amount of clay that is incorporated
and the degradation of the surface of the vessels during its burial (Echallier, 1984).
On the other hand, there are other slips that are easier to detect that consist on the
application of a thicker layer of more or less purified clay. In addition, these slips may
contain high amounts of iron ore (e.g., Fe2O3; Fe3O4), as occurs in the case of ceramics
from the Serraferlicchio and Pantalica cultures during the Copper and Bronze Age in
Sicily that have up to 15% in iron content (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985). Moreover, Neolithic
ceramics from southern Iberia can even reach up to 35% of Fe2O3 (Capel et al., 2006).
The use of iron-rich slip (Fig. 11.1) does not entail disadvantages resulting from a
differential thermal expansion with the ceramic body, since their thermal behaviour is
relatively analogous. The crushed iron ore added to clay and water provides a reddish
or red-orange chromatic scheme to the surfaces of the pottery that may be also brown
or dark-brown if coal is also added. The brightness and reddish colour of the slips can
be enhanced through the addition of higher amounts of iron oxide to the mixture.
In this way, the introduction of iron-rich minerals and, to a lesser extent, titanium
oxides or calcareous materials causes physical changes that alter the appearance of
the ceramics (Capel et al., 2006; Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Morales, 2005; Schiffer and
Skibo, 1987).
While the preparation of the slip does not entail much difficulty, the drying
phase may represent a delicate operation. As noted, the application of slip involves
an extra drying phase in the pottery, thus increasing the time needed to develop the
production. The clay added to the mixture, usually in higher proportion than the iron
ore, provides enough adhesion to firmly adhere the slip to the surface of the pottery.
Thus, the slip does not come off in later stages of the production process or during the
use of the vessels. When the clay used in the manufacture of the pottery is fine enough
or intensely purified, the slips can be also carried out using the former raw material.
However, differences in the grain-size and the composition of both, paste and slip,
will provide a different coloration between the body and the surface of the vessel.
In cases in which coarse clays are used to shape the pottery other more suitable raw
materials can be selected to perform this surface treatment. In this case, the use of
clays with different composition results also in a diverse coloration (Cuomo Di Caprio,
1985).
Optical methods such as binocular and the petrographic microscopes can be
successfully used to approach the surface treatments applied in the manufacture of
ceramics. In some cases, slips consisting in several layers of very fine clay applied
84 Surface Treatments
one over another can be even observed. This technological choice promotes a better
adhesion of the slip to the surface of the pottery, preventing its removal during the
subsequent drying and firing processes. In any case, slips can be further approached
and characterised with accuracy in chemical, mineralogical and textural terms
through archaeometric methods such as petrography, image analysis, SEM-EDX and
XRD (Buxeda et al., 1995; Capel et al., 2006; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Gliozzo et al.,
2008; Gómez and Doherty, 2000; Tite, 2008; Tite et al., 1982; Peterson, 2009; Tschegg,
2009; Velde, 2005).
Figure 11.1: Iron-rich slip detected in a pottery. A) Thin section photomicrograph taken in cross
polarised light showing a fine-textured and thin reddish slip filling the pores in the vessel surface
(Image width = 2.3 mm). B) Photomicrograph taken with binocular microscope of the same red slip
observed on the surface of the vessel (Image width = 11.2 mm).
As seen, slips are mainly formed by raw materials very rich in clay minerals and,
hence, in alumina. Although the presence of inclusions in the slip is usually very
low, aplastic components are not always totally absent. Sometimes there are vessels
with thicker slips (> 300 µm thick) which may also have coarser textures (Fig. 11.2).
The texture and porosity of the slip are useful parameters to distinguish this surface
treatment from the ceramic body. These features permit to identify the slips and avoid
confusions with postdepositional processes that also alter the surface of the vessel
(Velde, 2005; Tschegg, 2009).
Slips usually have a low amount of inclusions predominantly sorted below the
medium sand fraction (< 500 µm). These textural features can contrast significantly
with the frequency and size of the inclusions occurring in the paste, where the size
of most particles is usually above this range. Thus, some studies (e.g., Capel et al.,
1982) have identified the presence of slips on the basis of textural criteria. Thus, the
occurrence in the surface of the pottery of a distinctive fine-textured layer of clay with
a very low frequency of inclusions may be an evidence of this surface treatment. In
Clay Mixing 85
these cases the raw materials were not intensely purified but are better prepared than
the paste used to shape the vessels.
These coarser slips are distinguishable with petrographic microscope and, on
many occasions, with binocular microscope (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985). However, there
are some constraints to differentiate through textural criteria the presence of slips
when ceramic bodies are also fine-textured. Due to this limitation, the identification
of slips by means of textural parameters is restricted to cases in which the ceramic
body has a medium or coarse texture (> 500 µm, coarse sand to granules). Also,
the identification of slips through binocular microscope on the basis of different
colour gradients in the vessel section may lead to confusion. Often colour variations
occurring in the outer margins and surfaces of the vessels seem to be related to slips.
However, these chromatic variations may be also associated with sudden changes in
the atmosphere during the firing process. In any case, both the existence of chromatic
variations along the section together with the textural features of the matrix and the
surface layers can be considered in an attempt to identify the presence of slips in the
vessels.
Figure 11.2: Thick coarse-textured slip. A) Photomicrograph taken with binocular microscope
showing the chromatic and textural differences between the slip and the ceramic body (Image width
= 10.2 mm). B) Thin section photomicrograph in cross polarised light (Image width = 4.6 mm) of the
same pottery vessel in which the textural divergences are evident.
Figure 11.3: Photomicrographs taken with binocular microscope showing the effect of burnish the
surface of the ceramic. A) Glossy metallic lustre. B) Parallel alignment of the temper along the vessel
margins due to surface treatments such as paddle and burnish (Image width = 11 mm).
12 Firing Process
Due to its irreversibility, most potters consider firing, along with the selection of raw
material, as one of the most important stages in the pottery manufacturing process.
During firing, important physicochemical changes take place in the ceramics that
affect the several components that make up the paste depending on their particular
nature. Hence, diverse reactions take place in the paste during the heating process
and new minerals can be formed from those that decompose. The final microstructure
of the pottery is determined by two basic factors (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Dawson and
Kent, 1987; Linares et al., 1983; Livingstone-Smith, 2007; Sillar, 2000; Vázquez, 2003):
a) Paste: The final product obtained after the firing depends on the chemical and
mineralogical composition of the clay and tempers that compose the paste.
Therefore, the use of different types of raw materials favours a great variability
in paste behaviour during this process. Other parameters of the pastes that are
involved in the firing process are the homogeneity and particle-size, as well as the
compaction and porosity of the walls of the vessel.
b) Pottery firing strategy: the pottery, the oxidiser and fuel are key elements in the
firing strategy. The combination of these parameters allows potters to carry out
different firing procedures. Other important factors are also the kind of firing
structure used and the way the vessels are arranged within the structure. All these
factors determine the temperature reached during firing, its duration as well as the
heating rate and the firing atmosphere that prevails along the various stages of this
phase of the chaîne opératoire.
As already seen, the analysis of pottery firing involves considering a large number of
variables that are closely interrelated, but many of them are only partially reflected
in the ceramic sherds. To overcome these constraints, we can complement the study
of archaeological pottery with ethnographic approaches and experimental research.
These disciplines can be used with the aim of approach the several firing possibilities
and alternatives available to the potters in order to make hypotheses about the firing
strategies used.
Pottery firing strategies are complex and there is not a direct correlation between
firing structures, temperatures, duration and fuels. Although there are some general
trends, the alternative choices are varied and do not respond to established universal
patterns. There are always cases that are out of the ordinary, such as the ceramics
used to bake bread in the Balkans. The firing of these vessels takes place in domestic
hearths while they are being used to bake bread for the first time. Thus, the ceramic is
fired simultaneously with the food it contains (Djordjevic, 2003).
However, linear and simplistic interpretations regarding the pottery firing
often prevail. In this way, the maximum firing temperature is usually overestimated
while the duration of the procedure and the way it is finished are rarely taken into
88 Firing Process
the degree of representation of the section of the pottery studied. In this way, heat
is not always uniformly distributed across the ceramic body (Maggetti et al., 2011),
thus, the effects of firing can be different in the diverse parts that compose a single
vessel. These differences are conditioned by the size of the pottery, the thickness of
the walls along the vessel and its position inside the firing structure. This means that
samples taken from the body or the base of the ceramics may not exhibit the same
characteristics as other parts of the vessels that are usually thinner, such as rims.
In any case, the archaeometric study of sherds allow us to approach the pottery
firing procedures by means of the accurate analysis of the vessel’s microstructure, the
presence of high temperature minerals, the chromatic variations along the section
and the degree of alteration and decomposition of certain components of the paste
(e.g., carbonates, clay minerals, organic matter, etc.). Moreover, the complementarity
existing between the methods discussed permits to interrelate the pottery firing
procedures with other technological choices identified in other phases of the chaîne
opératoire.
Figure 12.1: Thermodynamic assessment of some pottery samples in a ternary phase diagram of the
CaO-Al2O3-SiO2 system. The position of the points is related to the high temperature minerals expec-
ted in the vessels depending on their chemical composition and firing temperature.
90 Firing Process
Once the pottery firing begins the dehydration process already initiated in the paste
in the drying phase continues. Thus, the total elimination of the absorbed water in
the lamellar structure of the clay takes place at between 50° and 110°C, when a quite
intense endothermic peak corresponding to the loss of water is recorded by DTA-TGA-
DSC analyses (Albero, 2010; Papadopoulou et al., 2006). The effects that generate
this process in the vessel depend on the firing strategy and the pastes used. The pore
water trapped in the micro-pores after drying becomes steam during the firing, thus
expanding and increasing its volume. If the steam cannot escape from outside the
pottery between the clay particles, the rising pressure in the matrix generates energy
which may cause the walls of the vessel to chip off (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; García
Rosselló and Calvo, 2006; Gibson and Woods, 1990).
After the loss of pore water, the constitution water of the clay minerals is
progressively removed between 450° and 800°C. This wide range of temperature
depends on the type of phyllosilicates present in the clay, their crystalline modifications
and the firing atmosphere. As takes place in the drying phase, the dehydration
of clay minerals causes a significant shrinkage of the walls of the vessel. In this
process, aplastic components may play an important role by acting as a skeleton in
the paste and providing a more open texture. Thus, inclusions and tempers improve
dehydration and heat distribution along the pottery, thus minimising the generation
of fractures during the firing process.
At less than 650°C endothermic peaks emerge in DTA-TGA analysis related to the
rapid decomposition of certain clay minerals such as montmorillonite or kaolinite that
dehydroxilate at relatively low temperatures. The low temperature of decomposition
of these minerals is the reason why they are rarely documented in archaeological
ceramics. Thus, the presence of these clay minerals in the fabrics may be due to two
reasons. First, that the firing did not exceed this range of temperature. Second and
less probable, that the clay minerals detected relate to postdepositional alterations
(Ortega et al. 2005).
In contrast to montmorillonite or kaolinite other clay minerals such as illite are
most commonly identified in the archaeological record, since their dehydroxylation
occurs at higher temperatures (600°-700°C). Subsequently, the water loss does not
affect its structure that is maintained in its anhydrous form up to 850°-1000°C,
depending on its degree of crystallization and the firing conditions. Thus, there
is not a significant reduction in the weight and volume of the phyllosilicates up
to that temperature range. Nevertheless, the persistence of well-preserved illite-
muscovite peaks in the XRD diffractograms (Fig. 12.2) provides evidence of low firing
temperatures (García Orellana et al., 2001). As with other minerals, phyllosilicates
that are present in low fired pottery can be neoformed. Therefore, after a long time,
clay minerals can reach their initial structure, providing peak intensities and areas
in the XRD diffractograms that are quite similar to their initial state. Thus, the
Changes in the Clay Matrix during the Firing Process 91
Figure 12.2: XRPD diffractograms showing well-preserved peaks of illite-muscovite and montmorillo-
nite in an archaeological pottery.
When the ceramics have reached temperatures of 550°-650°C and have certain hardness
can be empirically recognised due to their reddish and incandescent appearance inside
the firing structure (Palomar, 2005). Thus, Kalinga potters in the Philippines or potters
from Tuxtla in Mexico control the firing process through the assessment of the colour
of the flame and the vessels within the firing structure. These assessments require
great skills and are performed only by the most experienced potters of the group. Their
conclusions regarding these parameters are considered as highly informative of the
state of the firing (Banning, 2005; Morales, 2005; Rice, 1987; Skibo, 1992).
A temperature range between 500°-700°C is enough to avoid the rehydration of
the clay and eliminate its ability to become plastic. At the same time, at this range of
temperature the ceramics also have some resistance to immersion in water, being able
to retain their integrity and the ability to be reused (Albero, 2011a; Palamarczuk, 2004).
As soon as the constitution water is removed from the clay minerals, the elasticity
and the shrinkage of the paste are significantly reduced. A permanent bonding takes
place then between clay particles, thus generating a waterproof material with certain
mechanical properties that is suitable for its use as a ceramic container. Once this
stage is reached, it is impossible to reintroduce water into the molecular structure of
the clay minerals.
If the firing temperature increases up to 950°C the complete destruction of the
crystalline structure of clay minerals occurs, which in a liquid phase begin to fuse
together at their edges in a process known as sintering. At this point the recognition
of the clay minerals is impossible while pottery with a very low porosity and heat
resistant is obtained. The amount of glassy phase formed depends on the quantity
92 Firing Process
of the phyllosilicates, as well as the duration and temperature reached during the
pottery firing (Capel et al., 1982). In this way, clay minerals having potassium in their
structure, such as illite, increase the presence of fluxes in the paste, thus favouring
the sintering process. The high temperature minerals that usually emerge in the paste
when phyllosilicates such as illite decompose are spinel (up to 1200ºC) and mullite,
that appears due to the formation of glass from 1100°C (Bernal et al., 2003; Buxeda
et al., 2002; Capel, 1983; Echallier, 1984; Jordán et al., 2008; Linares et al., 1983; Murad
and Wagner, 1996; Rice, 1987; Worrall, 1975).
The physical consequences of the sintering process in the ceramic microstructure
can be clearly seen through the analysis of the clay matrix in fresh pottery cross sections
by means of scanning electron microscope using electron secondary images (Fig. 12.3).
In this way, it is possible to observe how the formation of a glassy phase due to a more or
less continuous sintering process originates a ceramic matrix with a microstructure in
which clay minerals have smooth surfaces as well as soft and rounded melting points.
These characteristics of the matrix refer to temperatures between 850° and 1000°C. In
contrast, in other cases the matrix microstructure has clay sheets without evidences
of sintering or that just show an early stage of sintering, thus suggesting a firing
temperature below 800°C (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Mainman, 1982).
Figure 12.3: Secondary electron images (SEM-ESED) showing the matrix microstructure of two
ceramics. A) Smooth surfaces and soft and rounded melting points in clay sheets from a pottery with
high temperature mineral phases (> 850°C). B) Very early stage of sintering in the clay matrix of a
pottery (< 800°C).
So far, we have assessed how the firing process affects the dehydration of the paste
and alters the phyllosilicates present. However, the effects of pottery firing not only
involve clay minerals but also the composition of the aplastic components present
in the paste. In this way, attention should be paid to the more or less calcareous
nature of the pottery and the type of tempers and inclusions present. Therefore, in
the following sections we are going to approach briefly the thermal behaviour of three
Calcareous Pastes 93
types of ceramic products that are widespread worldwide: calcareous pastes, non-
calcareous pastes and pastes rich in organic matter.
In many pottery productions the main constraints occurring in the firing process are
related to the use of calcareous clays and aplastic components formed by calcium
carbonate (CaCO3) that provide very calcareous pastes. In these kind of pastes the
degree of porosity of the pottery is increased during the firing (Cuomo di Caprio,
1985), thus forming vacuoles that are macroscopically observable. This increase in
porosity is especially significant when the firing temperature is above 750°C. As can
be clearly seen in DTA-TGA thermal analysis (e.g., Albero, 2010) the decomposition of
the carbonates in the ceramic body starts at 650°C, while its total destruction takes
place around 800°C (Fig. 12.4). This reaction causes an endothermic phase and a
significant weight loss in the sample depending on the amount of calcium carbonate
(e.g., calcite) present in the mixture.
Figure 12.4: DTA-TGA analysis showing the thermometric behaviour of an experimental sample of
calcareous clay tempered with spathic calcite. Note the presence of an endothermic peak and a
noticeable weight loss in the sample between 700º and 800ºC.
94 Firing Process
Calcite is the most common pure calcium carbonate mineral found in pottery
vessels. Moreover, this mineral is the main component in many materials that are
usually present in archaeological ceramics such as limestone or shells, among many
others. The thermal instability of calcite involves important constraints in ceramic
production. Under conditions in which the calcium carbonate is subjected to heat
until decomposition (650°-898°C), a very unstable phase known as calcium oxide
takes place. This change of phase produces a significant stress in the pottery and,
in consequence, may generate fractures. In addition, calcium oxide is hygroscopic,
so it absorbs moisture from the atmosphere resulting in its hydrated form (Ca (OH2)).
This hydration occurs immediately and increases the volume of the crystals, usually
causing the collapse of the ceramic (Gibson and Woods, 1990; Rye, 1976). This process
involves from the generation of cracks in the pottery as a result of the high tension to
its total pulverization in less than 24 hours after being exposed to air humidity (Albero,
2011a). The extent of the damage depends on several factors such as the temperature
achieved, the time of exposure to the highest temperature and the amount and size
of the carbonates present in the paste. If the firing temperature is high enough and
the pottery remains for a significant time at the highest temperature, calcite reacts
completely and then the ceramic explodes. This process is more drastic with larger
grain size carbonates and higher temperatures. Hence, the production of highly
calcareous ceramics requires certain technical knowledge regarding the temperature,
duration and atmosphere of the firing for the pottery production to be successful
(Cuomo di Caprio, 1985; Drebushchak et al., 2005; Feathers, 1989; Hoard et al., 1995;
Rice, 1987; Schiffer and Skibo, 1987; Shoval, 2003; Steponaitis, 1984).
Particle-size also influences the temperature at which carbonates such as calcite
react. Thus, the decomposition of these components occurs at higher temperatures in
archaeological ceramics that have a coarser grain-size. During heating, the coarsest
grains placed in the core of the paste may react in CaO masses that crack. However,
these grains still unaltered at temperatures at which, theoretically, should have been
incorporated to high temperature mineral phases. This parameter along with other
variables, such as the degree of crystallinity, explain the wide range of temperatures
(500°-900°C) in which this reaction may take place16. Therefore, the size of calcite
particles, along with the duration of the firing (Olaetxea, 2000), determine the
formation of high temperature phases. High-temperature minerals are more likely to
be formed from 750°C if the calcite grain size is small, since the calcium ions of the
carbonates are diffused quickly towards the particles of quartz, feldspars and clay
minerals. If the calcite grains are coarse their total decomposition takes place at less
16 This is a fact stated in the extensive literature available about the decomposition temperature of
calcium carbonate (e.g., Bronitsky and Hamer, 1986; Capel, 1983; Drebushchak et al., 2005; Gibson
and Woods, 1990; Hoard et al., 1995; Linares et al., 1983; Mahmoudi et al., 2008; Maritan et al., 2006,
2007; Palomar, 2005; Papadopoulou et al., 2006; Rice, 1987; Rye, 1976; Shoval et al., 2006).
Calcareous Pastes 95
than 900°C (Albero, 2010, 2011a). Regardless, the type of calcite is also involved in
this process, thus micritic calcite begins to decompose at lower temperatures than
spathic or micro-spathic calcite (Olaetxea, 2000).
A coarse particle-size can avoid certain harmful reactions in the paste, but large
amounts of coarse calcite grains also generate severe fractures during the firing. Thus,
Bronitsky and Hamer (1986) established a positive correlation between the size of the
inclusions and the risk of thermal and mechanical fracture during this stage of the
chaîne opératoire. J. Capel (1986) has confirmed through experimental research that the
frequency and size of the calcite is a decisive factor in this process. Thus, the risk of
fracture increases significantly from a frequency of 20-30% and a size exceeding 2 mm.
In this sense, it is desirable in technical terms that the carbonates had a particle-size
smaller than 1 mm, as the particles would be fine enough to minimise the generation
and propagation of fractures due to differential thermal expansion. In any case, is also
appropriate that the grains were relatively coarse in order to delay their reaction.
As we have seen, firing pottery at temperatures above 800°C promotes the
decomposition of carbonates. This process also includes the microfossils naturally
occurring in the sediments as well as calcareous rock fragments such as biosparite
or biomicrite. Since these carbonated components are usually formed by calcite or
aragonite, they are also affected by this process of decomposition. Microfossils formed
by aragonite react around 500°C, when this mineral is transformed into calcite and
subsequently decompose at temperatures below 750-800°C (Quinn, 1999; Quinn and
Day, 2007a). The same occurs with dolomitic rocks: after reaching 750°C, the crystalline
structure of dolomite is transformed completely to calcite (Ozao et al., 1991). In this sense,
the presence of calcareous microfossils and dolomite along with the absence of high
temperature minerals in the vessels is evidence of firing temperatures below 800°C.
Calcium carbonates present in the paste react with clay minerals giving place to the
crystallization of calcium-silicates and alumina-silicates of high temperature. Thus, high
temperature minerals such as gehlenite, diopside, hematite, wollastonite or anorthite are
usually formed. At the same time, the emergence of CO2 from the reaction of the calcium
carbonate causes the development of a cellular microstructure in the ceramic matrix. If
the temperature increases until 1050°C, the gehlenite and hematite peaks reduce their
intensity while peaks of pyroxene and plagioclases gain intensity (Buxeda et al., 2002;
Capel, 1983; Jordán et al., 2008; Linares et al., 1983; Mainman, 1982; Murad and Wagner,
1996; Ortega et al., 2005; Riccardi et al., 1999; Shoval et al., 2006).
During pottery firing the calcareous component of the paste, especially if it is
related to micritic calcite, also affects the colour of the vessels. In this sense, highly
calcareous ceramics fired in oxidising atmosphere tend to develop light pink or cream
colours depending on the amount of calcite existing in the paste. This coloration is
originated because the iron oxide particles decrease in size when they are exposed to
temperatures exceeding 700°C and the presence of calcite in the clay impedes up to 800
ºC the formation of hematite crystals. Furthermore, highly calcareous ceramics fired in
a reducing atmosphere tend to turn into pale grey and even white colours depending on
96 Firing Process
the amount of calcium present in the paste. Again, calcite prevents the reduction of iron
oxides such as magnetite that provide a black-coloured fabric (Capel et al., 2006; Cuomo
di Caprio, 1985; Maniatis, 2002; Molera et al., 1998; Morales, 2005).
The differential thermal expansion that is characteristic of each component of the
paste is one of the physical processes that may cause severe failures during pottery
firing. So, many minerals expand their crystallographic cells when heated and the
expansion rate can be expressed in terms of volume expansion coefficient per heat unit
increase (Rye, 1976; Steponaitis, 1984). The coefficient of thermal expansion of minerals
such as calcite (Rosenholtz and Smith, 1949) and several clay minerals (Mackinstry,
1965; Searle and Grimshaw, 1959) were established by mineralogists long time ago.
Some scholars (Gibson and Woods, 1990) stated that in firings below 800°C
the dilatometric changes that the paste suffers are of small significance, being the
volumetric changes in the clay minerals more important in ceramic bodies fired
above 900°C. Thus, when the pottery is fired at low temperatures the ceramic body is
slightly expanded and becomes more porous, affecting the vessel weight rather than
its volume. If a given mineral has a coefficient of thermal expansion greater than the
matrix in which it is placed its particles will expand faster than the clay, resulting in
a great stress in the vessel during the firing process. When the difference between the
coefficient of thermal expansion of the aplastic components and the clay matrix exceeds
certain limits multiple fractures, usually microscopic, are generated and propagated in
the ceramics. Therefore, the firing temperature as well as the nature and size of the
inclusions and tempers existing in the paste are key factors to be fully considered in this
physical process. In the case of highly calcareous pastes this potential problem almost
disappears, since calcite has a low coefficient of thermal expansion which is virtually
identical to low fired clays (Hoard et al., 1995; Rye, 1976; Shoval et al., 2006; Steponaitis,
1984; West, 1992).
Prehistoric potters were able to develop a number of criteria that would act as
empirical evidence when performing complex technical operations, such as the firing
of calcareous pottery. In fact, individuals could have been acquainted with these
materials, both in relation to the manufacturing process and the final product. There
are several parameters to be used in this regard. For example, the weight of the pottery
may indicate a proper firing of ceramics, since the decomposition of calcite entails a
substantial reduction in the weight of the vessel which would have been evident for the
potters.
The physicochemical process associated with the decomposition of calcium
carbonate into calcium oxide has been known at least since the Neolithic period,
when the earliest evidences of the production of lime mortars are documented
(Shoval et al., 2006). In antiquity, potters themselves could have developed the
production of calcium oxide on a small scale according to their needs and establish
a close relationship with the calcareous materials and their behaviour. Therefore,
a conventional wisdom could have developed regarding the dilatometric and
hygroscopic behaviour of calcium oxide. Moreover, the decomposition of calcium
Calcareous Pastes 97
carbonate during firing could have been also known from empirical observations
based on the colour of the smoke and the stones during firing (Albero et al., 2010).
Archaeologically it is possible to identify the reaction of the carbonates from the
presence of high temperature minerals such as gehlenite in the X-ray diffractograms
(Fig. 12.5). Also, sometimes thermal alterations in the carbonates can be identified
through petrographic microscope (Tschegg et al., 2009). These thermal alterations
result from a deterioration process that comprises various stages that start from 550°C
(Riccardi et al., 1999) and are visually identifiable, at least in the case of spathic calcite
(Risch and Gomez-Gras, 2003). The thermal alteration of the carbonates is usually
more evident in the vessel margins, since the area closest to the surfaces of the pottery
is the most exposed to the highest temperatures (Fig. 12.6).
Figure 12.5: XRPD diffractogram showing high temperature phases such as gehlenite, anorthite or
hematite identified in a calcareous ceramic.
Figure 12.6: Thin section photomicrographs taken with cross polarised light showing A) calcite crystals
supra-altered in the external margin of the vessel and altered crystals in the core of the section (Image
width = 2.7 mm). B) Translucent and unaltered spathic calcite crystals (Image width = 1.1 mm).
98 Firing Process
The effects of the combustion of the organic matter present in the paste during the firing
process have been addressed in archaeometry through experimental research (Hodges,
1962; Johnson et al., 1988; Maritan et al., 2006; Schiffer and Skibo, 1987). Firing pastes
with abundant organic matter produces gaseous components that are released into
the atmosphere. These volatiles are, among others, water vapour and oxygen as well
as, depending on the type of firing atmosphere, anhydride or carbon monoxide and
carbon dioxide which mainly comes from the organic matter existing in the paste. In
this situation, the degree of porosity and thickness of the pottery influences both the
release and absorption of gases between the paste and the external atmosphere.
The organic components of the paste, either the humus naturally present in
the clay or the organic matter intentionally added by the potters, can be completely
combusted during firing, thus greatly increasing apparent porosity. These organic
components are decomposed between 200°-800°C depending on the type of material
and the flow of oxygen in the paste. The combustion of organic matter takes place first
in the vessel’s margins and eventually in the ceramic core, usually leaving imprints,
or even sometimes charred organic fibres, in the fabric. Thus, significant increase in
paste porosity after the firing process reduces dangerously the hardness of the fired
vessels (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Livingstone-Smith, 2007;
Morales, 2005; Rice, 1987; Smith and Trinkley, 2006; Szákmany and Starnini, 2007;
Toledo et al., 2004; West, 1992).
The circulation of gases from the core towards the vessel margins prevents the
oxidation of the paste, generating poorly oxidized margins and reduced cores that
result in sandwich or cuore nero structures. Therefore, the decomposition of organic
matter increases the amount of carbon in the paste, affecting the quality and colour
of the pottery. The effects of this process in the development of reducing atmospheres
are readily observable in the blackish colour of the clay matrix surrounding the
pores left by the combustion of organic matter. Thus, in this type of paste the iron
content does not determine the colour of the fired pottery until the organic matter
has been completely burnt. In short, a ceramic with abundant organic matter and
some closed pores can keep the paste under a reduced firing atmosphere. These
reduction conditions occur even in firing structures in which oxidising conditions
prevail, especially if the organic matter has not completely decomposed (Banning,
2005; Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Echallier, 1984; Hodges, 1962; Husein Malkawy et al.,
1999; Maritan et al., 2006; Nodari et al., 2004; Orton et al., 1993; Rice, 1987; Tite, 2008).
The decomposition of organic matter during the firing process involves a decrease
in the total weight of the vessel and generates exothermic phases between 350º and
450°C related to its oxidation (Fig. 12.7). However, as the weight loss observed in this
process is low, the stress produced in the paste by the combustion is not dangerous
enough to damage the pottery (Albero, 2010; Mahmoudi et al., 2008; Maritan et al.,
2006; Maritan et al., 2007; Murad and Wagner, 1996; Souza et al., 2005).
Pastes Rich in Organic Matter 99
Figure 12.7: DTA-TGA analysis showing the thermometric behaviour of an experimental sample of
calcareous clay tempered with 20% (in volume) of organic matter (Poaceae). Note the presence of
two exothermic peaks at 362ºC and 503ºC related to the oxidation of the organic matter.
The combustion of organic matter also generates heat in the paste, thus helping to
fire the pottery. The burning of this component produces a pyrolysis process in which
the material decomposes by heating in the absence of oxygen (Johnson et al., 1988).
Thus, the flame remains active even in environments with high amounts of CO2. Rapid
firings are more appropriate for pastes rich in organic matter, since these pastes have
a higher rate of fractures when they are slowly fired (Hodges, 1962; Livingstone-Smith,
2007).
These experimental research along with the observations performed by other
archaeological and ethnographic studies on ceramic pastes rich in organic matter
(Albero, 2011a; García Rosselló et al., 2011; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Szákmany and
Starnini, 2007) allow us to state that the presence of abundant organic temper, either
graphitized or partially conserved in the fabrics (Fig. 12.8), evidences a low firing
temperature (550°-650ºC), a short time of exposure to temperatures above 700°C, a
quick increase in temperature and a short firing cycle. The graphitization process
takes place, depending on the texture and the type of plants existing in the paste,
between 200°-500°C and 700°-800°C, when the total combustion of the organic
matter present in the pottery occurs.
100 Firing Process
Furthermore, the abundant presence of organic matter which was not volatilised
in the pottery is related to a rapid heating rate in the range 400°-700°C, when its
combustion is almost finished (Morales, 2005). Hence, these features may be related to
ceramics fired by means of rapid firings at low temperatures. The use of organic matter
as temper in combination with this type of firing procedures generates a ceramic body
minimally fired, since the paste also incorporates some of the fuel used to provide heat
during the process. This strategy helps increase the time of exposure at the highest
temperatures in open firings in which fuel is quickly consumed (Palomar, 2005).
Figure 12.8: Thin section photomicrograph taken in plane polarised light showing graphitized
organic matter added to the paste in a pottery. Note that the firing process in this fabric results in
significant increase in porosity (Image width = 4.6 mm).
Quartz is usually one of the most abundant minerals in non-calcareous pastes rich in
silica. Regarding its physical properties, this mineral is highly stable and thermally
resistant. The influence of quartz in the mineralogical changes resulting in the paste
during firing is directly related to its grain-size and the temperature achieved. Thus,
firing temperature causes different effects in the paste depending on the particle
size of the quartz crystals. While coarse quartz particles reduce the shrinkage of
Firing Atmosphere 101
the paste during the drying process, fine grains promote the formation of a glassy
phase due to an easier fusion. Hence, the latter grain-size favours the emergence of
high temperature minerals. From 950°C quartz acts as a flux and is transformed into
cristobalite. As already seen, highly siliceous and border calcareous pastes usually
exhibit fewer changes than calcareous pastes in their microstructure during the firing
process. This stability also involves a reduced development of high temperature
mineral phases. However, the microstructure of siliceous materials is denser due to
the formation of a glassy phase at certain temperatures (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Hein
et al., 2009; Linares et al., 1983; Morales, 2005; Velde and Druc, 1999; West, 1992).
In any case, there are some structural changes in the quartz crystals during
firing that result in expansion and shrinkage processes at about 573°C. It is at this
temperature when quartz α turns to quartz β, thus changing its rhombohedral
crystalline structure by a hexagonal crystal system. This process is retroactive and
when the progressive cooling of the pottery takes place the quartz recovers its initial
volume, sometimes leaving a pore in the perimeter of the particles. If the cooling
process is not progressive some grains tend to break, originating small shards of
quartz with conchoidal fracture in the fabrics. In this sense, quartz has a thermal
expansion coefficient much higher than the clay minerals, so that, its use under
poorly controlled conditions may result in fractures in the vessels. These fractures are
more severe when this mineral is abundant in the paste and has a coarser grain-size
(Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; García Orellana et al., 2001; Rye, 1976). Thus, except in some
specific productions, it is technically preferable to use pastes in which the quartz is
present in low frequency and fine particle-size.
Finally, in reference to pottery vessels that have high amount of feldspars we
should highlight that, like quartz, this group of minerals is relatively immune to the
effects of heat. However, feldspars (especially alkali feldspars) act as an effective flux
within the paste, contributing to the formation of a glassy phase in the pottery when
decomposed at 1000-1100 °C. Thus, alkali ions promote the formation of a vitreous
structure in the paste while inhibiting the creation of high temperature mineral
phases, preventing the development of crystals (Linares et al., 1983).
Different firing procedures may involve diverse temperatures, durations and firing
atmospheres. These differences are closely related to the use of certain fuels and
firing structures. Unfortunately, it is often very difficult to identify firing areas as well
as their associated structures (if any) and remains in the prehistoric archaeological
record. Thus, this lack of evidence is one of the main problems researchers have to
face when studying the structures and fuels used in prehistoric pottery firing.
102 Firing Process
–– R: Reducing atmosphere.
–– O: Oxidising atmosphere.
–– o-R-o: Reduced core and thin oxidised margins.
–– O-r-O: Oxidised margins and thin reduced core.
–– O-r: Oxidised external margin and core; thinly reduced inner margin.
–– o-R: Thinly oxidised external margin; reduced core and internal margin.
Firing Atmosphere 103
–– R-o: Reduced external margin and core; thinly oxidised internal margin.
–– r-O: Thinly reduced external margin and core, oxidised core and internal margin.
–– R-O: Reduced external margin and core; oxidised core and internal margin.
–– O-R: Oxidised external margin and core; reduced core and internal margin.
–– O-R-o: Oxidised external margin, reduced core and thinly oxidised internal
margin.
–– o-R-O: Thinly oxidised external margin, reduced core and oxidised internal
margin.
–– O-R-O: Oxidised internal and external margins and reduced core.
Many studies have addressed prehistoric pottery firing and its relationship with
various firing structures and atmospheres. These studies recorded that several
strategies may be used to change a reducing atmosphere to an oxidising one and vice
versa. Firing atmosphere is a very complex parameter that involves many variables,
especially in the case of a reducing atmosphere, and influences certain attributes of
the vessels, such as the final colour (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Dawson and Kent, 1987;
Livingstone-Smith, 2007; Reid, 2001).
Many prehistoric vessels usually show heterogeneity of colour on their
surfaces, evidencing that the firing was carried out in structures in which there was
no uniform air circulation and heat distribution. Moreover, the existence of black
patches on the surfaces of the vessels points to the use of structures in which fire
and fuel were in contact with the pottery (García Rosselló and Calvo, 2006; García
Rosselló et al., 2011).
Pottery firings that usually do not reach 900°C, and in which oxygen flow is
irregular and in consequence completely reduced or oxidised atmospheres are very
difficult to achieve, are the product of both bonfires and pit firings (Spataro, 2002;
Van As, 1984). As previously said, both pits and open firings are not entirely uniform,
especially when most of the fuel is consumed and the oxygen invades the firing
structure. Thus, there are a high number of factors in these firing structures that the
potters do not control. Regardless of the manufacturing process, this low control
of the pottery firing determines the patchy and heterogeneous colour frequently
observed on the surfaces of many prehistoric ceramics.
Such firings usually have a faster heating rate compared with kilns and provide
enough temperature (500°-900 °C) to generate the dehydroxylation of clay minerals,
thus producing ceramics with a certain degree of hardness and which are waterproof.
Normally if the pottery survives to the firing process it remains relatively unaffected
by direct contact with a domestic hearth. Such domestic structures are usually used
to cook over coals rather than flames and reach a low temperature range, normally
between 300º and 500°C (Gibson and Woods, 1990).
104 Firing Process
a) Closed Firings
The pottery fired in this type of structure is characterized by dark surface colours,
although in most cases they can also be slightly oxidised, thus showing red patches.
However, when the pottery is observed in cross section, the core appears dark and
usually has no marked differences with the outer margins of the vessel. To produce
this chromatic arrangement in the core and margins of vessels manufactured with
pastes poor in organic matter a highly reducing atmosphere is required along the firing.
Therefore, the potters pay continuous attention to the firing to succeed in the reduction
process. Potters can build specific types of features in order to encourage the absence
of oxygen within the firing structure. Moreover, they can saturate the firing atmosphere
with smoke originated from the combustion of fuel, especially if green and humid
wood is used. Thus, reducing atmospheres are attained by using closed firings and
continuously adding fuel, since in this way the circulation of air within the structure
is impeded (Barley, 1994; García Rosselló and Calvo, 2006; Reid, 2001). In comparison
to an oxidising atmosphere, the use of a reducing environment increases the reaction
temperature of the components of the paste by 50ºC (Maritan et al., 2006).
These ceramic features fit well with some experimental closed firings (e.g., Gasull
et al., 1984; Waldren, 1991) developed in both pit firing and bonfire sealed with mud
using relatively slow heating rates and long cooling times. The maximum temperature
achieved in bonfires sealed with mud was around 850°C, while pit firings carried out
in a windy day reached 1000°C. As noted before, this range of temperatures may entail
severe consequences in certain pottery productions, such as high calcareous pastes.
The entry of oxygen within the structures occurs during the last stage of the firing
process, when the fuel is consumed and starts the cooling period. Thus, the emergence
of air inside the firing structure oxidises the ceramic surfaces as well as, in some cases,
the vessel margins, which develop a thin red layer when seen in cross section.
In a reducing atmosphere, the gas released during firing tends to bond with
the oxygen atoms of some ceramic components, thus explaining the great colour
variability that is usually observed in the surfaces of the pottery but not in the
core. Reduction firings are very difficult to achieve, even using modern laboratory
techniques. The main reducing agent in the firing is the carbon monoxide released
from the organic matter present in the paste and the fuel used. In this sense, many
potter communities that aim to achieve reducing atmospheres prefer to build sealed
and non-permanent structures that are dismantled after the cooling period and once
the vessels are removed (Dawson and Kent, 1984, 1985; García Rosselló and Calvo,
2006; Livingstone-Smith, 2007). As documented in Tuxtla (Mexico), potters can build
proper structures to carry out closed firings in just a couple of hours (Pool, 2000).
However, as pointed out by experimental studies, despite the influence of
particular types of structures in the firing atmosphere and the colour of the vessels
(García Rosselló and Calvo, 2006), we cannot forget that the main factor that makes it
possible to achieve a reduced fabric is the potter’s skill. Thus, potters can consciously
Firing Atmosphere 105
vary the technological choices they make along the firing procedure in order to obtain
pottery vessels with specific characteristics (Dawson and Kent, 1985).
b) Open Firings
Vessels fired in open structures are characterized by the presence of pale and reddish
surfaces. However, rarely is fully oxidized pottery achieved, since it is common to find
dark patches on the surfaces derived from the contact with the fuel (García Rosselló
and Calvo, 2006). In this sense, Livingstone-Smith (2001, 2007) has distinguished from
the thermometric behaviour of 80 ethnographic firings several types of structures that
generate ceramics with this range of colour (e.g., bonfires, depressions in the ground,
poorly insulated open firings and ceramic kilns). Most of the firings recorded were
characterised, in general, by durations shorter than one hour and a heating rate that
may be higher than 40°C/min.
In most of these structures both firing temperature and atmosphere can be highly
variable, either along the firing process and the different parts of the structure or
in the same vessel (Gosselain, 1992b; Livingstone-Smith, 2001; Maggetti et al., 2011;
Nicholson and Patterson, 1989). However, open firings provide quick heating rates up
to the maximum temperature, which can be attained in less than half an hour. Many
open firings in which the maximum temperature is achieved in less than 20 minutes
are recorded (Hoard et al., 1995; Hodges, 1962; Skibo, 1992). The firing procedures
used by Kusasi and Konkomba potters from north-east Ghana (Fig. 12.9) are good
examples of a quick rise in temperature, since the maximum temperature is reached
in the first minutes of the firing process (Calvo et al., 2013).
Figure 12.9: Time-temperature curves of open firings recorded in the Upper East and Northern
regions of Ghana (after Calvo et al., 2013). A) Konkomba bonfire without any insulation. B) Kusasi
firing with insulation construction covered with broken ceramics.
106 Firing Process
Once the maximum temperature is raised, normally ranging from 500º to 900°C, it is
maintained for a very short time (Gibson and Woods, 1990; Maggetti et al., 2011; Tite,
1999, 2008). As described by A. Livingstone-Smith (2007), the exposure to maximum
temperature is often kept for less than nine minutes in the case of bonfires, depressions
in the ground and poorly insulated open firings. Regardless of the type of structure
used, the time of exposure at temperatures above 700°C is usually minimised and
even non-existent. This is the case, for instance, of the domestic pottery made in
Cameroon (Gosselain et al., 1996) and Philippines, which use bonfires that have short
duration. In these cases the scale of production is low, for their own use, so that only
between 6 and 20 vessels of a varied typology are simultaneously fired (Skibo, 1992;
Van der Leeuw, 1984).
In this sense, it should be noted that the use of an oxidising atmosphere ensures
optimum combustion conditions during pottery firing (Morales, 2005). However, the
quickly reached heating rates mentioned above are only feasible in coarse pastes,
such as the ones usually found in prehistoric ceramics. Thus, this quick increase in
temperature during firing is not recommended for fine-textured pastes, such as the
ones typically used to produce wheel-made pottery. Fine pastes like these contain
high amounts of pore water and must be fired using slow heating rates in order to
properly release the water vapour contained in the paste and avoid the collapse of
the pottery. In any case, firing structures such as kilns are quite versatile and allow
firing both fine and coarse pastes. Coarse-textured pottery has more possibilities to
withstand quick heating rates, although there is still a high risk of cracking due to the
evaporation of volatiles. It should be highlighted, therefore, that there was a need for
coarse pastes in many prehistoric productions, since pottery vessels had to be able to
resist firing procedures, such as the use of open firings characterised by fast heating
rates (Tite, 1999, 2008).
Thus, potteries with low frequency of aplastic components fired with this latter
procedure often have significant defects, such as alterations in their shape and size.
These alterations are associated with a deformation of the surfaces, the angles and
rims of the vessels, causing the loss of symmetry. These problems are also related
to poor grinding and mixing of raw materials during the preparation of the paste
that result in an heterogeneous composition due to the varied arrangement of the
components in the matrix. This disposition involves, in turn, an irregular distribution
of the moisture remaining in the pottery when it is introduced into the firing structure.
Thus, deformation occurs as the consequence of a more intense and fast dehydration
of certain parts of the pottery. In this sense, it is advisable to control wall thickness,
especially in those areas of the vessels that are most susceptible to suffer cracks, as
the rims (Morales, 2005).
Open firings that have short duration and low temperature leave little
archaeological evidence, especially if the structure is cleaned after each use.
Moreover, the sediment surrounding bonfires or pit firings is usually little affected.
Further difficulty lies in distinguishing between conventional household fireplaces
Firing Atmosphere 107
and pottery firing structures. This is a complex aspect since there are cases, for
example in Nicaragua (Palomar, 2009), in which domestic hearths are also used to
fire pottery. As Gibson and Woods (1990) have pointed out, it is necessary to develop
further ethnoarchaeological and experimental research in order to solve these
problems and approach the material record related to small-scale pottery firings.
These frameworks may be very useful for identifying pottery firing structures and
production areas that have gone unnoticed in the course of many archaeological
excavations.
In addition to all the key aspects explained above regarding the use of open
firings, an exception should be highlighted in which the use of such structures
does not necessarily lead to oxidised sections and surfaces in the pottery.
Ethnoarchaeological studies have demonstrated that pastes rich in organic matter
may result in a chromatic range strongly related to reduced atmospheres, even if the
pottery is fired in open structures. In these types of pastes and firing procedures,
the pottery sections are fully reduced or only have thinly oxidised margins as well
as pale patches on the surfaces. These features have been observed, for instance,
in Krumiria (Tunisia) in ceramic assemblages fired in open firings. Potters from this
area use leaves and cow dung as fuel in order to fire pastes rich in humus contents.
The firing is finished in only 30 minutes and, after this process, the vessels have
black cores and light coloured margins of a variable thickness (García Rosselló
et al., 2011).
Experimental research undertaken with pastes rich in organic matter (Gibson
and Woods, 1990; Hodges, 1962; Maritan et al., 2006; Nodari et al., 2004) has also
reported that it is common to obtain blackened cores in oxidising atmospheres.
Dark cores, especially present in the thickest walls, result from a reduced firing
atmosphere that differs from the general oxidising atmosphere prevailing in the
surfaces of the vessel. Therefore, reducing conditions take place in the core of
pastes rich in organic matter, thus delaying the oxidation process. In these reducing
atmospheres, the high amount of CO2 present in the firing at 650°C inhibits the
loss of carbon from the organic matter. Carbon is released more slowly, so that,
it is common to find charred organic components in the cores of pottery fired at
low temperatures, in short firings and oxidising atmosphere. The amount of CO2
and therefore the reducing effects can be increased if wet organic matter is used to
temper the vessels (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985).
In short, pastes rich in organic matter do not necessarily require closed firings
to develop reducing atmospheres inside the walls of the vessels. Hence, in these
kinds of pastes we have to consider the open or closed nature of the structures
employed in the firing and the way they relate to the chromatic distribution on
the whole vessel. Moreover, in fabrics with graphitized organic matter and thinly
oxidised vessel margins we can assume the use of low temperatures as well as short
and open firings.
108 Firing Process
Figure 13.1: Conceptual scheme of the formation of successive fabrics from the use of different raw
materials, temper and firing procedures.
110 Raw Materials, Techniques and Sequences: Fabrics
All these actions alter the raw materials and, if performed differentially, result
in multiple combinations that generate different pastes and/or fabrics. The potter’s
actions determine, then, the properties and final characteristics of the diverse fabrics
in terms of mineralogical and chemical composition, texture, porosity, consistency,
hardness, weight, durability, compactness, colour, surface appearance, shape,
homogeneity, symmetry of the shape, etc. The final product is therefore largely
determined by the materials and techniques used in its production. These factors,
which are strongly related to particular technological choices, determine in turn the
physical properties of the artefacts, such as their thermal resistance or mechanical
strength, as well as the way they are perceived and visualised (Capel et al., 1982; Cuomo
Di Caprio, 1985; Darvill and Timby, 1982; Dietler and Herbich, 1998; MacGregor, 1999;
Prieto, 1999, 2006; Whitbread, 1989).
A pottery fabric is then characterised by a particular chemical, mineralogical and
textural composition that relates to both the clay matrix and the inclusions or tempers
that make up the ceramic body. Thus, fabrics are established according to certain
physicochemical characteristics of the pottery assemblages. In this way, vessels
grouped in a particular fabric share a number of common technological features
related to the use of the same or very similar materials and techniques throughout
their chaîne opératoire. The interpretation of ceramic technology in cultural and
social terms is based on the determination of some distinctive technological features
in ceramic assemblages related to certain technological choices. The potter’s choice of
certain materials and techniques in the production of specific ceramics is a reflection
of his/her cultural tradition. In this sense, it is essential to know the materials and
techniques chosen to produce the vessels in order to establish fabrics and go further
in the interpretation of the technological features of pottery assemblages. The
analysis of the fabric is essential since it is the final result of all the materials and
techniques used in the production of the pottery and involves an object that has its
own rationale in a given society. That is the reason why it is essential to group together
pottery vessels manufactured through identical technological conceptions and using
raw materials with similar characteristics and properties. In this sense, the concept
of fabric allows us to compare the technological features existing between different
pottery assemblages, that may have been made with clays of different provenance
but, nevertheless, using similar technological choices.
Furthermore, the manufacture of a particular fabric involves certain effort
investment. Thus, this concept also provides information regarding pottery production
in economic terms. For instance, the time and effort invested to produce the pottery
can be related to the cost of the materials and the product use life. The time invested in
the preparation of the paste may vary depending on the distance to the clay sources,
the means used to transport the raw material, the level of purification of the clay and
the time spent in searching for and preparing the temper. For instance, the time spent
to prepare the paste and to form pots may differ depending on the type of temper
selected. Thus, pottery may be performed in less than 30 minutes using organic
Firing Atmosphere 111
matter as temper (Skibo et al., 1989), while it may require about 90 minutes if crushed
calcite is added to the clay (Martineau et al., 2007). This viewpoint clearly responds
to westerners’ conceptions of technical and economic efficiency. However, analysing
the effort investment devoted to each phase of the pottery production may be useful to
address other aspects involved in the selection of raw materials and techniques, and
thereby in obtaining particular end products (Martineau et al., 2007).
Finally, it should be noted that, as in the establishment of petrogroups, the selection
of the parameters that group a pottery assemblage in a particular fabric involves some
degree of subjectivity. Creating a fabric implies a process of interpretation regarding
the similarities and differences existing among the vessels that is deeply influenced
by the theoretical perspectives of the researchers. Hence, although fabrics represent
a useful concept for approaching technology in archaeological ceramics, we have to
be aware that they are created from the researchers’ rationality patterns and relate
to specific ways of organising and understanding the ceramic assemblage. In short,
there is no perfect fabric.
In this sense, the goals, procedures and enquiries generated by researchers are
significantly distanced from the context in which the ceramic was originally placed.
The pottery was related to the potters’ rationality patterns and, then, the aims they
pursued in a given functional, social, economic, symbolic and ideological context.
Thus, the same vessel could be classified in different fabrics depending on the potter’s
or researcher’s viewpoints. Moreover, diverse researchers may even apply differing
perspectives and classification criteria in the study of the same pottery assemblage.
14 The Role of Ethnoarchaeology and Experimental
Archaeology in the Study of Ceramics
As we have already seen, the classification of ceramics and, as will be seen shortly,
the interpretation of the materials, techniques, chaînes opératoires and technological
features of the pottery, are often carried out through ways of understanding the
material culture that are typical of the western world. We must consider that the
research itself involves a close connection between archaeologists and the patterns
they observe in the artefacts. Thus, the possibility that the several relationships
established by archaeologists among the material culture may be far from the
behaviours and motivations existing in the past should be assessed. The reason is
that the whole research process is conditioned by the theoretical, scientific and social
context in which the researchers are placed. Ultimately, researchers themselves are
responsible regarding the significance given to the connections established between
pottery technology and individuals (Van der Leeuw, 1984).
In this sense, positivist positions based on numerical data have generally
considered that there is a wide gap between researchers and their object of study.
Moreover, this perspective, significantly present in ceramic Archaeometry,
understands the materiality as something static, stable and unchanging that can
be objectively approached. This objective assessment is performed through the use
of techniques and methods from the natural sciences, which are applied in order to
achieve quantitative data about certain variables that characterise the objects (Dobres
and Hoffman, 1994). Nevertheless, the use of quantitative data does not exclude the
possibility of undertaking ethnocentric interpretations based on our own way of
understanding nature or efficiency, among other many aspects (Jones, 2002).
Other perspectives on technology are not free from these problems either. We
must therefore be aware of our position as researchers when addressing through the
archaeological record specific social dynamics and identities in the past. For example,
it has been noted that issues like these may be strongly related to current insights
involving processes (e.g., colonization and decolonization) that are restricted to
modern times. It is common to discuss cultural traditions and identities in prehistoric
times when perhaps the desire to visualise these aspects in the past may be related to
problems that take place in the present (Dobres and Robb, 2000; Miller, 1994; Tilley,
2006).
Once the idea that any research is an extension of the scholar is accepted, it is
possible to be aware of our own views and minimise the systematic and exclusive
application of certain perspectives when approaching the past. Besides this
assumption, we can address the interpretation of material culture from a wider
perspective through the use of ethnoarchaeology and ethnoarchaeometry. Along
with these procedures, experimental archaeology is also a proper way to solve
specific issues related to materiality that may arise throughout the research process.
Ethnoarchaeology, Ethnoarchaeometry and Ceramic Technology 113
the inadequacy of certain ceramic descriptions and classifications often carried out
in archaeology, since they may be far from the concepts and ideas used by people in
their daily lives (Van der Leeuw, 1999).
In contrast, ethnoarchaeological observations of different social, cultural and
environmental contexts, as well as the careful use of this discipline through a deep
contextual analysis, has thrown light upon the cultural complexity involved in the
technological choices of the individuals along the life cycle of ceramics. In this sense,
many studies in ceramic technology consider that ethnoarchaeology is a suitable
discipline to connect the abstract and ideal dimension of the analytical data with the
real and multidimensional world in which people live. Thus, it has been emphasised
that social practices and material culture are strongly determined by the context
in which individuals live, where ceramics interact in complex ways with multiple
aspects of culture (Christakis, 1999; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Stark, 2003).
The application of these latter perspectives has reopened the debate on concepts,
such as “hand-made pottery”, that were supposedly well-established. Thus, it is
currently emphasized that these concepts are endowed with a complexity that is
difficult to approach from an etic and universalistic perspective alone. In this way,
not all hand-made vessels are manufactured, perceived, understood and used in
the same way, and thus also involve multiple and varied meanings. In this sense,
ethnoarchaeology approximates for us the complexity and diversity of cultural
behaviours and promotes a more open-minded and less ethnocentric perspective
whereby we exercise greater caution in order to avoid universilising interpretations
(González Ruibal, 2003). This perspective raises awareness regarding the existence
of multiple technological choices that are completely inconceivable from our highly
functionalist western and modern viewpoints (Sillar and Tite, 2000; West, 1992).
In this sense, any culture relates to certain historical processes involving different
individuals as agents. In this framework, different interactions with the social and
natural environment are produced and diverse historical dynamics are generated.
Thus, it is risky to make universal generalizations regarding technology based on
models that have a low level of universality, since the transmission of technological
knowledge always takes place in specific contexts and through concrete language
and situations. Obviously, concepts induced from different phenomena are
incommensurable. Hence, the systematic application of ethnographic analogies not
subjected to criticism and reflection is extremely dangerous, since it can easily give
place to the establishment of cultural attributes that do not necessarily correlate
between different societies (Carreras and Nadal, 2003; Djordjevic, 2003; González
Ruibal, 2003).
These premises are sufficiently consistent to avoid making empirically based
analogies between contemporary practices involving pottery and the actions
undertaken by individuals in the past. In any case, although no culture is universal
and each practice has to be understood in its specific framework, it is possible to
reflect on concepts that are related to similar technological actions and contexts. We
116 The Role of Ethnoarchaeology and Experimental Archaeology in the Study of Ceramics
can evaluate if the common technological traits documented may respond to a similar
phenomenology (Van der Leeuw, 1984) and carry out an accurate contextual analysis
with the aim to validate or refute the hypotheses (Hodder, 1991).
In short, although the possibilities of ethnography to enrich our explanations
about the past are suggestive, their use in terms of direct analogies related to
extinct prehistoric cultural practices is quite dangerous. The rationality patterns of
modern societies do not necessarily fit with the rationale and concerns of ancient
communities. It is therefore necessary to admit the limitations of ethnoarchaeology
in archaeological interpretation. In this sense, this discipline provides a reflective
framework that enriches our interpretations regarding archaeological pottery and
provides us access to multiple conceptualizations of both reality and materiality. The
study of modern societies allows us to face multicultural complexity and overcome
ethnocentric conceptions through which many western and modern researchers
often explain the material record of past societies. Thus, this perspective enhances
critical views that are crucial when assessing the analysis of contexts, objects and
meanings that little have to do with our own values and rationale (González Ruibal,
2003; Hernando, 1995; Hodder, 1991).
The archaeometric characterization of ceramics and raw materials from modern
societies has led to a branch in ethnoarchaeology and ceramic studies called
Ethnomineralogy (Arnold, 1971) or Ethnoarchaeometry (Buxeda et al., 2003). The
combination of archaeometry and ethnoarchaeology favoured a deeper insight on the
way the different potter’s technological choices carried out along the chaîne opératoire
have a particular reflection in the multiple dimensions of materiality. On the one
hand, archaeometry provides an effective procedure for obtaining a large amount of
accurate technological data from the materiality. On the other, ethnography provides
a framework that explains such archaeometric data through several viewpoints (e.g.,
social, ideological, identity, etc.).
Ethnoarchaeometry allows us to test methodologies commonly used in the
analysis of ceramics and to challenge their constraints and possibilities in the study
of the archaeological record. In this sense, studies developed in Pereruela in Spain
(Buxeda et al., 2003; Cau, 2003) tested, for example, the amount of sample that is
needed to have a proper analytical representation of a ceramic. This study also dealt
with the compositional variability existing within a single vessel as well as within
a production centre, approaching the chemical elements and causes involved in
such variability. Researches like these assess, for instance, the ability of various
archaeometric analyses such as XRF or INAA to distinguish different production units
and centres of production.
Complementarily, ethnoarchaeometry assesses how social aspects are reflected in
the composition of pottery with the aim to develop deeper interpretations regarding its
technology. In this sense, attention is paid to the way potters categorise clays through
their mineralogical attributes (Arnold, 1971) or how the compositional variability
observed in ceramics may respond to multiple social and environmental factors
Ethnoarchaeology, Ethnoarchaeometry and Ceramic Technology 117
(Arnold, 2000). This branch of ethnoarchaeology has also demonstrated that many
archaeological interpretations made on the basis of archaeometric data may be overly
simplistic. Thus, they do not accurately respond to the social realities underlying the
technological actions with which relate (Livingstone-Smith, 2007). Moreover, it is also
highlighted that the composition of ceramics may reflect particular social links (Druc
and Gwyn, 1998; Stark et al., 2000) or the existence of factionalism within a single
community (Neupert, 2000).
All the viewpoints mentioned above imply a useful framework to best approach the
significance of the technological actions identified through the analysis of materials.
Thus, a significant methodological, interpretative and conceptual progress in the
study of ceramic technology can be achieved by complementing archaeometry and
ethnoarchaeology. Going beyond the mere analogy, ethnoarchaeometric approaches
allow a better understanding of the relationship between the ideal and materiality,
providing an adequate procedure for interpreting the analytical results in terms of
social practices. Moreover, this discipline allows us to carry out interpretations in
which pottery vessels and their life cycle are fully active in society. Ethnography
has proven to be crucial for recognizing the existence of social interactions within
a community that are related to specific ways of organising pottery production and
identity bonds (e.g., Gosselain, 2000). So, these kinds of approaches make it possible
to face the social significance of technology as well as the mechanisms and contexts
in which it is transmitted, maintained or changed throughout time and place.
Finally, Historical Anthropology is another interesting discipline that should be
briefly mentioned in this section. This approach considers available knowledge (e.g.,
folklore, mythology, crafts, values and concepts, etc.) related to specific historical
frameworks that are close in space and time to the archaeological contexts under study.
Thus, this historical information may potentially be used to interpret archaeological
data, although always avoiding essentialisms and timeless identities. This
perspective, in which current material culture is used to interpret the archaeological
record, is also developed from ethnoarchaeometrical studies centred on the analysis
of raw materials, pastes and pottery fabrics. Thus, several studies consider the
technological traditions and traits that define current pottery productions with the
aim to deepen in the technology of ancient artefacts. This is the case, for instance,
of some archaeometric research recently undertaken in some Mediterranean islands
such as Sicily, Sardinia and Crete (Cau et al., 2011; Kiriatzi et al., 2009; Montana and
Polito, 2009; Polito et al., 2011; Tsantini et al., 2011), as well as in pottery productions
from Ituri in the Congo (Mercader et al., 2000), the Banda area in Ghana (Cruz, 1996;
Stahl et al., 2008) or the Philippines (Yankowski, 2008) and Pakistan (Spataro, 2004).
118 The Role of Ethnoarchaeology and Experimental Archaeology in the Study of Ceramics
In these studies, the control over the multiple variables involved in the experimental
process is low and their quantification non-existent. Although such experiments may
be useful for providing some experience and establish qualitatively the degree of
difficulty of certain techniques, their potential is especially noticeable in the field of
archaeological education (Erin, 2009; Morgado and Baena, 2011).
On the other hand, there are experimental researches in which accurate and
precise measurements are performed on specific variables in laboratories under closely
controlled conditions. Moreover, a substantial number of samples are often chosen in
order to give greater significance to the results. This strategy also allows the statistical
treatment of experimental data as well as the establishment of numerical ranges related
to the behaviour of each parameter tested. These experiments focus on how certain
technical procedures affect the composition and/or properties of materials. In this
sense, various parameters and several phases of the chaîne opératoire are studied, as
well as other issues related to use and depositional processes affecting pottery (Albero,
2010; Bronitsky and Hamer, 1986; Müller et al., 2009; Pierret, 1994; Schiffer and Skibo,
1987; Skibo and Schiffer, 1987; Skibo et al., 1989; Steponatis, 1984; Tite et al., 2001;
Woods, 1986).
Experimental studies in ceramics are quite varied. For instance, there are
experiments that focus on the application of certain surface treatments, such as resins,
slips or decorations (Capel et al., 2006; Schiffer, 1990a; Skibo et al., 1997; Young and
Stone, 1990). Others refer to the firing process and analyse the behaviour of pottery
regarding their composition and firing temperature (Maritan et al., 2005), the use of
various types of firing structures and atmospheres (Dawson and Kent, 1984, 1985, 1987)
and fuels (Palamarczuk, 2004; Waldren, 1991). Other experimental researches carried
out with the aim to approach the compositional changes that take place in the paste
as a consequence of the clay purification process and the addition of temper are also
documented (Blackman, 1992; Cogswell et al., 1998; Kilikoglou et al., 1988; Neff et al.,
1988, 1989; Sterba et al., 2009).
Others studies have added temper of different nature to clays in order to approximate
the attributes, advantages and limitations that these components provide to raw
materials and final products. Studies performed with widely used tempers such as shell
(Carter, 2002; Feathers, 2006; Maritan et al., 2007; Rye, 1976; Schiffer and Skibo, 1987),
quartz (Kilikoglou et al., 1998; West, 1992), or organic matter (Albero, 2010; Hodges,
1962; Johnson et al., 1988; Maritan et al., 2006; Schiffer and Skibo, 1987; Sestier et al.,
2005; Skibo et al., 1989; Toledo et al., 2004; Tsetlin, 2003a) can be mentioned. There
are also experiments that tested organic substances rarely used in pottery production,
such as hair to temper the paste (Jeffra, 2008) or blood to hydrate the clay and shape
the vessels (Vidal, 2011a).
Also experimental research often focuses in the analysis of clays with the aim to
approach their physical properties and behaviour as well as the differences existing
between the different sources surrounding archaeological sites. As seen before, the
manufacturing process implies deep physicochemical changes in the raw materials
120 The Role of Ethnoarchaeology and Experimental Archaeology in the Study of Ceramics
that involve a large number of variables. This complexity derives from the multiple
components that make up clays, as well as the diverse environmental aspects involved
in their behaviour (e.g., humidity, ambient temperature, firing atmosphere, heating
rate, duration of the firing, etc.). Thus, experiments with clays usually concentrate
only on variables that are considered relevant to undertake the pottery production. It
is common to analyse aspects such as plasticity, water absorption, weight loss after
drying and firing processes, porosity, chromatic schemes, etc. (Carter, 2002; Howard,
1982; Morales, 2005; Rice, 1987; Tsetlin, 2003a).
Although abundant literature exists regarding the general behaviour of many
types of clays, the aim of experimental archaeology is also to validate such universal
assessments in practice and in specific materials. This approach is recommended
since significant compositional variations may exist between different clay sources
that also involve relevant changes in their physicochemical properties. Thus, the
causes of differences in the attributes of the clays present in a given territory can be
addressed through the analytical and experimental research of ceramic raw materials.
Subsequently, we can try to find out if these properties could influence their selection.
Both routines, theoretical and practical, are complementary and allow us to approach
and quantify some specific features of the raw materials available to ancient potters
(Albero, 2011a; Albero and García Rosselló, 2011; García Rosselló and Albero, 2011).
Another kind of experimental research commonly applied in ceramic archaeometry
is centred on the experimentation and subsequent analysis of the archaeological
samples themselves. As stated in previous sections, re-firing experiments of
archaeological pottery are usual in order to approach the firing procedures used by
potters. Thus, the several physicochemical changes occurring in clays and pastes as
a consequence of the application of heat, as well as their thermic and dilatometric
behaviour, are usually recorded. These types of thermal analyses, such as Differential
Thermal Analysis (DTA), Thermo-Gravimetric Analysis (TGA) and X-ray Diffraction
(XRD) equipped with high temperature chamber, provide experimental patterns
that can be compared with the data obtained from the archaeological ceramics.
For instance, they can be used for modelling the development of high temperature
minerals in the samples or to differentiate between exothermic (heat release) and
endothermic (heat absorption) mineral phases occurring in the pastes (Albero,
2011a; Buxeda and Cau, 1995; Buxeda et al., 2002; Schwedt et al., 2006). Thermal
experiments also provide information about weight loss and calorimetric changes
that occur in the sample during the heating process. Their use is common in clay
studies and, to a lesser extent, in ceramic archaeometry17 since they are quite effective
17 The benefits of thermal analyses in archaeological and experimental research on clays and cera-
mics have been highlighted by many scholars (e.g., Capel, 1983; Drebushchak et al., 2005; Gibson and
Woods, 1990; Mahmoudi et al., 2008; Maritan et al., 2007; Morales, 2005; Murad and Wagner, 1996;
Orellana et al., 2001; Papadopoulou et al., 2006; Souza et al., 2005; Turbanti, 2004).
Ceramics and Experimentation in Archaeology 121
for modelling, among other processes, solid phase reactions as well as crystalline and
glass transitions.
The criticisms made to experimental approaches lie in the fact that most research
exclusively undertakes functional, materialistic or technical explanations of the results
obtained. They rarely refer to other aspects of the artefacts that are also important to
properly understand other dimensions of their use, such as the symbolic or social
spheres (Carreras and Nadal, 2003). Furthermore, there are some problems arising
from the significance that archaeologists give to inferences based on technological
approaches in which the roles of apprentice, participant and researcher lie in the same
individual. In this sense, this framework is clearly deficient for establishing definitive
conclusions about the reasons that motivate people to use a certain technology in
the past. As with ethnoarchaeology, the impossibility of drawing analogies between
past and present through experimental research should be accepted. However, once
this fact is assumed, it remains clear that the value of experimental archaeology lies
in its potential to generate new hypotheses that permit to enrich significantly our
interpretive frameworks.
Experimentation provides a background from which we can approach the
cognitive ability of people to perceive certain attributes of the materials (Schiffer,
2004; Schiffer and Skibo, 1987). Thus, this strategy allows us to reflect to what extent
changes in the physical properties of ceramics may result from potters’ intentional
actions and their awareness of the effects of such properties. This background makes
it possible to identify whether the actions performed by potters and users were
intentional and meaningful. However, among the problems related to this approach,
as will be discussed in the following sections, the impossibility of establishing valid
and universal categories of perception shared for all the cultures should be noted
(Jones, 2002).
Experimental research also provides a framework from which to understand the
complex and multiple physical connections existing between the different techniques
and materials involved in the chaîne opératoire, as well as among the different phases
of the life cycle of ceramics. In short, the development of accurate experiments
starting from particular archaeological enquiries allows us to better approximate
the technical parameters that drive pottery production. Thus, these approaches are
capable of providing more significance to the inferences made regarding ceramic
records of extinct societies (Djordjevic, 2003; Kingery, 1982; Schiffer and Skibo, 1987;
Sillar and Tite, 2000).
The physical properties of raw materials and artefacts are fundamental aspects of
the materiality and affect the way in which they are selected, handled and used (Jones,
2004). Thus, overcoming purely technical interpretations in experimental research
lies in investigating how prehistoric societies used the properties of various materials
and techniques in order to constrain or expand their use in certain social practices.
In this sense, we can try to establish some connections between the properties of
particular materials and the way they are socialized in particular contexts.
122 The Role of Ethnoarchaeology and Experimental Archaeology in the Study of Ceramics
by one or another position coincide, such as the shared interest in approaching raw
material procurement, although they differ in the viewpoint used and the relevance
given to the different aspects studied. The first two theoretical approaches can be
generically classified within evolutionary, normative, materialistic, essentialist and
deterministic trends based on a rationalist logic much closer to the natural sciences.
In these discourses an interest in establishing testable, reproducible and objectively
established cross-cultural general laws usually exists.
There is an extensive literature (e.g., Arnold, 1985; Braun, 1983; Hoard et al., 1995;
O’Brien et al., 1994; Rye, 1976; Schiffer, 1990b; Schiffer and Skibo, 1987) in which
both evolutionary perspectives, ceramic ecology and functionalism, are combined.
However, some differences regarding the issues in which they focus, along with
certain interpretive nuances (O’Brien et al., 1998), allow us to divide this broad
evolutionary trend into two distinct positions. As pointed by P. Rice (1996), there are
differences regarding the interpretation of technological features. On the one hand, a
technological trait can be related to economic viewpoints which determine the pottery
production and are typical of ceramic ecology. On the other, the same technological
trait can be interpreted according to high efficiency assumptions characteristic of
functionalist positions more related to pottery use. Although we must be aware that
both perspectives often go hand in hand, the different approaches stated within the
general trend suggest treating both tendencies separately.
Opposed to these perspectives, we will also focus on another viewpoint on
technology with an origin linked to the school of Techniques et Culture and the
anthropology of techniques. For the last two decades the conceptual foundations of
these lines of thought have been also combined with propositions from postprocessual
(contextual) archaeology. In this sense, it is a point of view on technology that is
closer to the social sciences and owns a relativistic background regarding the way
knowledge is generated, thus considering the multivocality and incommensurability
involved in the different ways of seeing the world (Jones, 2002). It is a perspective in
which there is, therefore, a greater interest in intra-cultural aspects and in generating
specific and deeply contextual discourses.
17 Ceramic Ecology
Most of the processual studies related to systems theory and focused on archaeological
ceramics can be broadly included in a theoretical trend known as Ceramic Ecology
(Matson, 1965a). In this perspective, the natural environment and, to a lesser extent,
the functional contexts rather than the sociocultural factors are greatly emphasised.
This position tries to understand and regulate the dynamic relationships existing
between the ceramics as a cultural product and the natural environment as a way to
transcend the objects themselves. From an ecological point of view, the adaptation
of the pottery to the environment is the primary aspect in determining the physical
features of the artefacts. Both the environment and the physical dimension of the
objects condition the human behaviour developed to create the ceramics.
Many authors (e.g., Arnold, 1985, 1993; Kolb, 1988; Matson, 1965b, 1995; Rice,
1996; Rye, 1976, 1981) suggested from this cultural ecology viewpoint that the
technological choices made by the potters could respond more to environmental
issues, such as raw material availability and their quality, than to social factors.
As recently clarified by D. Arnold (2011), the intention of this perspective is not to
understand the relationship between pottery production and the environment in a
mono-causal or deterministic sense. The main purposes consist in overcoming cultural
determinism and highlighting those aspects of pottery production that, in opinion of
most of the mentioned authors, clearly relate to environmental factors and were not
considered when these perspectives became popular. Hence, it was considered that
researchers had to take into account the crucial role that the environment plays in
their interpretation of the relation existing between human behaviour and ceramics.
Ceramic ecology, in accordance with processualist thinking, agrees that from
a cognitive perspective all human beings perceive the environment in the same way
through their five senses. In this way, for example, many modern potters included in
domestic productions (e.g., Arnold, 1971, 2000) are able to categorize their raw materials
on the basis of variables such as colour, texture, presence of certain particles, plasticity,
degree of salinity, etc. This perception allows potters to predict the suitability of the
materials for pottery production and to select them accordingly. It is due to this sensorial
perception that the basis for an epistemology of the human species can be established
which sets a number of general connections between cognitive categories and the
surrounding natural environment. These links can be glimpsed in the choices made
by potters and, ultimately, in the vessels they manufacture. This common cognition
involves, for instance, the raw materials used to make pottery, the idea of symmetry that
structures the decorative patterns and defines the style of the vessels or the cognitive
requirements that are necessary for firing the pottery.
It is accepted that the pottery has an additive component related to particular
cultural patterns and that there are practices specific of each culture that go beyond
purely cognitive knowledge. However, it must be also noted that this common human
cognition is in fact the key factor that permits the development of pottery production
130 Ceramic Ecology
in many societies worldwide. In the case of pottery, this common cognition is possible
thanks to the physicochemical properties of the materiality itself, such as clay plasticity.
In this sense, in this theoretical trend researchers are widely concerned about the
behaviours that, from a participant observation and an etic perspective, allow them
to establish cross-cultural connections that follow universal rules regarding human
cognition and include materiality. Their interpretations are then performed from
positions of presumed moral superiority, impartiality and objectivity that characterise
positivist science. Thus, they emphasise that feedback relations exist between
environment and culture that are isomorphic among societies. Although these
connections could start from particular cultural causes, the fact is that they crystallise
in the same way in different potter communities, thus acquiring a universal scope.
It is in this feedback, which entails conscious and unconscious information flows,
where the behaviour of the individuals takes place and where certain technological
choices promoting change or stability in ceramics are developed.
Therefore, in this theoretical school, the particular rationale of each culture and
the emic viewpoints or the “ideal behaviour” of the people studied are considered
irrelevant in the analysis of ceramics. Therefore, the logic used by the individuals, for
instance, to structure the design and decorative patterns in the vessels or for firing the
pottery, is seen to be of little value to approach the past, since they do not respond
to Middle Range Theories. These “ideal behaviours” are constructed categories
which are related to what people say about what they do. However, they must not be
thought of as the real reasons why people develop certain behaviours. Hence, in order
to provide scientific validity, these behavioural patterns require further verification
from an etic perspective.
The definition of Middle Range Theories is the ultimate goal of this line of
thought. According to its premises, these theories provide a scientific value to pottery
studies allowing the interpretation of the archaeological record and the past through
ethnoarchaeological analogies. In addition, such ideas have been often combined
with other evolutionary and economist perspectives and, in a few cases (e.g., Arnold,
1983), with structuralist viewpoints.
Finally, a cultural version of this approach has also been proposed, where the
relationship between environment and culture is not seen as uniquely unidirectional.
Therefore, culture is argued to interrelate with the natural environment. This latter
position has led to new ecological trends that aim at approaching the way human
beings physically and conceptually change and influence the biotic and abiotic
resources available in the environment (Arnold, 1993; Banning, 2005; Dobres and
Hoffman, 1994; Lavan, 2007; Van der Leeuw, 1984).
In short, ceramic ecology has tried to establish a significant correlation between
parameters involved in pottery production or consumption processes and the
environmental system. In this sense, diverse topics have been commonly addressed
such as raw material procurement, spatial management of resources, environmental
sustainability and seasonality.
Raw Material Procurement 131
The study of soils in the natural environment from the perspective of soil science
and human geography has been undertaken with archaeological purposes since the
1960’s. Pedological studies allow archaeologists to approach the composition and
the local or regional variability of soils, as well as to infer the potential uses they
could have had in specific archaeological contexts. The application of this trend
had also some impact on ethnographic studies. Thus, ethnopedological approaches
(e.g., Arnold, 1971, 1985; Wilshusen and Stone, 1990) aim at deepening in the
interactions and the knowledge that humans establish with certain mineral resources.
As aforementioned, this perspective considers that there is a complex interaction
in all societies between environment and the cultural perception that determines
the way resources are exploited as well as the social organisation of production.
Thus, depending on the natural possibilities, different resources can be selected in
a particular region according to a series of social and biological needs. In this sense,
the materiality involved in social practices is considered to be greatly influenced
by the raw materials available in the environment (Kingery, 1984; Rice, 1984b).
Clay resources available in the landscape are usually varied and rarely restricted
to a single deposit. In this way, the variations observed in the composition of the
pottery indirectly reflect the unequal distribution of the geological resources and
the management of the raw materials present in a given environment (Arnold, 2000;
Buxeda et al., 2003).
While sedimentary clay deposits apparently have the same basic properties (e.g.,
plasticity and ability for hydration), they are actually formed by lithologic components
that can vary greatly from one deposit to another and, to a lesser extent, within the
same source. These variations in the composition also determine fluctuations in
the mechanical and physicochemical properties of the materials. These particular
properties of soils may influence, on the one hand, a preferential selection of the
natural resources based on their behaviour according to certain technical needs
which are related to the manufacturing process and the use of artefacts. On the other,
the properties of the raw materials available in the environment determine the way
in which potters carry out production as well as the introduction of certain technical
actions. In this sense, according to their experience, potters can use or refuse any
particular clay, but they can also modify its behaviour and properties through
experimenting and mixing the soil with other materials (Arnold, 2000; Cooper, 2002;
Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Hein et al., 2004; Mahmoudi et al., 2008; Rice, 1984a; Van As,
1984).
132 Ceramic Ecology
The previous assumptions make clear that the knowledge of how and why people
produce and use pottery requires to address the study of ceramics themselves, but
also the analysis of their raw materials. Enquiries associated with the properties
of clays can be inferred from the characterisation of their mineralogical, chemical
and textural composition, as well as through their geological distribution (Carretero
et al., 2002; Chávez and Johns, 1995), as a complementary step to the study of the
end products (Martín-Martín et al., 2006). Through the combination of different
archaeometric methods and techniques applied to the analysis of clay raw materials
the complex interactions existing between technical, functional and ecological factors
that are involved in the material culture can be inferred (Arnold, 2000; Blackman,
1992; Howard, 1982; Rice, 1984b; Roux and Courty, 1999; Van As, 1984).
In consequence, much technical and experimental research has been undertaken
in the field of ceramology18 in order to fully understand the physicochemical properties
of clay materials. In these works, the analysis of certain variables and processes
considered highly relevant in the ceramic production, such as the plasticity of the
materials or the changes they experience during dehydration has been prioritised. The
ultimate goal of these studies is to approach the specific behaviour of different types of
clay in the several stages involved in the pottery manufacturing process, such as paste
preparation, modelling, drying and firing. Although some of these studies examine
the characteristics of raw materials associated with traditional or preindustrial pottery
productions, the vast majority conduct in-depth approaches of the raw materials
highlighting their functional application to the current ceramic industry.
As noted by Gibson and Woods (1990), there are some constraints that should be
considered when extrapolating the reality of modern pottery to handmade ceramics of
the past. Thus, prehistoric pottery is often coarse-textured and fired at low temperatures,
while current ceramics have very fine pastes, thin walls and are fired at high temperatures.
Anyway, although there are significant technical dissimilarities, the ceramological
approaches are also interesting for studies of prehistoric pottery. In this sense, research
undertaken in the field of modern ceramic production has provided knowledge regarding
certain technological processes and facilitated the implementation of current and
sophisticated methodologies to better understand the technology of prehistoric pottery.
In any case, some archaeological studies also perform, in addition to the
identification and characterisation of local clays, experimental research with the
aim of approaching the physicochemical properties and the behaviour of the raw
materials available in the past. Thus, some key parameters (e.g., plasticity or thermal
behaviour) which are involved in the various phases of the chaîne opératoire are
18 There are many applied studies focused on this ceramological approach (e.g., Bernal et al., 2003; Car-
retero et al., 2002; Chávez and Johns, 1995; Delgado et al., 2007; Duitama et al., 2004; Ferrari and Gualtieri,
2006; Jordan et al., 2008; Lacasa et al., 2000; Mahmoudi et al., 2008; Maritan et al., 2006; Martín-Martín
et al., 2006; Murad and Wagner, 1996; Souza et al., 2005; Strazzera et al., 1997; Toledo et al., 2004).
Raw Material Procurement 133
recorded to evaluate the relationship existing between certain raw materials and the
production of specific ceramic assemblages (Albero, 2011a; Capel et al., 2006; Carter,
2002; Fernández Navarro, 2008; García Heras et al., 2001; García Rosselló and Albero,
2011; Key and Gaskin, 2000; Maritan et al., 2005a, 2005b; Núñez et al., 2002; Vaughn
and Neff, 2004). In this sense, P. Rice (1987) published an analytical protocol that
provides useful information about the properties of clay raw materials that is quite
accessible and affordable.
The provenance of the raw materials used in pottery production has been the most popular
topic of ceramic ecology through ethnoarchaeological studies involving many societies,
mainly from Africa and South America. From an economic viewpoint, these studies stated
that in both domestic and specialised productions the resources commonly used in pottery
production (e.g., clay, temper and fuel), especially those that required large quantities such
as the clay base, usually come from the areas close to production sites. Thus, it is suggested
that the distance at which the raw materials are collected respond to cross-cultural patterns
related to proximity and the minimal effort principle (Arnold, 1985)19.
These models were developed considering the transport of raw materials on foot,
since it is perhaps the most common system used by many pre-industrial societies
(Van der Leeuw, 1984) and was also applied for the procurement of mud building
materials (Vaughn and Neff, 2004). Everything suggests that the availability of raw
materials and their proximity are significant elements for potters. In spite of this fact,
the use of mineral resources coming from waste materials, for instance from building
material, is rarely considered. These materials could have been present in production
areas and, albeit marginally, be opportunistically used to temper the pottery, thus
explaining the occasional presence of peculiar tempers in the pots.
Furthermore, these models were partially corrected in recent works (Arnold, 2005,
2006) and were considered in probabilistic terms rather than as absolute assumptions.
Thus, in 96% of the cases studied the preferential range of exploitation of raw
materials is found to be usually located within less than 4 km from the production
site. Moreover, in 49% of the cases the resources come from less than 1 km away.
In this sense, potters are argued to share economic criteria linked to the “minimal
19 While D. Arnold is the researcher who better systematised this perspective, there are many archa-
eological and ethnographic studies that, to a lesser extent, also confirm this statement (e.g., Albero
and Mateu, 2012; Beck and Neupert, 2009; Capelli et al., 2006; Cooper, 2002; DeBoer, 1984; Druc,
1996; Gallegos and Armijo, 2008; García Rosselló, 2008; Krause, 1984; Livingstone-Smith, 2000, 2007;
Longacre, 1999; Martineau et al., 2007; Matson, 1989; Mercader et al., 2000; Moshe and Adan-Baye-
witz, 1999; Sillar, 1997; Skibo, 1992; Spataro, 2004; Varela, 1990; Vaughn and Neff, 2004).
134 Ceramic Ecology
effort” principle regarding the amount of energy invested. Therefore, it is evident the
existence of energetic constraints, since once exceeded this range of distance in raw
material procurement the pottery production is quite unviable in economic terms.
In short, these premises can be considered in the study of the management of clay
resources for the production of ancient pottery and other artefacts.
The residual percentage which is not included in this range of proximity is usually
related to the procurement of particular raw materials which are rarely used in pottery
production or have a casual use, such as pigments and resins. Moreover, resources
acquired from greater distances do not necessarily contradict efficient behaviours in
economic terms. In this sense, the use of beasts of burden, carts or any other means of
transport different from the body itself must be considered as a way to enlarge the energy
available to obtain raw materials by means of these same theoretical premises (Arnold,
2011).
In contrast with “minimal effort” principles, there are other cases where clays
are procured from greater distances following the movements people do along their
territory. These movements are performed on the basis of family ties or carrying out
other activities such as agriculture or trade or to search for raw materials for other
crafts. In these cases, it is possible to collect small amounts of resources that are more
limited in the territory during the trip.
In this sense, ceramic ecology justifies the economic viewpoint arguing that in
these situations energy is not solely invested in the procurement of raw materials,
but also in the performance of other activities. So, the energy exclusively devoted to
acquiring materials is considerably reduced. Although there may be exceptions to
this economic pattern, they are unlikely. When inefficient behaviours take place, it
is argued that they are not usually long-term, especially if the production intensifies.
If this happens, it is necessary to incorporate new energy sources in the production,
such as more efficient means of transport (Arnold, 2011). In this sense, it is considered
that the daily and massive use of resources located at long distance requires certain
social settings and infrastructures in order to maintain a close interaction with
external agents that enable the procurement and movement of the raw materials
(DeBoer, 1984; García Rosselló, 2008; Rice, 1984a).
According to the previous statements, many archaeological studies20 in recent
decades conducted intense field surveys in landscapes associated with certain
20 For instance: Aguayo et al. (1992), Albero (2011a), Albero and García Rosselló (2011), Albero and
Mateu (2012), Beck and Neupert (2009), Bollong et al. (1993), Brodà et al. (2009), Capel (1983, 1986),
Drebushchak et al. (2005), García Rosselló and Albero (2011), Gherdán et al. (2007), Gómez et al.
(2002), Howard (1982), Jorge et al. (2009), Key and Gaskin (2000), Klein et al. (2004), Kóvacs et al.
(2009), Kretier et al. (2007), Mainman (1982), Maritan et al. (2005a), Moshe and Adan-Bayewitz (1999),
Morris (1982), Padial et al. (1998), Papadopoulou et al. (2006), Peacock (1969), Rice (1984b), Sauer and
Gassner (2009), Shoval et al. (2006), Starnini and Szakmány (2009), Stoltman (2001), Szákmany and
Starnini (2007), Taubald (2009), Tite (2008), Varela (1990) and Whitbread (2003).
Raw Material Procurement 135
archaeological sites or potter communities. These surveys, which are often developed
considering also geological criteria (Duitama et al., 2004; Szákmany and Starnini,
2007), aim at identifying clay-bearing outcrops, knowing their proximity to the
production centres, and, finally, selecting samples for undertaking their archaeometric
characterization. In this kind of research, the composition of the clays obtained from
archaeological contexts or from the neighbouring landscape is characterised and,
subsequently, compared with the features of the ceramic materials. The intention is
to conduct a more accurate approach to the material record and the behaviours which
rule over the selection of specific raw materials.
The landscapes included in these studies are not identical to those existing in
the past. However, given the time scale of geological processes, the clay sources
currently available are considered to be also present in the recent past, especially
if they are located close to archaeological sites. In any case, it is emphasised that
the analysis of the resources potentially available in the environment should be
considered in relative rather than absolute terms (Rice, 1984b). Notwithstanding a
number of exceptions, it can be difficult to relate archaeological materials to certain
resources geographically located because the environment is constantly changing
and, therefore, some outcrops which were potentially available for pottery production
in the past may not be present today. Moreover, clay resources can be significantly
dispersed in the geography; therefore, most of them may remain unknown to the
researchers. This fact demonstrates the limited applicability of this “minimal effort”
perspective in the interpretation of archaeological ceramics. In addition, it should be
considered that there is usually some degree of uncertainty when approaching the
provenance of ceramics through compositional analysis.
Recently, D. Arnold (2011) recognized that what he hoped to achieve with his
studies was to establish a number of empirical categories in order to define which
pottery productions can be classified as “local” and which ones as “imported”.
The final goal was to favour the interpretation of raw materials management in
archaeological contexts. This position stemmed from the fact that most of the studies
which focused on the provenance of pottery addressed the origin of the vessels
through macro-scalar perspectives and in a supra-regional level without precisely
defining these terms.
Broadly speaking, a pottery is considered locally produced when there is a certain
geological compatibility with the closest resources. In this way, the mineralogical,
textural or chemical composition of the ceramics should be well correlated with the
features of the clay deposits located in the environment nearest to archaeological
sites. In some studies (e.g., Spataro, 2002) both raw materials obtained at less than
15 km from the production centre and resources that are less than half a day away are
considered as local. In contrast, the analysis by D. Arnold (1985, 2005, 2006), based
on ethnographic case studies, suggests that we can usually consider local resources
the raw materials obtained at less than 4 km.
136 Ceramic Ecology
A regional provenance can be established for the pottery when its composition is
not conclusively linked with resources placed in the local environment but matches
well with the geological traits of other sources of the region. Finally, products
whose compositional attributes are not consistent with the geomorphology of a
geographically well-defined area or a specific territory can be considered imported. In
the latter cases, a number of potential sources of origin can be pointed at depending
on the distance of the resources present and the main trade routes used by the
societies that produced and consumed the ceramics.
While the studies conducted by D. Arnold permit us to reach a consensus
about what should be considered a local production, the application of such
broad categories about the provenance of the pottery does not lead to a thorough
understanding of the practices involved in the management of raw materials in the
past. Thus, the vast majority of domestic pottery production strategies, even those
in which the ceramics are distributed more than 100 km away from their place of
origin (e.g., Calvo et al., 2013), relate to local productions. The same happens with
specialised pottery productions (e.g., Albero and Puerta, 2011). In both cases the raw
materials are collected in the closest surrounding area. Consequently, provenance
analyses performed at a micro-regional level are quite unusual (Rice, 1984b) and the
macro-scalar models regarding raw material management just provide anecdotal
and obvious information. Therefore, the application of micro-regional scales would
be more appropriate to address properly other concerns involved in the procurement
of raw materials that are more significant for the study of pottery technology and
production contexts (vide infra).
Resources are differentially distributed along aterritory and may vary in quantity
and quality as well as in their location in time and space (DeBoer, 1984; Vaughn and
Neff, 2004). This unequal distribution of abiotic and biotic resources is materialised
in areas where the raw materials have a specific composition that better suits certain
uses, such as the application to agricultural activities, pottery production or building.
Thus, cultural ecology highlights that this imbalanced distribution of resources in
the natural environment determines the placement of the settlement as well as the
subsistence base characterising the society. A holistic perspective involving the
whole natural environment surrounding archaeological sites is, therefore, essential
to understand settlement patterns and the way the space is used according to certain
subsistence strategies. These relations are crucial to approach, for instance, change
and stability in pottery production.
The environmental diversity present in the territory determines which activities
are performed. Thus, several communities were documented – for instance in Tabasco
in Mexico (Gallegos and Armijo, 2008), Kofyar in Nigeria (Wilshusen and Stone, 1990)
Settlement and Subsistence Base 137
or Ancash in Peru (Druc, 1996) – where land use is determined by soil variability in the
landscape. While sandy soils are easily drained and therefore useful for agriculture,
clay soils, due to their properties, have drainage problems. In this way, examples
of the prevalence of specific activities based on the quality of the soils are found in
Quinua (Peru) and Guatemala, where the presence of poor soils for agriculture justify
a more intense dedication of the population to pottery production (Arnold, 2011).
The availability of certain raw materials and types of soil in the territory also
determines the generation of conflicts between different subsistence activities. For
example, resources which are essential for the development of pottery production
might be claimed instead for agricultural activities. These problems increase when
food production intensifies – for instance, due to population growth – and requires
more land. In these cases, the worst soils are often set aside for pottery production
while the more productive ones are used for agricultural purposes. In short, as some
ethnoarchaeological studies (Rice, 1984a, b; Wilshusen and Stone, 1990) demonstrate,
agricultural productivity, which is very sensitive to demographic changes, can
influence the management of mineral resources in the whole territory.
The continuous extraction of clay in surface outcrops can cause multiple and
severe perforations in the sediments which increase the exposure of the soil surface
to erosion (e.g., rainfall) with the subsequent loss of nutrients. This process provokes
the destruction and alteration of potential areas of cultivation, thus permanently
reducing the subsistence carrying capacity of human groups. The effects of this
process are especially critical when nutrient-rich soils are quite scarce. In response
to this unsustainable environmental situation, some societies with an agricultural
economic base regulate explicit prohibitions regarding clay procurement from
agriculture fields. These prohibitions are developed even if the alternative deposits
available to produce ceramics are of poorer quality and involve a more dispersed
exploitation of the sources along the territory, thus increasing the variability of the
ceramic record (Arnold, 2000; García Rosselló, 2008).
Also the procurement of fuel for firing pottery represents one of the main costs
involved in the production process. In this sense, vegetable fuels such as the ones
typically used in pottery production may be a limited resource in the territory and,
therefore, come in competition with different productive activities (Arnold, 1999;
Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Matson, 1989; Morales, 2005; Sillar
and Tite, 2000).
As already mentioned, the types of soils present in the natural environment
occupied by ancient societies play an important role in the way the space was
managed. In this way, in many societies there is a close spatial connection between
certain human settlements and particular mineral resources, such as clays (Cordova
et al., 2005; Matson, 1989). Thus, the formation of certain archaeological records
obeys specific relations between environment and people (Schiffer and Skibo, 1987).
These issues can be ultimately addressed through the study of the settlement pattern
138 Ceramic Ecology
Many ethnographic studies, such as the ones carried out with Bantu (Krause, 1984)
or Kalinga (Skibo, 1992) potters, highlight that pottery production undertaken in
domestic contexts are usually part-time, for instance after the harvest season or when
there are favourable weather conditions. In this way, from an ecological viewpoint,
weather and seasons are considered to constrain or stimulate pottery production.
Thus, the physical characteristics of clays and fuels, the duration of the rainy season,
the degree of humidity throughout the year and, in general, the climate conditions
determine when pottery can be manufactured. All these factors determine if a full-
Seasonality and Climate Conditions 139
2000). We observed this strategy in pottery workshops from Fez (Morocco), an area in
which wood fuel is scarce and where some potters have opted to use waste from olive
materials, once the oil has been pressed, to perform long pottery firings which allow
reaching temperatures up to 1200ºC.
Access to the clays is also a parameter that should be considered in the study of
raw material procurement, since it may influence the choice or rejection of a specific
source of clay, even if it is of good quality (Arnold, 2000; Cooper, 2002; Wieder and
Adan-Bayewitz, 1999). Thus, as seen in potter communities from Niger (Gosselain,
2008), the production takes place in the dry season according to a seasonal
organisation of the activities, but also because clays are more accessible and pastes
dry better.
Some authors (Rice, 1984a) suggest that the availability of the resources is one of
the parameters that explain why the raw materials used in pottery production may
change across time and space. Thus, ethnographic studies, such as the one about the
Shipibo-Conibo (DeBoer, 1984), demonstrate that there is a preferential exploitation of
certain resources depending on natural cycles that alter their accessibility along time.
It must be considered that the clay outcrops do not necessarily need to be permanent
in space, since natural factors may influence their availability. In this sense, while
some clay deposits are easily accessible the whole year round others may be covered
by courses of water at certain seasons. These clays are suitable for pottery production
but cannot be identified and remain inaccessible because the physical characteristics
of the environment prevent their exploitation.
Moreover, although many clay deposits which are close to watercourses or
wetlands may be available, they can be excessively wet most of the year. The high
moisture content of these raw materials may affect the manufacturing process since
excessively wet clays must be dried before using them to make vessels. This aspect
ultimately affects the organisation of production and the consumption patterns
because more time is needed to perform pottery production. Such environmental
factors determine when the manufacturing process can be developed, so it can be
intensified at certain times of the year. Anyway, overcoming these climatic constraints
involves controlling parameters such as temperature and humidity, something which
is achieved through drying and firing processes (Arnold 2011; García Rosselló, 2008).
The presence of high moisture content in the clays may favour certain technological
choices, such as the addition of dry organic matter, which can decrease drying time
and reduce the time spent in pottery production (Schiffer and Skibo, 1987). In these
cases, a correlation between the amount of organic temper added and the moisture
content of the clay and air humidity can be suggested. So, moisture content can
explain the variability existing in the amount of organic temper observed in certain
fabrics.
Furthermore, the coarser texture and higher porosity that provides the use of
tempers to the paste, besides being ideal to fire hand-made ceramics in open-firings,
also ensures the proper drying of the pottery, even in seasons or places with high
Scope of Ceramic Ecology 141
relative humidity. Thus, the production can be developed throughout the year.
Anyway, despite these technical solutions, there are other factors such as cold or
freezing that adversely affect and constrain pottery production. However, they do not
necessarily prevent the potter’s activity (Djordjevic, 2003; Gibson and Woods, 1990;
Krause, 1984).
It must be also considered that during certain times of the year a higher erosive
action takes place favouring the formation of landslides and cuts in the sides of
the slopes, thus exposing and making some clay outcrops available. Such natural
processes can affect the configuration of the clay deposits and are important for
explaining the use or abandonment of certain clay sources (Arnold, 2000; Rice,
1984b).
Finally, the space where pottery production takes place can be also selected
on the basis of climatic conditions. In this way, the adequate place to make pottery
should not be exposed to wind or sun. In this sense, drying the vessels outside
domestic structures can avoid risks related to the movement of people or animals
but, in contrast, can cause other damages due to a higher exposure of the vessels to
undesirable weather conditions. Moreover, the movement of the pottery along the
many working areas also increases the probabilities of failure and, therefore, the
subsequent need to produce more vessels (Arnold, 1999; Cruz, 1996; DeBoer, 1984;
Mills, 1989).
Ceramic ecology, in its origins, played an important role in pottery studies. Thus,
this trend permitted researchers to overcome culture-historical viewpoints which
had mainly focused on the typological classification of pottery with the sole purpose
of establishing its relative chronology and spatial distribution. The final goal of the
culture-historical studies had been to establish and sequencially arrange certain
archaeological records with the aim of defining societies into distinct ethnic and
cultural groups and interpret them in evolutionary terms.
Both ceramic ecology and functionalism have tried to give this materiality a
meaning by relating it to a series of stable social dynamics and trying to explain
the change in pottery production through arguments not exclusively diffusionist.
Furthermore, both perspectives have encouraged significant methodological
development in archaeological studies. As seen in Chapter 1, among these
improvements the use of multiple archeometric analytical techniques which allow
deeper characterisations of the pottery fabrics and the properties of the artefacts is
especially noteworthy. Thus, thanks to these methods, other questions involving the
relationship between materiality and people can finally be addressed.
The consideration of the spaces occupied by settlements and the distribution
of clay resources in the territory provides a useful framework for the understanding
142 Ceramic Ecology
of raw material procurement strategies in ancient societies (Key and Gaskin, 2000).
Thus, it may be interesting to record spatially the availability of raw materials that
have different properties and try to establish whether or not they were exploited and
the reasons explaining their use. In this sense, the analysis of the efforts devoted to
collect and prepare the clay can be useful for addressing further reasons far from
concepts of technical and economic efficiency which could have participated in
the selection and management of raw materials (Martineau et al., 2007). This kind
of perspective, once properly contextualised, may be helpful in a number of ways,
from explaining the relationship between potters and the natural environment, to
locating areas of provenance for the vessels, to finally, making assumptions about the
motivations and rationale of the individuals involved.
While the generalisation of this kind of approach in archaeology is evident in
the large number of studies mentioned, there is still much research focused on the
composition of archaeological ceramics which pays little attention to the potential
variability of local raw materials. Thus, many studies often tend to ignore some
relevant aspects such as the location and accessibility of the different clays, among
other key factors, that may be involved in the procurement of raw materials (Stark
et al., 2000). Furthermore, the spatial identification of the clay sources exploited in
the past can be used, in the absence of other more consistent material evidence (e.g.,
workshops, kilns or waste areas), to establish hypotheses about the potential location
of production areas within the territory.
To summarize, in order to make a proper classification of pottery and
fomulate certain inferences about their technology, it is advisable to approach the
characteristics of the environment and raw materials. This ecological view allows
comparisons between ceramics and the clay sources available in the territory and,
through experimental and analytical studies, to explore the way clays were managed.
Eventually, we can assess which changes took place in the use of raw materials
throughout time and space according to the creation of specific pastes that may
respond to technical, functional and sociocultural factors (Bonzon, 2003; Martineau
et al., 2007). Therefore, it should be admitted that in the study of pottery technology
it is convenient to consider also the distribution of the raw materials in the landscape
(Tite, 2008), among other environmental parameters.
Despite the strengths of ceramic ecology already mentioned, it should be also stated
that this perspective understands the environment as a deterministic and universal
element, thus promoting reductionist explanations. The natural context, the
distribution and properties of the raw materials available in conjunction with climatic
conditions and seasonality, determine the presence or absence of pottery production
in a given society, its intensity, scale and degree of specialisation. These perspectives
Criticism to Ceramic Ecology 143
have led to normative propositions which propose general laws regarding, for
instance, the negative correlations between agricultural potential and the amount of
pottery production (Arnold, 1978) or assumptions like the one that concludes that
the anthropic pressure exerted on the natural environment must be less because
a lower firing temperature means a lower fuel consumption (Waldren, 1982). Without
attempting to confirm or falsify these claims with countless examples, the fact is that
they may be true in many cases but may not be in others.
Thus, the natural spatial variability of soils should be considered as just one of
the parameters involved in the creation of material culture, as there are other cultural
variables that largely influence the way the several mineral resources available are
exploited. The social organisation of production can greatly affect how resources are
procured and this activity can be performed with the aim of enhancing the integration
of individuals in society. It can be accepted that resources are differentially selected
in a specific region according to the possibilities of the natural environment, specific
physical properties and certain biological needs, but also depending on complex
historical factors and social needs. Thus, ceramic ecology excludes explanations
which involve the significant cultural variability documented in the way raw materials
are exploited.
Many ethnographic (e.g., Albero and Puerta, 2011; Barley, 1994; González Ruibal,
2005; Gosselain, 1992a, 1994, 2008; Gosselain and Livingstone-Smith, 2005; Gosselain
et al., 1996; Sillar, 1997) and ethnoarchaeometric studies (e.g., Arnold, 2000; Cruz,
1996; Livingstone-Smith, 2000; Mercader et al., 2000; Neupert, 2000; Pool, 2000; Stark
et al., 2000) demonstrate that although resources may be collected in accordance with
environmental, economic or functional factors there are also relevant social, cultural,
symbolic, ideological or political parameters. All these parameters which are related
to the social organisation of production, the perception of clay sources and the role of
pottery within society have to be, then, fully considered to properly understand and
explain the reasons why certain forms of resource management are preferred over
others. In this sense, the use and abandonment of clay sources can be a powerful
cultural marker. Similarly, synchronic differences in the use of resources may reflect
a situation of social dialectics. Moreover, socio-political factors, for instance those
related to partnerships or land tenure, may dictate, even in written records, which
resources should be used and the way they have to be managed.
Therefore, most of these studies highlight how the historical and social context
greatly affects, along with the other variables already mentioned, the use of clay
deposits and pottery production. In short, these approaches confirm that other kind
of aspects interact with the materiality and that only considering all the factors
involved we will be able to deepen our understanding of the complex phenomena
underlying the management of clay sources in space and time. Thus, the final stage
must consist in assimilating such management strategies in their own social context
(Koriakova, 2006; Laviano and Muntoni, 2003; Levi and Sonnino, 2003; Martineau
et al., 2007).
144 Ceramic Ecology
In response to such arguments, D. Arnold (2011) points out that the fact that
many potters do not justify the procurement of their raw materials by proximity and
minimum effort criteria but by tradition, land tenure, social ties or religion does not
contradict or diminish the validity of the model proposed and established by means
of etic perspectives. Actually, in his opinion, these emic perspectives enrich our
understanding regarding specific cultural aspects involved in the exploitation of raw
materials. However, although these perspectives promote a holistic viewpoint of the
processes, cultural assumptions are considered of little scientific value, since they do
not lead to universal laws.
The same problem applies to the timing of production. Although environmental
aspects such as seasonality are essential to understand this aspect, social and
symbolic factors should also be considered. Thus, variations in the tempo of pottery
production have a structuring role in many traditional societies, since the activities
involved in manufacturing the vessels also symbolises different times in the year and
the life cycles of people. For instance, in the Dowayo ethnic group (Cameroon) pottery
production is closely related to the human life cycle (birth, adulthood and death)
and an annual cycle in which important events such as funerals, rites of passage,
circumcision, etc., are temporarily organised (Barley, 1994). Also in the area of Negros
in the Philippines, the highest pottery production coincides with the celebration
of festivals that involve the whole community and in which ceramic artefacts are
required to be exhibited (Van der Leeuw, 1984).
Summing up, the epistemological goals of ceramic ecology have led to wide and
superficial generalizations regarding pottery production as well as the establishment
of universal behavioural patterns. Consequently, their principles do not explain the
technological variability and cultural specificities observed in potter communities.
The criticisms made regarding this school should be framed within those generally
used for processualism and systems theory. These involve, among others, the
presupposed objectivity and impartiality of their perspectives, the use of analogies
and essentialist viewpoints, little attention to cultural contexts in the explanations,
interpretation restricted to macro-scale or high level-theory, the prevalence of western
and modern conceptions and categories, etc. (see, for instance, Hodder, 1991; Jones,
2002).
In relation to the role of the environment in pottery production processes, Hodder
(1991) criticizes the lack of contextual information and the consequent impossibility
to establish from an emic perspective the strong ties existing between abstract
structures and content of meanings underlying the materiality. Moreover, D. Arnold
(2011) accepts, in a recent reflection of his own research work, the fact that the
ethnoarchaeological studies he has been developing in Peru, Mexico and Guatemala
have limited value in transcultural terms. This is due to the close linkage existing
between the data collected and the specific cultural contexts under study.
Criticism to Ceramic Ecology 145
Finally, nature and materiality are understood in static and stable terms in these
evolutionary theoretical trends. Moreover, this unchangeable character is also applied
to the way humans perceive both elements, thus allowing the same perception of the
environment and materiality regardless of time and space (Jones, 2002). Hence, it
should be considered, in the first place, that the perception of reality and materiality is
always historical, contingent and relational, since it can be included in many possible
categorisations depending on the way in which perception is undertaken and sensory
experience is understood (Ingold, 2012). In this sense, perception of reality may range,
for instance, between mono-sensory and multi-sensory approaches (MacGregor,
1999). This contingency is reflected, for instance, in the different perceptual criteria
that different potter communities use to classify the clays they use (e.g., Arnold, 1971;
Wilshulsen and Stone, 1990). In addition, the existence of potters such as the ones
in Quinua in Peru (Arnold, 2000), who are neither able to predict the quality of the
clay by means of mineralogical parameters nor conceptualise it evenly through the
perception of its physical properties should also be noted. In these cases, D. Arnold
justifies the lack of adequacy to universal standards arguing that the intra-deposit
variability often existing in clay sources precludes the development of common
perceptive criteria regarding raw materials.
Hence, it is convenient to approach the issues developed in this section from a
symmetrical position between culture and nature in which one cannot be understood
as opposed to the other (Latour, 1993) and in which both are contingent. This viewpoint
involves accepting that nature is not constant and unchanging but, in contrast, has to
be understood from multiple cultural perspectives. In this sense, the idea of a static,
constant and deterministic nature characteristic of the ceramic ecology proposal is not
neutral. It is intensely rooted on a western and modern conception of the environment
that has been established by certain individuals through specific cultural settings,
philosophical principles and scientific basis.
18 Functionalist Approach
Ceramics are manufactured objects conceived to meet a variety of needs of both
human groups and individuals. As people actively participate in their life context
they rationalise their needs and adapt their activities in order to better solve existing
problems. Thus, the active behaviour of people in pottery production produces end
products which are more adapted to their needs and, therefore, highly functional.
Two key aspects characterise vessel life: the function they perform, which refers
to the previous purposes of the potter, and their daily use (Rice, 1990, 1996). In this
sense, the actions carried out by the potter when manufacturing an object involve
certain intentionality towards the fulfilment of a particular objective or function.
Therefore, ceramics meet some needs which are known and conceived before the
same production of the pottery, so the future ceramic object tends to be manufactured
according to these ideas. In this sense, the ceramic is created on the basis of specific
performance criteria, irrespective of whether the vessel is eventually used or not.
In a materialistic sense, the technological choices that potters face along the
chaîne opératoire define the final properties or performance characteristics of
the pottery and, hence, its potential functions and uses. Therefore, during pottery
production, the potter not only decides on his/her own actions, but also indirectly
influences the behaviour and activities of other individuals who are also involved in
the life cycle of ceramics. So, the study of the pottery itself and the identification of the
procedures involved in its manufacture permits us to address the interactions existing
between raw materials, techniques and fabrics according to their production and use
processes (Braun, 1983; O’Brien et al., 1994; Rice, 1990; Schiffer, 2004; Schiffer and
Skibo, 1987, 1997; Sillar, 2000; Sillar and Tite, 2000; Van As, 1984; Van der Leeuw,
1984).
This section focuses on functionalist theoretical perspectives that enrich the
study of the relationship between the function of the vessels and the behaviour of
potters in order to meet certain needs present in the world in which they live. Thus,
the key concept is not whether ceramics are used or not, but just that they are created
and preconceived to perform one or more functions. As already said, in functional
studies the use is associated with the quotidian activities in which the vessels are
involved and the several reuses that they may have. Although function and use often
coincide, the latter does not necessarily match the function for which the pottery was
created. In this way, most of the reuses of the vessels were non-existent in the mind of
the potters, but they are provided by the consumers once the vessels are distributed.
Furthermore, regarding the function, the main function for which the object is created
should be conceptually differentiated from other secondary functions related to
alternative uses of the artefacts. An example of the different functions associated with
the same vessel is found in the cooking pottery from Pòrtol in Mallorca (Spain), whose
main function is obviously to cook food. However, this pottery has other secondary
Criticism to Ceramic Ecology 147
functions such as to serve the food and keep it warm during its consumption (Albero
and Puerta, 2011).
The secondary functions and uses of a pottery object are associated with its
multifunctional character and the ability to achieve goals different from the primary
purpose for which it was produced. Hence, although there can be other artefacts
which are more effective, the features of one vessel usually allows its use in multiple
activities. In short, ceramics respond at the time of their manufacture to one or
more functions for which they are designed and intended. These functions can be
simultaneously practical or utilitarian (e.g., cooking food or transport and store
water) and symbolic and intangible (Aranda, 2001; Banning, 2005; Calvo, 1999, 2007;
Hally, 1986; Sullivan, 1989; Vidal, 2008b).
It is absolutely necessary to study the characteristics of the ceramics to know
whether their features obey certain functional specialisation or, conversely, whether
they respond to other dynamics. It is, therefore, convenient to develop strategies of
analysis tending to clarify and identify what kind of rationale guides the processes of
production and use of the artefacts. In this way, the identification of pottery function
and use can be undertaken through different procedures: analysis of absorbed
residues, soot deposition patterns, analysis of surface micro-traces and macro-traces
derived from use and maintenance activities, typological approaches, contextual
analysis, etc. (Braun, 1983; Calvo et al., 2004b; Sillar and Tite, 2000; Skibo, 1992; Tite,
2008; Van As, 1984).
In this sense, and related to these functionalist concerns, the studies of ceramic
fabrics, especially when combined with typological approaches, can also provide
some valuable information to identify whether a functional adaptation exists or not
in a certain vessel. As aforementioned, this functionalist viewpoint considers that
potters are able to perceive the natural and social environment which surrounds
them and, after a reflective process, they can consequently perform certain conscious
technological behaviours in order to favour products that meet certain needs.
Given this framework, approximations to vessel function can be made through the
characterisation of the techniques and materials used in pottery production. As
discussed earlier, both parameters determine fabrics with specific characteristics
and end products with certain physical properties. Therefore, through this procedure
it is possible to assess if the potter’s technological choices respond to a strategy to
maximize the efficiency of their fabrics and vessels to certain needs.
As many ethnographic studies evidence, it may be relevant to address the
functional constraints and benefits of the materials and techniques used to
manufacture ceramics fabrics, as well as of the features and properties of the end
products. Thus, some clays and ceramic pastes, due to their particular properties, may
be restricted to the production of vessels with certain characteristics and potential
uses. In this way, experienced potters usually know the functional constraints
imposed by the materials with which they work. For instance, in Tikul and Tepakán
(Mexico) some potters are documented to use the same clay to manufacture the entire
148 Functionalist Approach
ceramic assemblage but prepare the paste differently depending on the function of
the pottery (Arnold, 1985, 2000; Varela, 1990).
Cooking pottery is perhaps the kind of production that best exemplifies this
functional adaptation of the potter’s technological behaviour. It is considered that
potters producing cooking wares must have in mind several key parameters (e.g.,
heat effectiveness, thermal shock resistance, abrasion resistance, etc.) in order to
properly accomplish this function. Moreover, this assumption is confirmed by many
ethnographic case studies. Thus, there are numerous modern societies in which
potters select different raw materials depending on whether the pottery is going to
be exposed to fire or not. This is the case, among many others, of potter communities
from Quinua (Peru), Tabasco, Tikul or Durazno (Mexico) (Arnold, 2000), La Plata
(New Mexico) (Armijo and Gallegos, 2008; Stoltman, 2001), Tonal’a, Thar and Swat
(Pakistan) (Spataro, 2003) and the Shipibo-Conibo ethnic group in Peru (West, 1992). In
the case of the pottery production from Pòrtol in Mallorca (Spain) (Albero and Puerta,
2011), non-calcareous red clays are selected to perform ceramics to be exposed to fire,
while pale coloured calcareous raw materials are used to create ceramics used for
storing and transport liquids. This basic division between cooking and non-cooking
wares arranges the way pottery production is socially organised in the community
and the different techniques and materials involved in the manufacturing process.
In addition, in many modern and ancient potter communities there is often a
distinction between coarse-textured fabrics related to cooking wares and fine-textured
ceramics associated with serving vessels. Moreover, non-cooking vessels are usually
associated with fabrics which have a higher variability (Clop, 2007; Cuomo Di Caprio,
1985; Druc, 1996; Fernández Navarro, 2008; Kreiter et al., 2007; Muntoni et al., 2009;
Ortega et al., 2005; Riley, 1982; Stoltman, 2001; Tite, 2008; West, 1992). For example,
the use of clays with fine sands and few inclusions for producing storage vessels is
ethnographically documented (Arnold, 2000). Similarly, the archaeological ceramics
from Moundville (Alabama, USA) show a dual production in which the vessels related
to service and storage functions are fine-textured. In contrast, cooking pottery is
coarse-textured, showing grains around 2 mm in diameter and arranged according to
a seriated distribution (Steponaitis, 1984).
These examples are evidence of how diverse pastes, fabrics and vessels related
to different sizes and shapes as well as specific technological choices can be, in
many cases, associated with distinctive functions. In these cases, the function of the
vessel greatly affects its manufacturing process and, eventually, some of its features
such as the fabric and physicochemical properties as well as the typology (Albero
et al., forthcoming). In short, both the pottery production process and the end
product are closely related to vessel function. These assumptions led to a theoretical
view, developed in the 1980s, in pottery analysis called the science-based material
approach, which has focused on the physicochemical properties of ceramic materials
from a functionalist and evolutionary position.
Science-based Material Approach 149
While ceramic materials may have distinctive significance and meaning in each
culture, they also have certain universal physical features which are inherent in
their nature. Consequently, the material behaves in the same way under similar
conditions regardless of space or time. From this starting point, these studies attempt
to demonstrate, through experimental research and the establishment of universal
models, the possible adaptation of the vessels to different functions. Moreover,
from these premises, this approach also aims at addressing the causes that promote
technological change in pottery by means of the analysis of the end products.
All technology involves certain technical knowledge which is essential to its
proper development. According to Schiffer and Skibo (1987), it is currently feasible
to address the technological knowledge or the “techno-science” underlying ancient
technologies through materials science. In other words, archaeologists can use
materials science to search for the mental processes related to a particular technology
through enquiring the role of each material feature of the artefacts according to
specific functions. Eventually, this procedure permits postulating hypotheses based
on the vessels’ features concerning the technical knowledge that the potters had
about the relations existing between the material dimension of the pottery and its
functionality. Ultimately, through this approach it is also possible to approximate the
needs of people and, therefore, their lifestyle. In this way, the functionalist approach
considers that the “techno-science” is strongly related to the “techno-function”, a
concept which refers to the functional dimension of ceramic technology.
This theoretical trend has often tried to approach the “techno-science” and
“techno-function” existing behind the pottery through ethnoarchaeology and
experimental archaeology. However, ethnographic analogy has limited value when
studying ancient technologies. As a consequence, these technological premises
should be scientifically tested and validated by adequate experimental research
programmes. Thus, the adequacy of pottery to diverse functions is therefore commonly
assessed through experimental protocols21 focused on the analysis of the physical
properties of pastes and fabrics. To this end, specific key parameters directly involved
in certain potential functions of pottery are usually recorded. Hence, this experimental
procedure permits us to identify and evaluate those features and physical properties
of the ceramics which could have a greater significance for the potters when they
conceived and produced the vessel in order to meet a specific function.
21 There are many examples of experimental research developed from this perspective (e.g., Bronits-
ky and Hamer, 1986; Hein et al., 2009; Hoard et al., 1995; Jordan et al., 2008; Kililikoglou and Vekinis,
2002; Kilikoglou et al., 1998; Müller et al., 2009; Schiffer, 1990a, b; Skibo, 1992; Skibo and Schiffer,
1987; Skibo et al., 1989; Tite, 2002; West, 1992; Young and Stone, 1990).
150 Functionalist Approach
was originated. This energy can be reduced by increasing the fracture surface, thus
allowing the components of the vessel wall to partially absorb and reduce the stress
generated. In this way, fractures are localised in the internal pores and around the
non-plastic components, thus favouring quasi-static crack growth. Furthermore,
fracture energy is also distributed along the vessel wall through the initiation and
propagation of secondary fractures derived from a main crack which collided with
a non-plastic component. This process prevents and minimises the concentration of
the fracture energy into a single point of the ceramic body, thereby reducing the risk
of pottery collapse.
In short, strength and toughness are parameters to take into account in pottery
production since they are related to the ability of the vessel walls to resist crack
initiation and to absorb fracture energy without failure (see Tite et al., 2001). In this
sense, the best way to enhance vessel strength against thermal shock in ancient
ceramics seems to have been to increase the effective fracture surface energy. Thus,
in order to influence this parameter, potters had to consider the raw materials they
select to make the vessels, especially if the pottery was going to be used in cooking
activities. In consequence, many potters utilized a discriminating strategy in which
only certain clays and tempers were selected.
For instance, as already mentioned, in some cases there is a clear rejection to
use calcareous clays for the manufacture of cooking pots, since they have a higher
thermal expansion coefficient than non-calcareous clays. Thus, in cooking vessels of
the Iron Age from Galilee (Shoval et al., 2006) or Late Roman pottery from northern
Syria (Howard, 1982; Schneider et al., 2007) potters preferred to use non-calcareous
or border calcareous materials to manufacture ceramics which are more stable when
exposed to direct contact with fire. This technological choice created fabrics which
are capable to resist repetitive processes of cooling and heating without breakage,
thus increasing the durability of the vessels (West, 1992).
The texture of the fabrics is a key parameter to take into account in order to
achieve thermal shock resistance in low-fired ceramics. Coarse-textured fabrics with
abundant mineral inclusions or tempers significantly increase the effective fracture
surface, favouring the formation of micro-pores around the non-plastic components,
preventing the propagation of fractures and the subsequent breakage of the vessel.
Therefore, the amount and size of inclusions and tempers largely determines the
resistance to thermal shock in prehistoric pottery. Fabrics with abundant coarse
grains reduce the propagation length of a fracture in the vessel wall, since a greater
amount of energy is absorbed by increasing the diameter and length of the particles.
The maximum size and amount of non-plastic material that can be present in the paste
is determined, first, by the thickness of the wall. Thus, particle-size has to be finer
than vessel walls width; otherwise the propagation of the fractures along the grains
could dangerously affect the integrity of the vessel. Second, the amount of non-plastic
components is also conditioned by the workability of the paste. If the raw materials
have too many inclusions or excessive temper is added to the clay, the workability
Science-based Material Approach 153
of the paste will be significantly reduced. As seen, the potter should achieve, then,
certain balance between several parameters such as vessel wall thickness, the
workability of the materials and their thermal shock resistance (West, 1992).
Summing up, although pottery strength mainly depends on firing temperature,
the presence in the fabric of a large amounts of coarse-sized minerals and rock
fragments provides some toughness to the vessels, since it avoids the propagation
of fractures resulting from differential stress in different points of the object. The
relation observed in multiple potter communities between coarse fabrics and cooking
pots demonstrates that, from a structuralist perspective, there are logical cognitive
structures that humans share regardless of particular historical processes (Dietler and
Herbich, 1998), that is, that certain universal perception of physical phenomena exist.
Potters worldwide can easily manufacture ceramics which are suitable for this
function. On the one hand, many potters, for example in Durazno, Quinua and Swat
(Arnold, 2000), select raw materials with coarse sand and abundant inclusions to
produce cooking pottery. However, on the other, some types of clay are too fine and
do not possess these textural characteristics. In these cases, the addition of large
quantities of coarse mineral temper to the clay improves the thermal behaviour of
the vessels, regardless of the kind of temper used (Riederer, 2004; Steponaitis, 1984;
West, 1992). For example, in Tikul there are some potters that collect the same clay
for all the types of vessels but use different tempers depending on the function of the
pottery (Arnold, 2000).
Experimental studies demonstrate that, in comparison with non-tempered clays,
clays tempered with either mineral or organic materials improve their thermal shock
resistance. Actually, any kind of temper makes the vessels suitable to withstand
thermal shock (Schiffer and Skibo, 1987), so that if the pottery survives the firing
process it can be considered valid for cooking. This assumption explains on the basis
of material behaviour the wide variety of tempers that are documented in cooking
vessels worldwide. However, as highlighted in the section on ceramic ecology, the
accessibility and proximity to temper materials seem to determine their selection,
being the use of sands and crushed rocks the most widespread choices recorded.
For instance, the use of quartz or coarse-grained sands as temper in cooking pots
is well documented in the United Kingdom from the Neolithic to the Middle Ages (Tite
et al., 2001; West, 1992; Woods, 1986). The same choice is observed in Syria during the
Late Roman period (Schneider et al., 2007). Furthermore, at the archaeological sites
in Mycenae (Riley, 1982; West, 1992) or in Late-Roman wares from Sa Mesquida in
Mallorca (Cau, 2003) the use of igneous rocks to temper cooking pots is documented.
Other cooking vessels are characterised by the use of spathic calcite, such as the
ceramics made from terra rossa clays in Galilee during the Iron Age (Shoval et al.,
2006), Neolithic pottery from south-eastern Italy (Muntoni et al., 2009) or Late Roman
cooking wares from north Africa (Bonifay, 2007). This temper is also ethnographically
documented in Tikul (Yucatan, Mexico), where it is exclusively added to cooking pots
(West, 1992). Other potters added crushed shell or limestone to their cooking wares.
154 Functionalist Approach
This is the case of the prehistoric vessels from Alabama, Illinois and Missouri in North
America (Braun, 1983; Feathers, 2006; Hoard et al., 1995; Skibo, 1992; Stepoinatis,
1984) or the Neolithic pottery from the Orkney Islands (Jones, 2002). Finally, cooking
vessels from Pakistan are tempered with a mixture of grog and quartz. Moreover, in
this case, tempers are differentially distributed in the different parts of the vessels
(Spataro, 2004).
There are several factors to consider when assessing the properties of the temper
added to the paste and their influence in the end product. Each material has different
physical properties which constrain or expand the stress in the vessel walls when
exposed to fire. Thus, a given temper can either promote or prevent the emergence
and spread of fractures in the pottery.
a) Thermal Expansion
The varied components of the paste respond differently to the application of heat
and have diverse dilatometric behaviour, thus resulting in a differential stress in the
pottery. Thus, in modern industry it is common to intentionally promote a reduction
in the thermal expansion coefficient of the several constituents that form the ceramic
body. This reduction is achieved through the use of high firing temperatures and the
formation of a glassy phase which prevents the initiation of cracks in the vessels
(West, 1992).
The different clays have a quite similar thermal expansion coefficient but, in
contrast, the non-plastic components of pastes and fabrics usually have differential
thermal coefficients from the clay matrix. This dilatometric divergence increases the
energy flowing through the ceramic objects, thus favouring crack initiation and the
propagation of fractures throughout the vessel walls. The energy present in the matrix
is proportional to the coefficient of thermal expansion of the minerals.
Therefore, the use of temper with a thermal expansion coefficient similar to the
clay (e.g., spathic calcite or shell) provides more strength to the pottery while also
preventing the emergence and propagation of fractures due to dilatometric divergences
as a result of repetitive cooling and heating processes. In this way, the use of grog is
highly recommended, since this temper is mainly composed of clay and, therefore, has
a lower thermal expansion coefficient. However, this temper provides little resistance
to thermal shock. The reason is that the high amounts of clay minerals of grog do
not efficiently reduce fracture propagation and allow the cracks to go through the
particles, especially if the grog fragments lack non-plastic components. In contrast
to grog or calcite, other tempers have a higher rate of thermal expansion. This is the
case of quartz, a mineral which, as already mentioned, experiences a change of phase
at 573°C. Therefore, the dilatometric changes which occur at this temperature may
cause considerable stress in the pottery when this mineral is present in significant
amount, thus generating crack initiation and propagation in the vessel walls. Hence,
low amounts of fine-grained quartz reduce the negative effects of differential thermal
expansion in the paste and the fabric, thus preventing the initiation of fractures
Science-based Material Approach 155
(Hoard et al., 1995; Kilikoglou et al., 1998; Rye, 1976; Shoval et al., 2006; Steponaitis,
1984; Tite, 2008; Tite and Kilikoglou, 2002; West, 1992; Williams, 1982).
c) Porosity
Thermal shock resistance also depends on the size, shape and distribution of the
pores in the pottery microstructure. Small elongated micro-pores originated as a
consequence of paste shrinkage during the drying stage conduct the fractures initiated
and propagated along the vessel until they lose energy in non-plastic components.
Nevertheless, fabrics with high open porosity in which the pores connect with the
vessel surfaces are not recommended for cooking wares. The reason is that this pore
configuration significantly reduces the thermal effectiveness and thermal shock
resistance of the fabrics, two key parameters that are crucial to achieving efficient
cooking wares. Furthermore, it should be remembered that while fabrics having their
inclusions and tempers oriented perpendicularly to the point of fracture propagation
have greater resistance to thermal shock, they also reduce heating effectiveness.
Moreover, large pores are unsuitable for cooking vessels, especially if they go cover
156 Functionalist Approach
nearly all the vessel wall thickness, since it is easier to achieve the fracture length
required to cause severe cracks in the pottery. Finally, pores are quite ineffective to
deflect the energy of fractures through the formation of secondary cracks, so being
of limited value to prevent fracture propagation along the vessel (Gibson and Woods,
1990; Skibo, 1992; Steponaitis, 1984; Velde and Druc, 1999; West, 1992).
d) Firing Temperature
As stated before, although the firing temperature greatly determines the strength
of the vessel, fabrics with abundant temper fired at low temperatures also have
high thermal shock resistance. Thus, the fracture strength of the fabric increases
according to the amount of temper added to the paste (Müller et al., 2009). In this way,
experimental tests performed with calcareous clay demonstrated that it is possible to
maximise the toughness of the pottery without reducing its fracture strength if 20%
of the volume of the vessel is constituted by quartz temper and firing temperatures
between 950º-1100ºC are achieved (Steponaitis, 1983, 1984; Tite et al., 2001).
However, these high temperatures were rarely achieved in many prehistoric
pottery production centres. As low fired pottery has a lower thermal shock resistance
than other fired at high temperature it is also most vulnerable. Even so, vessels may still
be considered efficient if they have at least 20% of mineral non-plastic components
and are fired at 750º-800°C (Bronitsky and Hamer, 1986; Skibo et al., 1997). Hence,
the technical solutions observed in many prehistoric ceramics, characterised by the
use of coarse fabrics, favours obtaining pottery fired at low temperatures (<750º-
800°C), and which is therefore relatively resistant to thermal shock (Shoval et al.,
2006). Moreover, the use of low firing temperatures has certain advantages in pottery
production. For instance, low firing temperatures decrease the rigidity of the fabrics,
thus promoting unglazed and porous fabrics that have certain ability of torsion and
contraction. Therefore, this property prevents the occurrence of fractures derived from
the expansion of the walls due to differential heating, thus avoiding severe damage in
the vessel. In contrast, vitrified fabrics are quite rigid and cannot shrink adequately
when the wall expands and contracts due to heating and cooling processes (Gibson
and Woods, 1990).
Other properties of ceramics which play a key role in cooking activities are heat
efficiency and thermal conductivity. These parameters refer to the distribution and
intensity of heat along vessel walls, as well as the rate at which heat spreads along
the pottery (Morales, 2005). It can be assumed that in many cases the transmission
of heat energy to the pottery was carried out from domestic hearths and using fire.
Therefore, heat propagation mainly took place through thermal conduction, i.e., heat
Science-based Material Approach 157
is transmitted from one molecule to another from the external to the internal surface
of the vessel (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985).
Heat effectiveness is a parameter rarely explored through experimental tests in
ceramic studies which is crucial to enable certain cooking methods (Hein et al., 2009).
Thus, the study of this parameter is important in the research of pottery technology
in order to determine, for instance, if an ancient fabric was apt for boiling or not, the
time needed to reach the boiling point and the amount of fuel to be consumed in order
to achieve this purpose. Cooking methods can affect many aspects of daily life, from
the way food is prepared to the range of foodstuffs available for human consumption.
In this way, cooking methods such as steaming or boiling are used in many societies
in order to reduce and eliminate the toxins present in many food products, thus
allowing their ingestion. These cooking methods are ethnographically documented
as quite effective to sterilise foodstuffs contaminated with bacteria and fungi (Arnold,
1985). In short, pottery is required in certain methods of food preparation that expand
the range of food products available for consumption, thus increasing the quality of
life and life expectancy of individuals. Eventually, the introduction of new cooking
methods and foodstuffs may provoke even demographic changes (Wright, 1991).
The variables that most influence the heat effectiveness of the fabrics are the
firing temperature, porosity, texture and thickness of the vessel wall (Hein et al.,
2009; Hoard et al., 1995; Morales, 2005; West, 1992). These parameters are greatly
determined by the manufacturing process, thus involving the type of clays, tempers,
forming methods, surface treatments and firing procedures used to produce the
vessels.
There must be a balance in the degree of porosity of the fabric, since the heat
conduction from one surface of the vessel to the other basically takes place through
the internal pores in the wall, especially if the pores are interconnected. In this sense,
the presence of some porous in the fabric may be advisable to favour heat conductivity
(Rye, 1976). However, an excessive open porosity may significantly reduce the heat
effectiveness of the vessel because the content that filters to the exterior of the pottery
through the pores has to be heated first before the heat reaches the content of the
vessel. Therefore, extremely porous fabrics, such as those rich in organic matter,
decrease their heat effectiveness and require more time and energy investment to heat
their content. In addition, the morphology of the pores is also involved in this process,
since certain types of pores can act as barriers, thus constraining heat spreading
(Hein et al., 2009; Müller et al., 2009).
The disadvantages of the high porosity, usually resulting when calcareous pastes
are fired between 800º-950°C, could also explain, along with their higher thermal
expansion coefficient, why many potters reject the use of these kinds of materials to
produce cooking pottery. In this range of firing temperature much of the calcite present
in the paste reacts, thus leaving a large amount of vacuoles or pores which connect
to the vessel surfaces and reduce thermal efficiency. As experimentally recorded, the
addition of temper such as sands or spathic calcite crystals allows greater efficiency
158 Functionalist Approach
in this variable, since it reduces the open porosity and increase the micro-porosity of
the fabric (Hoard et al., 1995).
The addition of organic matter also increases the open porosity and micro-
porosity of the fabrics (Albero, 2010) providing elongated pores which, up to a point,
favour heat conductivity through vessel walls (Rye, 1976). However, the high amounts
of open pores that characterise theses kinds of fabrics may neutralise their supposed
benefits. Some experiments demonstrated that the addition of sand or other mineral
tempers to pastes rich in organic matter improve the thermal efficiency of these
sorts of fabrics. The addition of organic matter, it seems, results in pottery vessels
with a better heat efficiency than non-tempered clays having just a few inclusions.
Nevertheless, it should be concluded that fabrics with abundant non-plastic mineral
components are the most suitable to achieve high heat effectiveness (Skibo, 1992;
Schiffer and Skibo, 1987).
Besides the problem of excessive porosity, the use of pastes rich in organic matter
also increases the thickness of vessel walls. As discussed earlier, wall thickness also
influences heat effectiveness, since the thinner the wall, the faster and more intensely
the heat is spread through the ceramic body and its surfaces. The reduction of wall
thickness, through the addition of certain tempers to the paste, for instance, promotes
heat effectiveness, especially if the fabric is composed of refractory tempers such as
quartz (Olatexea, 2000).
There are some experimental tests that well exemplify the assumptions just
mentioned. Vessels with mineral tempers such as sands are demonstrated to have
higher heat efficiency, since they are capable to boil water and reach 92.4°C in only
7.8 minutes. In contrast, pastes tempered with organic matter are useless to boil water
and the maximum temperature reached after 10 minutes is 86.1°C. These differences
are related to the higher wall thickness and porosity that results from the use of
pastes rich in organic matter. Consequently, these kinds of fabrics have greater water
absorption and, therefore, the liquids must evaporate first from the many pores of the
ceramic body before the content can boil. Thus, this experiment demonstrates that
fabrics with high porosity have little heat effectiveness and consume higher amounts
of fuel (Schiffer and Skibo, 1987; Skibo, 1992; Skibo et al., 1989). Moreover, one would
expect a weak correlation between this kind of fabric and cooking methods such as
boiling.
The high porosity resulting from the use of pastes rich in organic matter or
calcareous clays which affects negatively heat effectiveness can be corrected through
the application of natural resins or slips on the vessel surfaces. For instance, Kalinga
potters (Philippines) usually apply pine resins on both surfaces of all their ceramic
assemblage except in cooking vessels. In the latter type of pottery the resin is only
present in areas which are not exposed to fire, i.e., the inner surface of the vessels
and the outer surface of the rim and the neck (Skibo, 1992). Moreover, this technical
choice is also performed by potter communities from Cameroon (Gosselain et al.,
Science-based Material Approach 159
1996). Surface treatments like this one reduce the open porosity of the ceramics and
minimise heat loss, thus providing more efficient products.
However, not all surface treatments improve the heat efficiency of the pottery.
Some experimental tests demonstrate that the application of techniques such as
polishing or corrugated and excised decorative patterns on the surface of the vessels
may reduce significantly their heat effectiveness (Schiffer, 1990a; Schiffer and Skibo,
1987; Skibo, 1992; Tite, 2008; Tite et al., 2001; Young and Stone, 1990). It may explain,
for instance, why prehistoric cooking pots from Moundville (Alabama, USA) were not
burnished (Stepoinatis, 1984). Nevertheless, there are also other traditional potter
communities, for example in Chile, where the use of this surface treatment is well
documented for the production of cooking vessels (García Rosselló, 2008).
Finally, heat effectiveness may be also influenced by specific pottery typologies or
shapes. Therefore, the physical properties related to certain typologies may ultimately
influence aspects such as human diet and the use of certain cooking methods. In this
way, globular vessels have a higher surface directly exposed to fire and hence enhance
their heat effectiveness and thermal conductivity. For this reason, it is advisable to use
hemispherical rather than flat bases, especially if the pottery is going to be used over
a hearth delimited with stones. In this sense, it should be noted that hemispherical
bowls are widely used for cooking purposes in many traditional societies (Albero and
Puerta, 2011; Arnold, 1985; Barley, 1994; Kramer and Balagizi 2009), thus indicating
that such bases may provide end products with a higher thermal efficiency, which
is useful for cooking activities. In addition, heat propagation along vessel walls
makes the presence of handles or other prehension elements necessary in the pottery,
preferably close to the rim where there a is lower concentration of heat, in order to
remove the vessel when it is hot. Therefore it is not surprising that this appendix is
found in many cooking pottery productions (Fernández Navarro, 2008; Schiffer and
Skibo, 1987; Tite and Kilikoglou, 2002).
abrasion resistance, the temper added to the paste can be arranged following a
seriated or polymodal distribution. In contrast to a unimodal disposition of the
particles, these kinds of grain distributions improve the matching between temper
elements, thus also improving the compactness of the end product and reducing its
porosity (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985).
Fabrics with abundant porosity, in contrast, such as those rich in organic
matter, are quite affected and abraded by such erosive processes, even more than
non-tempered clays. The pores promote the penetration into the vessel walls of
the chemical corrosive acid substances the pottery comes in contact with. As a
consequence, although cooking pots tempered with organic matter may be used to
undertake certain cooking methods, their use life is substantially reduced. They show
little resistance to abrasion and are severely damaged when repeatedly exposed to the
fire (Skibo and Schiffer, 1987; Skibo et al., 1989).
The impact of abrasion in the vessels can be minimised by increasing firing
temperature. Thus, it seems that firing temperature is the parameter which most
influences this variable, even more than the characteristics of the paste used to
manufacture the pottery. Firing temperature should be high enough to allow efficiently
cooking foodstuffs. As already mentioned, the neoformation of phyllosilicates may
take place in low-fired pottery (<550°C), thus recovering their initial structure and
properties and thereby making the vessels unsuitable for cooking purposes. On the
one hand, the neoformation of clay minerals provokes some stresses in vessel walls
when pottery containing water is exposed to fire for a long time. The reason is that
the clay minerals expand when they hydrate and, subsequently, shrink due to their
dehydration by heat. Moreover, clay minerals eventually absorb air humidity and can
recover certain plasticity and turn back to their natural state. These physicochemical
changes in the clay minerals generate abrasive processes which disappear by
increasing the firing temperature and, especially, through the formation of a glassy
phase in the matrix (Gibson and Woods, 1990; Núñez et al., 2002).
Furthermore, there are other attrition processes which also promote the erosion
of ceramic walls different from those that depend on the contact with the fire. On
the one hand, the attrition of the pottery walls also occurs due to the repetitive
friction and scraping that the individuals carry out on the vessel surfaces in order
to clean the pottery (Skibo, 1992). On the other, there are natural erosive agents
such as frost that affects the pottery when the moisture contained in the pores of
the fabric becomes ice at below zero temperatures. This change of liquid to solid
state involves an alteration in volume, since the volume of ice is greater than the
one of liquid water. This difference causes a large stress in the pottery, favouring the
initiation and propagation of fractures along the vessel wall. This abrasive process is
especially significant and harmful when the fabric has high number of macro-pores
and they are concentrated in specific areas of the clay matrix. This pore arrangement
intensifies the energy resulting at specific points of the wall which, therefore, become
more susceptible to fracture. This same process can occur also as consequence of the
Science-based Material Approach 161
salts diluted in water which naturally exist in the environment or are formed through
the migration of the content of the ceramics through the pores of the wall. The salts
that progressively crystallise in the pores of the pottery undergo changes in volume,
creating and propagating cracks in the walls. To avoid this negative process, pastes
have to be well prepared and fired, thus favouring homogeneous fabrics with low
porosity (Morales, 2005).
Finally, it should be highlighted that the attrition of ceramics resulting from
all these processes can be reduced by applying resins on the vessel surfaces.
Unfortunately, the remains of such organic materials eventually disappear without
leaving any trace. In contrast, experimental tests demonstrate that other surface
treatments such as polishing or scraping do not improve the abrasion resistance of
the pottery (Schiffer, 1990a; Skibo et al., 1997; Velde and Druc, 1999).
Mechanical strength refers to the weight per unit area required to cause fracture in the
vessel wall. This parameter is largely determined by the compactness of the fabric, in
so far as pottery is more resistant when it is more compacted (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985).
Resistance to impact relates to both direct bumps on the vessel walls and impacts
derived from their fall due to a potential loss of stability. In the latter case, the weight
of the pottery itself must be taken into account, since the impact force from a falling
object also depends on its mass.
Impact resistance is a key parameter to be fully considered in all kinds of ceramic
wares, but it is especially significant in those used to store contents. Thus, there is a
greater risk of losing the products if the storage vessels break easily, especially if the
contents are of a liquid or semi-liquid nature. Certain resistance to sudden impact is
also desirable to some extent in cooking wares when they are also used to serve food,
as occurs with the cooking pots from North Africa and Mallorca (Albero and Puerta,
2011), as well as in Nazarí cooking vessels (Fernández Navarro, 2008). In addition, it
is also advisable that the vessels resist some pressure in cases in which they are stored
stacked on top of one another.
Mechanical strength influences impact strength, which can be defined as
the ability of a solid to withstand forces applied in a specific point on its surface.
Resistance to impact is largely determined by the ability of the vessel walls to contract
and absorb impact energy without causing fractures. In this sense, fabrics with
moderate amounts of non-plastic mineral components have better impact resistance.
What is more, the evidence suggests that fine-textured pottery has more mechanical
resistance to impact to mechanical shock than ceramics with a high frequency of
inclusions and tempers (Bronitsky and Hamer, 1986; Christakis, 1999; Kilikoglou and
Vekinis, 2002). Therefore, the lower the amount of non-plastic components present in
the paste, the higher the contraction capacity of the clay matrix and the greater the
162 Functionalist Approach
possibility to prevent breakage, thus increasing the resistance to impact of the fabric
(Stepoinatis, 1984).
Despite these assumptions, differences observed in impact resistance between
tempered and non-tempered clay experimental samples fired at low temperatures
(550°-650°C) are not much significant. So, it can be argued that this parameter is
not relevant in low-fired pottery productions. In contrast, at higher temperatures
(750°-850ºC) there are greater differences in the resistance to impact of the vessels
depending on the kind of material used (e.g., mineral or organic matter) to temper the
pots (Skibo et al., 1989). Moreover, experimental tests show that resistance to impact
is largely influenced by firing temperature. At higher firing temperatures, the pottery
develops greater compactness, hardness and rigidity; consequently, fractures are
more difficult to initiate. However, when a crack is generated and propagates through
the vessel wall it becomes more critical, since fabrics related to ceramics fired at high
temperatures have a lower capacity to shrink (West, 1992).
Cooling effectiveness is the property of the vessels that determines their ability to properly
preserve food, a parameter particularly relevant in ceramics which are used to store
and transport contents over extended periods of time. In such pottery, the porosity and
permeability of the fabric allows part of the content to flow through the wall of the vessel.
The liquid contents in the pores closest to the external surface of the pottery is removed
through air evaporation, thus reducing the temperature inside the vessel and favouring
the cooling of the content of the pottery below air temperature. A proper perspiration
prevents fungi growth or the loss of the contents by excessive evaporation, keeping the
product fresh and in good storage conditions, thus extending its expiration date. Therefore,
ceramics with a relatively high porosity are ideal to store water and other liquids in arid
or dry climatic conditions characterised by low relative humidity. However, it should be
noted that an excessive porosity and permeability can have negative consequences, as it
may result in a significant loss of the contents (Arnold, 1985; Palomar, 2005).
In this way, for instance, the use of calcareous fabrics does not involve, a priori,
any problems providing efficient cooling. On the contrary, the initial decomposition
of calcium carbonates in pottery fired at low temperatures (650°-750°C) favours the
formation of a porous microstructure that provides the minimum perspiration required
for adequately preserving both liquid contents such as water and solid products
like grain (Palomar, 2005). Thus, it is hardly surprising to find ethnographical (e.g.,
Albero and Puerta, 2011) and archaeological (e.g., Shoval et al., 2006) records that
exclusively use calcareous fabrics to produce storage pots and tableware.
Some experimental research (Schiffer and Skibo, 1987; Skibo et al., 1989)
concludes that similar and satisfactory results are obtained by the addition of both
mineral temper and organic matter to the paste. Pottery tempered with sand and fired
Science-based Material Approach 163
18.1.6 Lightness
transport means such as ships, beasts of burden or people carrying the pottery
exclusively by means of their own body.
This parameter has to be considered since, for instance, many people have used
jars to collect and store water, moving on foot to the water sources to subsequently
transport this resource back to the domestic areas. Moreover, the distribution of
the pottery itself can be undertaken on foot across several kilometres, as observed
between Konkomba craftswomen in the Northern region of Ghana (Calvo et al.,
2013). Therefore, when addressing the portability of the pottery, the lightness of the
materials must be taken into account but also the individuals themselves. In this way,
this variable, along with other features of the pottery (e.g., size and shape), is strongly
related to anthropometric aspects, such as the absolute weight that humans can carry
(Arnold, 1999; Balfet, 1984; Rice, 1987).
In this sense, experimental research demonstrated that fabrics which have a high
percentage of organic matter, despite having thicker walls, may be up to 34% lighter
than ceramics made with the same amount of mineral temper. The reason is that
organic matter has a lighter nature and provides high porosity after its combustion
during firing. Thus, fabrics rich in organic matter may be desirable when the individual
himself is the one to carry the vessels on foot. The addition of this temper in many
societies might correspond to this variable. This fact may explain why these kinds of
fabrics are widespread among many societies with high mobility patterns, while their
presence is more atypical in sedentary societies (Bollong et al., 1993; Schiffer and
Skibo, 1987; Sestier, 2005; Skibo et al., 1989).
Some authors (Rice, 1996; Tite and Kilikoglou, 2002), coming from functionalist and
economistic perspectives, suggest that the technological choices made by potters
regarding certain materials and techniques have to be related to the requirements
of the manufacturing process rather than to the needs associated with the use and
function of the pottery. In this explanatory model, the effectiveness of the techniques
and materials along the manufacturing processes determines the actions and choices
of the potters. Therefore, all the phases of the chaîne opératoire are understood as
closely interconnected in physical terms. It is also assumed that potters have a high
degree of technical knowledge and are fully aware of the physical effects involved
in the choices they make during production. As will be discussed in the examples
presented later, the technical benefits of certain materials and techniques in pottery
production are present in each of the phases comprising the chaîne opératoire:
a) Clay Procurement
From an ecological and functionalist perspective based on material sciences, the
properties of the clays available in the environment are considered to determine the
Functionalism and the Production Process 165
techniques and procedures used to produce ceramics (Sinopoli, 1991). The selection
of the raw material, then, becomes crucial to fully approach and understand the rest
of the phases of the manufacturing process. Thus, it must be accepted that some
physical and mechanical properties of the raw materials may influence the several
phases of the chaîne opératoire as well as determining the techniques involved in the
production process.
Consequently, potters often exploit clay sources that have certain physical
characteristics which permit them to manufacture pottery successfully and
implement the use of certain tools and techniques. Otherwise, the potters can
alter the composition and properties of raw materials. The most efficient clays are
those that can be directly used to manufacture vessels without altering the material
obtained from the clay pit. The use of coarse clays is advisable to manufacture hand-
made ceramics, since they are workable and plastic but also contain the amount
of non-plastic materials needed to produce the minimum consistency required for
modelling vessels, thereby allowing them to continue the subsequent phases of
the manufacturing process successfully. This materialist perspective related to the
production process may explain why in many societies (see, for instance, Gibson
and Woods, 1990; Williams, 1982) clays with these features are often used for long
periods of time. In this sense, as previously mentioned, the use of different types of
clays sometimes depends on their adaptability to the diverse needs of the production
process or the kind of artefact to be produced.
The characteristics of the raw materials partly determine the effort required to
develop pottery production. Thus, the time invested to collect the clay and purify
and prepare the paste may vary depending on its heterogeneity and texture, as well
as on the material selected to temper the paste. Therefore, raw materials selection
involves also certain economical and functional benefits and constraints which affect
the whole production process. Some kinds of clay may be more accessible and closer
to the production areas and be very refined in the source itself. So, the effort required
to collect, prepare and homogenise them is significantly reduced compared with
other clays which are quite heterogeneous and require a greater time investment to
prepare the paste properly. Low labor investment in paste preparation gives rise to
heterogeneous ceramic bodies. This irregularity may generate different results in the
several stages of the production process due to the compositional variability found in
the same vessel. Fabrics with greater homogeneity may indicate that more effort was
devoted to grind the clay and to ensure the orderly distribution of the temper, as well
as to compact the paste and eliminate the air bubbles present in the clay matrix.
The procurement of coarse-textured clays with the presence of pebbles may
require an intense purifying process in order to avoid severe fractures during the
subsequent phases of the chaîne opératoire. Moreover, this purification process
promotes the elimination of the air bubbles present in the pores of the clay, thus
reducing the negative effects which entail their evaporation during firing. Several
ethnographic studies argue that the basic purification of the raw material may take
166 Functionalist Approach
about 20 or 30 minutes depending on the grain size of the sediment and the needs of
the end product (Banning, 2005; Blackman, 1992; Drake, 1972; Gibson and Woods,
1990). In other cases, the forming methods used in pottery production determine
the need for very plastic and purified clays which are decanted through levigation
in water tanks. Clay levigation may involve, especially when large amounts of raw
material have to be processed, the construction of certain infrastructures and higher
time investment. However, this purification process is usually undertake exclusively
in wheel-thrown vessels, since the centrifugal force used in this modelling technique
can damage the potters’ hands if the clay has high amounts of coarse and angular
non-plastic components.
b) Temper Addition
Most of the clays which are suitable for pottery production are usually too fine, so that
they may have excessive plasticity and problems due to their high water absorption.
In these cases, it is necessary to temper the clays with non-plastic materials in order
make them workable, thus increasing the time necessary to prepare the paste and
achieve the production. From a functional viewpoint, tempers such as sands are added
and mixed with the clay with the aim to promote pastes with greater consistency or
to enhance their porosity. Thus, this technical action improves certain properties of
the paste allowing the proper modelling, drying and firing of the vessels (Drake, 1972;
Riley, 1982; Van der Leeuw, 1984; Williams, 1982).
For instance, clays can often be too wet to form the pottery (Cuomo Di Caprio,
1985). In these cases, the addition of dry organic matter to the paste reduces the
excess water of the clay thanks to the high hygroscopicity of cellulose fibres (Albero,
2010; Maritan et al., 2006), thus making it possible to achieve an optimum hydration
and malleability in the paste as well as a reduction in its plasticity. Hence, technically,
the gradual addition of this kind of temper until the paste achieves the adequate
malleability makes moist clays immediately usable. As a consequence, the use of this
temper promotes the manufacture of pottery production along the whole year and the
procurement of different clays with a wider range of humidity.
c) Modelling
There is an interrelationship between the different kinds of pastes and the forming
methods. On the one hand, the physical properties of the paste induce the modelling
techniques that can be used to form pottery. In this way, the composition of the paste
determines key parameters such as plasticity or the ability of the vessel walls to remain
straight. Therefore, the technical gestures that potters perform during the modelling
stage are constrained by the possibilities of the paste as well as by its behaviour in
subsequent phases of the chaîne opératoire. Ultimately, the characteristics of the
pastes used to form the vessels determine the shapes that can be modelled, thus
influencing the type of end products achieved. On the other hand, the pressure that
the potters produce during the kneading and shaping stages can significantly alter the
Functionalism and the Production Process 167
The addition of temper breaks the bonds existing between clay particles,
increasing the consistency and, therefore, the pressure that can be applied on very
fine clays without deforming the vessel walls. Hence, this technical action creates
a more workable paste, thus expanding the pottery sizes and shapes that can be
potentially modelled. Furthermore, the properties of the paste also determine the
time required to model the vessels and the need for different sub-stages along this
process, thus influencing the organisation of production. For example, the use of
coarse pastes with a high frequency of mineral temper may significantly increase the
time needed to produce a vessel, since more time is required to process the paste.
Likewise, the modelling of large pots may require several drying stages throughout
this phase depending on the properties of the paste and the size of the pottery before
the vessel is completely achieved.
Each kind of temper has a different effect on the plasticity of the paste. For
instance, grog is a relatively soft material which does not intensely reduce the plasticity
compared to other harder materials such as quartz (West, 1992). Meanwhile, calcite
provides calcium ions to the paste that act as flocculant and significantly improves
the plasticity of certain clays. Therefore, the presence of this mineral expands the
number of forming methods available and permits to model a wide range of ceramic
shapes and thinner walls (Hoard et al., 1995; Risch and Gómez Gras, 2003; Van As,
1984; West, 1992).
The use of organic matter to temper pottery allows modelling moist clays and
obtaining pastes with a high consistency. On the one hand, how long the organic
matter was present in the clay itself stimulates the emergence of humic acids formed
as a consequence of bacterial action. This process results in a colloidal gel which
enhances plasticity in hard clays. On the other hand, the addition of organic matter
in highly plastic clays permits the building of the vessels’ walls even when they are
still moist. This is possible because this kind of paste is very light, thus allowing the
uninterrupted and faster construction of the pottery. Moreover, this material provides
a fibrous structure to the paste that reduces shrinkage and prevents breakage in the
drying process. In this way, the time spent on making pottery is significantly reduced
if the paste is tempered with organic matter. Therefore, it is possible to achieve a
pottery modelled and fully decorated in less than 30 minutes (London, 1981; Maritan
et al., 2006; Morales, 2005; Schiffer and Skibo, 1987; Sestier, 2005; Shepard, 1971;
Skibo et al., 1989; West, 1992).
The addition of minerals with prismatic, elongated and angular crystals is
considered more appropriate than the use of rounded components to build vessel
walls more efficiently and prevent the development of fractures. The reason is that
rounded particles have no rough surfaces to which clay minerals can firmly adhere
(Gibson and Woods, 1990; Carter, 2002). Nevertheless, pastes with abundant sharp
and angular grains are not recommended when the pottery is wheel-thrown. The
centrifugal force that characterises this forming method along with the sharp edges
of the crystals can cause severe damage to the potter’s hands. In contrast, this
Functionalism and the Production Process 169
kind of problem should not be expected in hand-made pottery (Hoard et al., 1995;
McConaughy, 1987 in Schiffer and Skibo, 1987; Sillar and Tite, 2000; Skibo et al., 1989).
d) Drying
The multiple actions carried out by potters along the chaîne opératoire also have
implications in the drying phase. In this way, some studies on prehistoric ceramics
argue that one of the main objectives of the addition of tempers is to provide the paste
with a porous microstructure with certain open porosity. Higher porosity allows the
evaporation of volatile substances during drying and especially in the initial stages
of firing, thus preventing the development of cracks and wall flaking (Gibson and
Woods, 1990). Fractures develop during the drying and firing processes as a result of
the stress generated when water evaporates faster on the surfaces of the vessels than
in the core of the ceramic body. A gradual loss of water is then advisable to minimise
stress in the paste. Therefore, an increase in porosity may be relevant to promote a
better dehydration of the paste; this could be the reason why certain technical choices
were selected in pottery production.
The abundant presence of non-plastic components promotes open-textured
clay bodies (Fig. 18.1 and Fig. 18.2) favouring drying in the falling-rate period and
the evaporation of water at the beginning of the firing. Hence, the stress that occurs
in the paste due to the expansion and contraction of clay minerals is significantly
reduced. This process prevents the development of severe fractures, something very
usual in highly plastic pastes (Albero, 2010; Khalfi and Blanchart, 1999; Livingstone-
Smith, 2007; Martineau et al., 2007; Rice, 1987; Skibo et al., 1989; Worrall, 1975). The
addition of temper decreases shrinkage during drying and enhances dehydration of
vessel walls, even in seasons or locations where relative humidity is high. Therefore,
pottery production can be carried out throughout the whole year (Cuomo Di Caprio,
1985; Gibson and Woods, 1990; Linares et al., 1983).
Experimental tests performed with briquettes tempered with sand indicates that
the use of mineral temper decreases the drying time of the paste due to a reduction in
the amount of clay present in the mixture. Consequently, the amount of water required
to give workability to the paste also decreases (Skibo et al., 1989). Other experiments
demonstrate (Albero, 2010; Schiffer and Skibo, 1987; West, 1992) that organic matter
favours an open-textured paste with high porosity and a significant rate of macro-
pores and micro-pores (Fig. 18.2). Hence, organic fibres are in contact with the vessel
surfaces, thus enhancing the migration of water through the wall during drying and
firing. The great weight loss experienced by pastes rich in organic matter is associated
with a high hygroscopic capacity. Therefore, the formation of this fibrous structure
in the paste prevents the initiation of cracks during the drying stage, improving the
resistance of the paste and considerably reducing the capacity of the clay to shrink
due to loss water (Sestier, 2005; Skibo et al., 1989; West, 1992).
170 Functionalist Approach
Figure 18.1: Back Scattered Electron Image (SEM-BSEI) showing the porous micro-structure in a paste
tempered with spathic calcite crystals.
Figure 18.2: Constant rate of drying of a paste observed in a figure that includes the time and rate
of loss weight in samples dried at ambient temperature. Drying curves from experimental samples
with non-tempered clay, clay tempered with spathic calcite (20% of the volume), clay tempered with
organic matter (20% of the volume) and clay tempered with 10% of the volume of both tempers.
Functionalism and the Production Process 171
f) Firing
As already seen, firing implies a process where multiple physicochemical changes
occur in the ceramic pastes. From a functional perspective, many technological
choices undertaken throughout the production process may, in addition to enhancing
the behaviour of the materials in the modelling and drying phases, aim at minimising
the impact of heating on the paste.
Thus, some studies on prehistoric ceramics state that the abundant temper in a
paste is precisely one of the main purposes of creating a porous open-textured ceramic
body which allows the evaporation of volatile substances during the earliest stages
of firing. In this sense, the coarse texture which provides the addition of temper is
advisable in order to avoid the generation of fractures and wall flaking when open
firings with fast heating rates are performed (Gibson and Woods, 1990).
Differential thermal expansion of the several components present in the
paste must be also considered in the production process, since it can determine
the type of clay selected and the kind of temper added to the paste. For instance,
grog is composed of fired clay and has a thermal expansion coefficient identical to
clay, so it is well suited for tempering pottery (Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; West, 1992).
Furthermore, potters can also remove some components from the paste according
172 Functionalist Approach
Finally the use of certain firing structures, such as kilns, is closely associated
with the potter’s desire to strictly control certain technical variables involved in
the firing process. Thus, these kinds of structures allow potters to achieve high
temperatures, promote a more efficient heat flow inside the structure and control the
firing atmosphere. In this sense, some authors (e.g., Sinopoli, 1991) also state that the
firing procedure may determine the kind of fuel to be used.
Besides the procurement of different raw materials, building materials are also
often processed differently than the pottery. In this way, as observed for example
in the current production of adobes in Cahuachi (Peru) (Vaughn and Neff, 2004) or
in the Iron Age in Mallorca (Albero, 2011a), building materials are rarely purified
or levigated, but used as obtained from the source. Firstly, decantation requires
a high time investment due to the large amounts of mud that usually needs to be
processed. Secondly, the purification of mud raw materials for building purposes is
usually harmful, since it significantly increases their plasticity. In this way, the use
of highly plastic clays or excessively levigated materials endangers the effectiveness
and stability of the building material and, therefore, the safety of the individuals who
inhabit in the structures.
Therefore, in these kinds of mud materials, only organic and mineral impurities
that are macroscopically identifiable are expected to be removed. Moreover, the raw
materials commonly selected to produce bricks and roof waterproofing structures are
already coarse textured and have abundant sands as well as some pebbles. This is
the reason why they usually do not receive complementary treatments that alter their
composition and texture, such as the addition of tempers. Moreover, it is common to
find inclusions of plants (Fig. 18.3 A) and animals such as gastropods in adobe bricks
(Sánchez García, 1999; Albero, 2011a). These findings indicate that the mud was not
purified and was used as obtained from the source.
The clay materials used for multiple architectural purposes are normally
procured, prepared and applied quickly and easily. In addition, the raw material can
often be obtained and prepared with little effort near the architectural structures
themselves. Given the limited preparation these materials need, the individuals who
manage these materials do not require highly specialised skills. However, the use of
mud to build waterproof structures, usually applied over a wooden frame, has some
constraints derived from the poor mechanical strength of this material and its limited
ability to insulate the structure from the outside. In addition, these kinds of structures
must be regularly maintained, repaired and replaced due to the high risk of fire, the
growth of parasites, the decomposition of the wood because of moisture retention or
the effects of other atmospheric agents (Sánchez García, 1999).
The addition of temper is documented in some cases (e.g., Albero and García
Amengual, 2010) where the closest clay source available to produce the waterproofing
material is too plastic and fine-textured, with just a very small amount of sand and
pebbles. As already explained, highly plastic and fine-textured clays are usually very
absorbent and have more capacity to increase or decrease in volume. Once the clay
reaches its maximum rate of water absorption, the liquid starts to filter through the
structure and the application losses its physical integrity.
Since these kinds of plastic materials undergo dilatometric changes when
hydrated and dehydrated, they generate significant loads that cause mechanical stress
in the architectural structures and endanger the integrity of the spaces inhabited.
In this sense, the addition of temper to the raw material improves its functional
Functionalism and Ceramic Building Materials 175
requirements. Hence, the addition of temper such as organic matter to highly plastic
building raw materials is advisable for several reasons (Rodríguez and Saroza, 2006;
Sestier et al., 2005).
–– It allows the immediate use of the material even when it is too wet.
–– It increases the water absorption capacity of the paste, preventing the clay to be
excessively hydrated.
–– It decreases the plasticity of the clay while slightly increasing its tensile strength.
Its addition reduces, therefore, the stress the architectural structure undergoes.
–– It reduces shrinkage during drying and distributes the stress resulting from this
process along the fibrous material structure.
–– It accelerates the drying time of waterproof structures and improves drainage by
removing the water through the organic fibres.
–– It makes waterproof roofs lighter, so that the structure withstands less weight
and, therefore, the risk of collapse is reduced.
It is therefore not surprising that the use of organic matter to temper mud building
materials (Fig. 18.3 B) is a quite widespread technological choice. For instance, its
use is especially common to make wattle-and-daub walls by layers (Albero and
García Amengual, 2010; Capelli et al., 2006; Kovács et al., 2009; Sánchez García,
1999; Sestier et al., 2005; Sofaer, 2006; Starnini and Szakmány, 2009). In these cases,
the identification of the plants used as temper can be done through the creation of
experimental reference collection. Moreover, in contrast to the organic matter present
in pottery, its identification can be also made through the analysis of the phytoliths
and pollen occurring in these artefacts. Since building materials are usually unfired,
the application of the latter techniques is plausible in these cases because pollen
and phytoliths are usually destroyed at temperatures above 250°C. Therefore, these
components are expected to be well preserved in the fabric.
The plasticity and malleability that building materials require to exercise their
function is completely different than in the case of pottery, since clay building materials
usually do not involve complex forming methods. Thus, waterproof roofs or mud walls
are just constructed directly by applying the mud onto the structure, while the bricks are
modelled by means of moulds of specific dimensions into which the clay is compacted.
However, the requirements stated for building materials may change if other kinds of
clay artefacts with other functions are considered. For instance, loom weights can be
made using clays with a significant quantity of clay minerals and, therefore, with high
plasticity. Thus, the clay loom weights observed in some studies (Albero and García
Amengual, 2010; Starnini and Szakmány, 2009) are characterized by fabrics with high
compactness, low porosity and greater density that benefit their function as elements to
generate download tension. Additionally, loom weights can have specific morphological
and metric characteristics, thus requiring raw material with a minimum of consistency
and plasticity in order to shape artefacts that follow certain typological canons.
176 Functionalist Approach
Figure 18.3: Microphotographs showing A) a huge organic matter fragment naturally occurring in the
clay used to made an adobe brick (Image width = 11.2 mm). B) Organic matter added as temper in a
building material used to waterproof a roof (Image width = 11.6 mm).
Figure 18.4: Multifactor performance matrix comprising physical properties of different pottery fabrics.
Figure 18.5: Multifactor performance matrix comprising some physical properties that imply the use
of different tempers in pottery production.
Fabrics and Typologies: Production Processes, Variability and Function 177
All the parameters addressed above regarding the role of the properties of pastes and
fabrics in the production and use of ceramics can transcend the study of the materials
themselves. In this way, the archaeometric information obtained can be related to the
typology of the vessels with the aim of incorporating also morphological variables
in the analysis of archaeological ceramics. Thus, different approaches that establish
relationships between the fabrics and types appearing in the ceramic assemblages or
taxonomic categories that make up the archaeological record have been postulated
since the 1980s22 (Banning, 2005; Cuomo Di Caprio, 1985; Gibson and Woods, 1990).
Typological and archaeometrical studies supplement each other and constitute a
framework in which several dimensions of the pottery can be addressed. The purpose
of this kind of research is to eventually explain the complexity underlying the features
of the ceramics and obtain information as complete as possible regarding their life
cycle.
The combination of different analytical approaches addressing common issues in
the technological study of the artefacts more efficiently define the aspects to be taken
into account when considering the role of pottery in society. While the different kinds
of analysis performed on archaeological ceramics (e.g., typology, fabrics, absorbed
residues, etc.) have to be undertaken separately, the multiple fields of study are
ultimately interconnected in the object itself, where all the features recorded appear
simultaneously. Therefore, these multiproxy approaches lead to the formulation of
more robust and complex hypotheses about the significance of certain technological
choices and to assess the relevance of the changes which took place in the ceramic
production in a broad sense.
The merging of the archaeometric analysis of pottery fabrics with the study of
the typology of vessels facilitates the identification of the technological choices made
for the manufacture of artefacts with certain physical properties. In this way, since
each technology has a number of priorities and preferences which are reflected in the
characteristics of the artefacts, it is possible to relate some technological choices to
certain lifestyles as well as specific activities (Capel et al., 1982; Hally, 1986; Sánchez
and Aranda, 2005; Schiffer and Skibo, 1987; Spataro, 2002; Tite et al., 2001).
One of the main constraints that often arises when trying to relate prehistoric
pottery fabrics to typologies is associated with the small number of vessels suitable
22 There are many studies which apply this approach for the study of ceramics (e.g., Capel et al.,
1995; Colomer, 2005; Clop, 2007; Cordero et al., 2006; Freestone and Rigby, 1982; Galván, 1995; García
Heras et al., 2001; Hally, 1986; Morris, 1982; Odriozola et al., 2009a; Renfrew, 1977; Risquez and Hor-
nos, 1999; Seva and Almiñana, 1996; Spataro, 2003, 2006; Stepoinatis, 1984; Stilborg, 2003; Turbanti,
2004; Van As, 1984; Woods, 1986).
178 Functionalist Approach
for analysis, which necessarily limits the scope of such approaches. Thus, three main
requirements must be accomplished. First, it is essential to study ceramic assemblages
that are well contextualized in spatial and chronological terms. Second, the vessels
analysed must have a fully reassembled profile or at least preserve a considerable
part (Rice, 1996). This requirement is especially important in hand-made prehistoric
pottery, since there is often a low typological standardisation and the whole shape
of the vessels cannot be deduced only from small fragments. Third, it is necessary to
have the chance to perform archaeometric analysis on the vessels.
The combined study of pottery fabrics and shapes is performed with a multiple
purpose in mind:
b) Functional Analysis
Although universal models cannot be established, typology is a classification system
that also relates to pottery function. A clear relation between the function and the
size of the vessels is observed, for instance, when they are used for measuring the
amounts of a wide variety of products such as grain or liquids, as well as to estimate
portions of food, drinks, etc.
As previously stated with pastes and fabrics, the shape and size of the pottery can
also be enhanced in order to maximise the features of the end product according to
specific functions (Albero et al., forthcoming). For instance, as already seen, the use
of certain shapes allows improving thermal shock resistance and heat effectiveness
in cooking pots (Hein et al., 2009). In this way, the use of morphologies in which
the base and the body form a continuous curve, as in hemispherical or globular
vessels, can efficiently reduce the risk of fractures arising from dilatometric changes
caused as a result of the direct exposure of the pottery to the fire. In contrast, angular
junction points in the ceramic body are more susceptible to breakage, since they
concentrate much of the stress occurring in the pottery (Gibson and Woods, 1990).
As a consequence, this type of pottery is more likely to fracture at the junction points
as a result of thermal shock. Likewise, resistance to impact is also determined by the
morphology of the vessels. Thus, a pottery with angular junction points is less resistant
than others with continuous curves. In this sense, junction points between different
parts of the vessel are weak areas susceptible to be fractured as a consequence of
impacts (Schiffer and Skibo, 1987; Skibo et al., 1989).
An analytical strategy linking fabric and typology may allow a better approximation
of the functionality of the pottery, since the size, shape and fabric of the vessel can be
determined by its function. In this sense, the combination of the typological analysis
with other parameters is a suitable method to approximate the function of the
vessels not exclusively with typological viewpoints, but also with technological ones.
Therefore, it is possible to approach, for instance, the possible functional relation
existing between the features of the fabrics or the forming methods and the typology
of the pots manufactured (García Rosselló and Quintana, 2003).
180 Functionalist Approach
Ethnographical studies show how potters often select their raw materials
depending on the shape, size or function of the ceramics they produce, three aspects
that can be closely interrelated (Velde and Druc, 1999). For example, in Chinautla,
potters collect yellow clays to produce storage vessels, while they prefer white clays
to manufacture other types of pottery, such as those used for water transport. In Tikul
(Yucatan, Mexico), potters carefully select the clays used to form large vessels for
storing liquids (Arnold, 2000). In Pòrtol (Mallorca, Spain) potters select red or ochre
clays depending on the function of the vessels (Albero and Puerta, 2011). In short,
this differential selection of raw materials which affects the chemical, mineralogical
and textural composition of pastes and fabrics may be in close connection with the
different types of vessels manufactured. In these cases typological parameters may
explain the compositional variability of the end products.
Therefore, an analytical strategy combining the composition of the pottery and
its typology not only informs about the manufacturing process and allows a better
classification of ceramic assemblages, it also identifies whether there are certain techno-
functional concerns involved in the way typologically similar objects were produced in
order to enhance their use in specific activities. In other words, this strategy allows us
to assess whether the potters perform specialised behaviours with the aim of generating
both fabrics and types more efficient to accomplish specific functions.
The study of vessels’ functionality by these kinds of approximations can be based
on a number of basic criteria (García Rosselló and Quintana, 2003):
–– The comparative study of the fabrics of vessels that have similar morphometric
characteristics, which allows assing pottery that may respond to similar
functional criteria.
–– The typological study of pottery of the same or similar fabric and which therefore
has similar physical properties. This demonstrates the morphological features of
vessels made following specific technological choices that may also respond to a
functional rationale.
–– The study of ceramic materials from archaeological sites with well-established
functions and chronologies. This strategy permits making comparisons between
artefact features in synchronic terms as well as in specific functional contexts.
This strategy also includes the area of activity in which the pottery is located and,
therefore, allows us to accomplish a deeper study of the functional complexity
involved in the processes of production, use and deposition.
–– The study of materials related to well-established stratigraphic contexts. This
requirement is undertaken in order to make sure that the ceramic samples analysed
are related to the same chronological period and belong to the same cultural group.
–– The study of vessels that have a complete profile with the objective to avoid
establishing typological sequences and interpretations from highly fragmentary
materials. In this sense, the better preserved the shape of the vessels, the higher
the functional information they provide.
Fabrics and Typologies: Production Processes, Variability and Function 181
While certain correspondence between form, fabric and function can be theoretically
suggested, in practice this approach has significant constraints. In this way,
technological choices appear to be often more related to different ways of making pottery
than to a techno-functional specialisation of the vessels. Perhaps the best example of
this phenomena is the widespread replacement in many societies, for instance in the
Middle Bronze Age in the Balearic Islands (Guerrero et al., 2007), of hemispherical bases
for flat bases. As we have seen, the latter are less efficient to produce cooking pottery
with more heat effectiveness and impact strength and, ultimately, have lesser durability.
This quite common substitution of pottery forms has been related to a lack of technical
knowledge of the potters regarding the thermal and mechanical effects involved in the
use of certain types of bases (Gibson and Woods, 1990).
In other cases, as also seen in the Balearic Islands between 1500-500 BC (Albero,
2011a), a single fabric was almost exclusively used in the production of a wide range of
types. Thus, there are no differences in the technological choices regarding the form,
context or chronology of the vessels. Hence, pottery of diverse typology and chronology
found in different types of archaeological sites can be very similar in their chemical,
mineralogical and even textural composition23. It is obvious that there is no functional
enhancement in these situations, since pottery objects with different shapes and size
have similar physical properties. Neither the function nor the context seems to determine
the characteristics of the ceramics. Furthermore, although there are refractory clays in
the nearby territory, they were not exploited to produce cooking pots.
This same phenomenon is ethnographically observed among Konkomba and
Kusasi potters from north-east Ghana (Albero et al., 2013; Calvo et al., 2013) or the
potters from Faro in Cameroon (Livingstone-Smith, 2000). There are also potters from
Cuzco (Sillar, 1997) and Ancash (Peru) who use the same paste to produce all kinds
of artefacts, although in the latter case the effort invested in preparing the paste and
its texture depends on the type of pottery manufactured (Druc, 1996). In contrast,
potter communities from Tuxtla (Mexico) use different raw materials but they prepare
them in a way that finally results in coarse textures for all the pottery typologies of
the region (Pool, 2000). Finally, there are regions such as Chinatula and Sacojito
(Guatemala) where potters prefer the use of white clays for pottery production, even
though they also have red clays of higher quality at hand (Arnold, 2000).
Particular technological choices can be made in order to define the function of
the vessels in situations where the same shapes and fabrics are used for a wide range
of contents and activities. An ethnographically documented example is the use of
23 There are many other archaeological examples that evidence the use of the same or very similar
fabrics in the production of the whole ceramic repertoire in which the main differences observed
among the different types are basically textural (e.g., Clop, 2007; Gasull and Lull, 1984; Gherdán and
Horváth, 2009; Gliozzo et al., 2008; Heidke and Miksa, 2000; Jorge et al., 2009; Kretier et al., 2007;
Odriozola et al., 2009a, b; Ortega et al., 2005; Spataro, 2002, 2006).
182 Functionalist Approach
vessels with surfaces of different colour depending on the kind of content. Therefore,
a certain pottery type fired under an oxidising atmosphere is used for a particular
purpose, while the same type of vessel fired in reducing conditions is used in the
management of other kind of content (Barley, 1994; Sillar, 2000). Hence, it is possible
to see how vessel functionality also influences certain aspects of the firing process,
such as firing atmosphere. Furthermore, the typology of the vessels can be also used
to differentiate diverse kinds of contents stored in very similar forms. For instance,
the Kabyle people living in the Maghreb use inflection points located at different parts
of their globular vessels to distinguish pottery related to different functions (Balfet,
1984).
Sometimes more evident connections between fabrics and shapes can be observed
regarding parameters such as the chronology and/or the depositional context of the
vessels. As will be fully addressed in the next chapter, ceramic technology and its
relationship with certain fabrics, types, contexts and chronologies has to be linked
to aspects such as the social organisation of production, technological traditions,
habitus, learning processes, tastes and lifestyles. Therefore, rather than promoting
an essentialist viewpoint in which ancient potters developed highly specialised
conscious behaviours in order to maximise the functionality of their vessels, we
have to consider that all these aspects may also have determined specific ways of
understanding and conceptualising pottery assemblages (vide infra).
In this sense, in other cases, as in the Late Iron Age in Mallorca (Albero, 2011a),
different ways of making pottery are simultaneously present. However, they do not
seem to obey functional aspects but rather to the chronology and the type of settlement
in which the ceramics were deposited. Thus, the fabrics of the vessels are just related
by the context in which they were used and deposited. Although the vessels relate
to the same period and are very similar in size and shape they were produced using
different chaînes opératoires.
Therefore, it is not often possible to define clear connections between form,
technology and function beyond the specific analysis of each pottery within a given
productive framework and context of use. Beyond general tendencies, it is clear that
many potters have not developed a clear functional specialisation in the manufacture
of more efficient fabrics related to vessels with specific morphometric features adapted
to certain activities. On the contrary, the ceramic record often seems to respond to
other phenomena related to multiplicity, lack of specialization, redundancy and
polyfunctionality. Thus, the compositional studies of ceramics may be quite limited
in most cases to address the functionality of ancient vessels, confirming the need
to develop more sophisticated approaches. These approximations must undoubtedly
include the morphometric study of ceramics, the identification of absorbed residues
and the analysis of the contexts in which the vessels were used and deposited.
It can be concluded, then, that the fabrics and pastes from different periods and
societies often do not clearly obey functional criteria. However, as some authors
have pointed out (Hodder, 1991; Pfaffenberger, 1992), the technological features of
Fabrics and Typologies: Production Processes, Variability and Function 183
the pottery made and used by past societies are usually interpreted on the basis of
functionalist approaches and categories in which western and modern perspectives
prevail. This practical and uncritical viewpoint in which material culture is
understood in terms of techno-functional optimisation is subjective, hypothetical and
constructed. This explains why this approach is often unsuccessful when addressing
the significance and the meaning of the materiality of other cultures and why in many
cases the functional specialisation of the vessels does not seem to be important in
pottery production. Finally, these arguments demonstrate that the concept of function
is contingent and must be understood only within specific cultural contexts.
In this scenario everything indicates that the explanations are much more
complex and that pottery features are strongly related to the different ways of
producing ceramics associated with different cultural contexts. As noted Gosselain
et al. (1996), there is enough evidence to suggest that the technological choices
involved, for instance, in the clay procurement and the processing of materials are
best explained in cultural rather than in functional terms. Therefore, when there is a
weak correlation between typology, fabric and functionality, it is usually considered
that other non-functional parameters determine the characteristics of the ceramics.
In these cases, it is supposed that environmental, cultural or social factors more
decisively influence vessel features and their significance (Albero, 2008; Livingstone-
Smith, 2000; West, 1992).
In any case, it seems that the form, size and function of the vessels may determine,
at least in some cases, certain basic characteristics and properties of the fabrics, as well
as the strategy used by the potters for selecting and preparing their raw materials. As
noted above, a basic classification of the ceramic record observed in many traditional
potter communities consists, for instance, in distinguishing between fine and coarse-
textured fabrics. In this sense, I. Druc (1996) emphasises the need to pay special
attention to the texture of the fabrics in order to address the possible functional
adaptation of the ceramics when their chemical and mineralogical composition
is quite similar. Moreover, other authors (Gherdán and Kovath, 2009) suggest that
fabrics having more than 10% of temper are most likely evidence of the intentional
behaviour of potters aiming at meeting certain functional parameters, as from this
amount of temper certain physical properties of the materials are significantly altered.
c) Variability Analysis
One key objective in many studies of ceramic technology consists in approaching the
variability and the level of standardisation of the production, for example through
the analysis of fabrics. If this analysis of the technological variability of the fabrics is
undertaken considering also typological diversity, the approach to standardisation of the
ceramic record is significantly enhanced. Thus, this research strategy provides a more
consistent basis to explain certain technological parameters, such as potter’s skills.
In this sense, without enlarging on the topic, typology can be considered a
methodology developed for the management and classification of the archaeological
184 Functionalist Approach
record. In this way, this procedure creates broad categories of artefacts related
to specific spatial, chronological or cultural frameworks that once established
can be compared with others (Aranda, 2001; Bate, 1998; Kililikoglou and Vekinis,
2002; Lumbreras, 1987; Van As, 1984). Therefore, as happens with fabrics in the
compositional analysis of pottery, typological variability should not be understood
as a purely taxonomic or classificatory system, but one used to make interpretations
going beyond exclusively functionalist concerns (Albero et al., forthcoming).
The analysis of variability can document similarities or differences in both fabrics
and types regarding certain technological choices that respond to particular ways of
organising production. Therefore, homologies between the typological variability
of the vessels and their manufacturing process can be detected. It is possible to
determine, for instance, if certain fabrics are related only to certain pottery types and
evaluate the correspondence between marginal types and fabrics that could indicate
minority technological choices.
Furthermore, pottery variability may depend on the life expectancy of the vessel,
a parameter closely related to its function, size, form and fabric (Mills, 1989; Shott,
1996). From a functionalist perspective, the type of archaeological site and the
activities performed in it determines the kind and amount of pottery present as well
as the way it was used. Vessel management and their spatial distribution determine
their frequency of use, life expectancy and need for replacement. In this way, the use
life of the vessels may depend on their spatial mobility and function. The use life
determines the demand that users make of certain types of vessels, thus, affecting
the production of potters, who, in turn, will more intensely manufacture the products
that society demands.
This process suggests that some types are produced more intensely than others
in time and space. Therefore, potters manufacture certain vessels more regularly
and put in practice certain specific technological actions more often than others.
In this way, B. Mills (1989) recorded several ethnographical case studies where serving
wares and cooking pots have an intense daily use and a short use life that promotes
a high rate of replacement. In consequence, these types of vessels are more regularly
produced, being more likely to be replicated. In this context of continuous production
the variations between one pottery and another are reduced, since the potters have
fewer possibilities to live new experiences in time. In contrast, other typologies such
as large storage jars are less mobile and are located in restricted spaces. Sometimes, as
we observed in north-east Ghana, this pottery is even attached to the floor. Therefore,
these kinds of vessels usually have a long use life and consequently are less frequently
made. Thus, potters have more chances to be exposed to new experiences between
the production of one vessel and another and, in consequence, are more likely to
introduce variations in their technological choices.
Therefore, attention should be paid to how the use and deposition contexts
relates to pottery, since the kind of settlement and the activities performed may
determine divergences in the technological features of ceramics (Aranda, 2001; Calvo
Criticism to Science-based Material Approach 185
et al., 2004b; Cordero et al., 2006; Polvorinos et al., 2005; Roux, 2011). Associative
and comparative analyses interrelating the amount and types of artefacts present
within the same and diverse stratigraphic units or areas of a given site can provide
information about the functionality of the context and, therefore, of the ceramics
found. Similarly, the study of the functions and the properties of pots may determine
which specific activities were developed in certain areas of the settlements. In this
sense, it is crucial to contemplate the functional traits of the vessels and the spaces
where they are found. Both aspects are closely interrelated and their combined study
strengthens the conclusions obtained from both perspectives independently (Calvo,
2007; Capel et al., 1982; Clark, 2007; Stilborg, 2003; Sullivan, 1989; Tite et al., 2001).
In this sense, functional aspects involved in both the production and use processes play
an important role when defining the meaning given to the vessels since their symbolic
significance derives from how the objects are produced and used (Hodder, 1991).
However, to consider that the only purpose of ancient potters was provide
certain physical and utilitarian characteristics to their pottery is both a fallacy and
a simplification of the concerns that must be addressed in archaeology. In short, it
runs the risk of giving a disproportionate role to one aspect of pottery production
that could be purely epiphenomenal (Rice, 1990, 1996). The fact that many potters
have chosen counterproductive choices in terms of efficiency demonstrates the low
epistemological value of these perspectives in many ancient and current societies.
Therefore, multiple objections have been made to functionalistic theoretical
trends focused on material sciences and the physical properties of the artefacts as
a means to interpret the technological features of the record. This approach places
great importance on the conscious behaviours of potters in their production and
technological choices in terms that could be called “methodological individualism”
(Dobres and Robb, 2000).
As mentioned, behavioural perspectives try to establish connections between
the use of specific materials and certain functions in terms of efficiency by means of
experimental tests. However, they also recognise that, although certain relations can
be acknowledged from modern science, it is not possible to discover whether ancient
potters perceived and were aware of the complex connections existing between
technical actions, materials and physical properties. Thus, potters could not have
understood all the technical and scientific standards governing a technology (Schiffer
and Skibo, 1987).
An example of how the technological processes involved in the manufacture of
ceramics are not exempt from ambiguity from an emic perspective can be observed
in the behaviour of the current potters from Crete. It has been ethnographically
documented (Hein et al., 2004a) that there is no consensus among the potters of
this island regarding the reasons that lead them to mix red clays with calcareous
clays. Potters from Thraspana note that the addition of terra rossa provides more
inclusions to the paste, enhancing its workability and preventing the propagation of
fractures. However, other potters indicate that the addition of these clays increases
the plasticity of the clay. Artisans from Mouliana argue that the use of these clays
reduces the risk of fractures due to their content in sands. Finally, potters from Kentri
state that pastes prepared with these clays do not permit the creation of thin walls
but, instead, provide high resistance to the paste in order to survive the firing process.
In short, the potters of the island only agree in arguing that the addition of clays with
more inclusions contributes to minimising the risk of collapse due to the propagation
of fractures during the manufacturing process.
Although we may infer that pottery can be perceived in a certain way and that the
human mind presents the same structural organisation in cognitive terms worldwide,
it must be also considered that the way in which perception is categorised is not
Criticism to Science-based Material Approach 187
of males regarding the application of heat and fire on mud made it possible to obtain
usable pottery. This myth is structured around the functionality of vessels and the
manufacturing process, but it is also imbued with social, symbolic and ideological
aspects. For example by giving males a key role in the creation of pottery it also
justifies the existence of a patrilineal social organisation. Moreover, in this myth there
is a clear representation of fertility which is associated, on the one hand, with women
and earth and, on the other with men and fire. It is the combination of both elements
which results in the creation of a usable vessel for the society.
Furthermore, in this functionalist perspective, evolutionary and ethnocentric
viewpoints involving a technological determinism in which material culture can
be only efficiently manufactured and used in one way are often predominant
(Pfaffenberger, 1992). This is therefore a static approach which obeys universalistic
physical standards that have little to do with the huge dynamism and cultural
diversity that actually exists in the world. In consequence, the passive view and the
secondary role that functionalist behavioural perspectives give to non-biological or
non-practical dimensions of materiality has been frequently criticised (Dietler and
Herbich, 1998).
As noted by Livingstone-Smith (2000), this functionalist approach makes
assumptions on ancient technologies through theoretical concepts essentially created
from modern science. Thus, these approaches do not usually take into account the
phenomena that characterise the reality of ancient societies. As pointed out Dobres
and Hoffman (1994) such perspectives lead to “technological somnambulism” in
which the technical optimisation becomes the reason for the individual’s behaviour.
Such criticism to functionalism highlights that the actions and aims of the potter,
whether or not he has a utilitarian purpose, are always related to the ideational
dimension and are made according to a series of individual and community social
needs. Thus, although there might be an intense functional adaptation of the vessels,
this fact does not preclude that the features of the product and their production and
use processes have other implications beyond the mere biological or practical needs.
Besides this criticism, material sciences studies often have a high degree of
ambiguity and contradiction (see, for instance, Stone and Young, 1990 vs. Schiffer,
1990; Steponaitis, 1984 vs. Müller et al., 2009). Moreover, there is a large multiplicity
of parameters taking part simultaneously in the properties of the vessels and their
functional optimisation. In this way, the inferences established may have little
resolution and result often in a “ceramic possibilism” (Rice, 1996). As P. Rice says,
“what element does not affect the physical properties of a cooking pot?”
In short, beyond the functional benefits of certain ceramics, which are
manifested in its opposition to others, there are many social, ideological and
symbolic factors which affect their consumption and, by extension, the features of
the artefacts. Moreover, highly functional specialised productions do not always exist
in all societies and situations. Thus, in many cases concepts such as multiplicity,
polyfunctionality, lack of specialization and redundancy prevail (Calvo, 2007),
Criticism to Science-based Material Approach 189
to obtain a product valid for a large number of varied uses. This low functional
requirement of pottery has led to the use of forms and materials which do not respond
to a high functional specialisation, but to the multiple non-functional factors just
discussed (Calvo, 2007; Gosselain, 1994; Pfaffenberger, 1992; Stoltman, 2001).
Pottery is more or less adapted to perform a function, but the principles governing
this parameter and the features of the ceramic object are determined by cultural
factors. This explains why in most cases it is possible to observe totally different
objects intended for the same function, i.e., different technological choices have
been made to satisfy the same need. Nevertheless, as unilinear cultural evolutionism
states, this premise does not preclude that certain uniformity may be achieved in
objects intended for the same function regardless of cultural factors. In this sense, it
must be considered that in some cases the potential choices available in the search
for an object which can fulfil an efficient functional adaptation may be quite limited.
Thus, this search can lead to a homogenization of the technological choices carried
out, regardless of the cultural, social or economic basis of the human group that has
created the pottery.
It cannot be forgotten that objects are created to be used and, as pointed out by I.
Hodder (1991), that their functional, systemic and ideational dimensions are closely
interrelated. In consequence, one cannot be addressed without reference to the other.
As previously stated, functional aspects, along with many other parameters discussed
above, deeply influence the meanings given to material culture. So, vessel function
cannot be ignored if we intend to analyze meaning structures. In this sense, it may
be useful to consider the physical properties of the materials to properly interpret
the archaeological record. For example, as repeatedly argued, the composition of
the paste and the nature of the inclusions, tempers and clays can provide multiple
attributes to the vessels. These properties can influence aspects such as the durability,
a parameter which may eventually affect the social role of ceramics (Jones, 2004).
The material dimension of objects cannot be totally precluded and substituted
by their ideational aspects. Their materiality and physical properties also influence
how they are perceived and used, therefore, representing one of the many factors
that determine their significance. The key is to achieve a balanced viewpoint between
the materialist and idealist dimensions of pottery, as they are not antagonistic or
contradictory; on the contrary, they cannot be understood in isolation but as an
integrated, interrelated and contingent whole. Thus, functionalist perspectives
provide a wide range of technological choices in materialistic terms that people
might have in mind when manufacturing objects. For example, in Upper East Ghana,
Mamprusi people highlight that they consider the lightness and resistance to impact
Possibilities and Limitations of the Functionalist Approach 191
of the pottery when purchasing the vessels. However, this does not exclude that other
factors also influence ceramics acquisition (Calvo et al., 2013).
Given these considerations, it is clear that we must consider several interpretative
frameworks when studying ceramic technology. In this way, materialistic approaches
promote research lines focused on the study of ceramic artefacts that strengthen the
relationships existing between the physical characteristics of the end products and
the processes of manufacture, use and deposition of the pottery. Moreover, although
the results obtained through the functional analysis of pottery are not conclusive, this
approach also informs about the potter’s rationale and interests. Hence, considering
the function of the pottery through compositional and morphometric analyses as well
as its relation to the production processes and contexts of use can be essential to
understand the variability of the techniques and materials identified in the ceramic
record. In short, this perspective allows addressing certain aspects regarding the
organisation of production, such as the potter’s skills, as well as the society as a
whole.
Vessel function may influence the several processes involved in the manufacture
of ceramics and the features of the end product, from its shape and size to its paste,
firing procedures, surface colour and treatments, decorations, etc. Therefore, despite
its limitations, functionalist approaches may address the complexity embedded in
any pottery item.
As documented in various ethnographic studies (e.g., Albero and Puerta, 2011;
Arnold, 1985, 2000; Gosselain et al., 1996; Varela, 1990), potters from many societies
show different technical behaviours according to the diverse functions of the pottery.
Thus, despite its theoretical restrictions, the study of vessel functionality represents
an interpretive framework that can lead, at least in some cases, to understand why
potters manufactured their products in a certain way. Therefore, in these cases, this
perspective also permits us to approach the significance of artefacts in any society
and understand certain depositional patterns related to the specific use of the vessels.
Such approaches usually provide a large corpus of data and a series of hypotheses
that acquire validity when they are reformulated within specific use contexts, i.e.,
those of the society in which the pottery was used and loaded with meaning. It is only
by combining the morphological and techno-functional approaches to the vessels
with the results of experimental tests and organic residue analysis that the question
of the functionality of pottery may be tackled. It must not be forgotten that both the
function and technology of the vessels are closely linked to certain contents and
activities. Thus, in archaeology it is very common to consider that ceramic containers
were complementary to the product they contained. In this way, any peculiarity in the
vessel which may be interpreted as a potter’s signature is not only aimed at identifying
the ceramic objects, but also the products they contain (Carreras and Nadal, 2003).
In this sense, the combination of techno-functional approaches with methods
such as Gas Chromatography Mass Spectrometry (GC-MS) may contribute
substantially to the study of the relations existing between contents, functions, types
192 Functionalist Approach
and fabrics. This approach necessarily involves the implementation of all the results
obtained from these studies along with a deep analysis of the archaeological context
in all its complexity, i.e., considering the multiple interconnections existing between
all the biotic and abiotic materials: contexts, fauna, pollen, charcoal, phytoliths,
plants, ceramics, metal objects, architectural structures, etc. In this sense, it must be
remembered that pottery, as any other item of material culture, interacts with a wide
range of objects and materials, such as other containers made of wood or leather, in
their daily use (Mannoni, 2007).
In the long term, this strategy would allow us to know how each society promotes
a close relation between certain specific places, biotic and abiotic resources that is
organised through specific culinary traditions and ways of food preparation and
management, as well as by means of characteristic consumption and depositional
patterns. Functional approaches on ceramics can also provide information about
food preparation techniques and culinary tastes, since certain ceramic fabrics and
forms can be strongly related to different cooking methods (e.g., Albero and Puerta,
2011; Fernández Navarro, 2008). Also the characteristics of the fabrics can provide a
particular flavour to the foods cooked in the pottery due to the ability of the vessels
walls to absorb organic substances and retain their taste (Barley, 1994; Skibo, 1992).
In short, the data provided by science-based material approaches in the study of
ceramic fabrics and pastes implies a first step towards the establishment of strategies
that aim at meeting the complex functional interrelations existing between the
elements integrating the archaeological record. Anyway, it should be highlighted
that this techno-functional study of pottery based on the properties of the materials
may have several constraints to approach the functional dimension of many ceramics
produced in domestic contexts for several reasons.
First, we have to be aware that such approaches often provide results which are
only significant in terms of “technological possibility” or, in the best case, of the denial
of certain functional capabilities. In many cases, solid and consistent conclusions
cannot be proposed regarding the specific functions associated with the vessels. For
this reason, it is more convenient to undertake a comprehensive analysis of the context
in which the pottery is located and its interaction with other materials. Moreover, it
should be considered that the results obtained by means of other procedures such as
absorbed residue analysis are also more consistent and reliable to approach the use
and function of the ceramics.
Second, techno-functional approaches on ceramic fabrics may be more fruitful in
wheel-thrown pottery productions, which are characterised by a high standardisation
of the vessels and a mass production, as well as a clear commercial interest. In these
cases, highly specialised pottery assemblages are usually predominant and, in
consequence, each type of ceramic object is made according to its specific function.
Since its origins, science-based material approach has been closely related to the
study of this kind of pottery production.
Possibilities and Limitations of the Functionalist Approach 193
As said before, pottery actively participates in everyday life experience, where daily
routines permits us to maintain a conservative symbolic system in which ideology,
tradition and behaviour are accepted as natural. In this context the regular exchange
of meanings takes place and mechanisms of transmission of information that are
crucial to enable people to develop their social life are generated. In this framework,
technology must be considered as a technical and mental process that humans use to
solve their social needs (Dietler and Herbich, 1998; Hodder, 1982, 1991; Lavan, 2007;
Miller, 1985; Pfaffenberger, 1992).
Therefore, this theoretical perspective considers that there is an intense
interaction between people in a given social and natural context in which they
create, use, exchange, maintain and deposit their artefacts. These interactions are
the reason why technological change and continuity occur, since the presence of
certain social common practices enables the cohesion of society (Bourdieu, 1977).
In this sense, pottery goes beyond the everyday experience of the individual and is
engaged in the structures that organise society. Thus, the characteristics of materials
can reflect, for instance, the power relations that the individuals establish and the
way they are socially organised (Arthur, 2007; Barley, 1994; Dobres and Hoffman,
1994; Dornan 2002; García Rosselló, 2008; Lavan, 2007; Mannoni, 2007; Shanks and
Tilley, 1992; Stilborg, 2003). For example, ethnographic studies carried out in potter
communities from the Philippines (Longacre, 1999; Neupert, 2000) document how
social differences between diverse potters are embodied in their technical processes
and the vessels.
As already seen, the technological features of any vessel may respond to
environmental, economic and functional factors, such as the availability and properties
of raw materials. Therefore, we assume that the relations existing between people
and environment as well as with the technical and functional dimensions of ceramics
must be taken into account to properly interpret other aspects of pottery production.
Hence, it is essential for a deep understanding of the ceramic record to consider the
materials and techniques from both ecological and functional viewpoints, but it is
also an unavoidable requirement to define the technology in a socio-technological
context. This implies considering that individuals establish a strong conceptual
relationship with the materials they create and use. In consequence, the materials and
techniques in practice also involve symbolic, ritual and magical-religious phenomena
(Pfaffenberger, 1992).
In the critics to evolutionary theoretical positions, we stressed the need to place
the technology, materials and techniques that make up ceramic features in their
specific cultural, spatial and chronological context to adequately interpret the actions
carried out by people (Prieto, 1999). In this sense, the different levels of analysis of
the material record should consider that the knowledge generated from ecological
and functionalist theoretical positions is not valid until it is integrated into defined
archaeological contexts and particular historical and social frameworks. Thus, these
frameworks, exclusive and specific of every society, permit a proper interpretation
Possibilities and Limitations of the Functionalist Approach 197
of ceramics and their related phenomena, giving validity to the assumptions made
from the theoretical positions discussed before. Only by means of such contextual
strategies is it possible to consider how the individuals who participated in the cycle
of life of ceramics interacted among themselves and with the material culture in order
to structure and organise as both individuals and groups in certain social contexts.
Nevertheless, certain constraints have to be accepted regarding this interpretative
level where individuals and society are fully addressed through the ceramic record.
Thus, we have to be aware that the pottery represents only a small part of the whole
material dimension produced by any society and that ceramics interact more or less
intensely with the rest of the material culture surrounding them. While it is absolutely
necessary to study the ceramics and their relationship with people in order to
advance in the understanding of past societies, it is also true that in order to enlarge
on the knowledge of human relations all the material record of the context must be
inevitably considered as a whole. In this way, all the materiality of a given context
interacts at different spatial and temporal scales, resulting in a marker of specific
lifestyles and social dynamics. In short, it is through a consideration of these social
theoretical approaches along with an analysis of the artefacts, the context and the
interconnections existing between the entire material record, that makes it possible to
address the functional, social and symbolic significance that individuals and groups
give to artefacts.
In this sense, we must consider a feedback between the structural aspects and
the practices, since both participate simultaneously in the life contexts (vide infra)
although in different scales. On the one hand, the direct consequences of the practices
can be understood within specific and unique historical processes. This micro-scale
is better suited to the study of everyday phenomena, agency and the analysis of the
technological variability of the artefacts which is associated with agents or groups
involved in specific activities. On the other hand, these social dynamics prevailing at
the micro-scale level can interact with other multidimensional structural phenomena
that occur simultaneously at the macro-scale, in which long-duration processes take
place and intentional practices are less obvious (Dobres and Hoffman, 1994; Dornan,
2002; Lemonnier, 1986).
Despite the constraints that may involve addressing social issues only from
ceramic studies, the isolated study of the social dynamics related to ceramics is
advisable at an early stage of the research in order to obtain the maximum information
from this type of archaeological record (Stilborg, 2003). In this way, the interpretative
possibilities of ceramic studies are maximised, since we can record certain social
practices in which the pottery is fully involved as a key element. These results can
be later compared with the assumptions undertaken from the analysis of other kinds
of materials, ultimately allowing us to better address the complexity of the context.
All these arguments evidence that the analytical approaches undertaken in the
laboratory should not replace the comprehensive study of the contexts where the
archaeological material was recovered, since it is essential to understand the role
198 Social Theory of Technology
of the artefacts in society. The experimental and analytical routines performed just
provide the corpus of data necessary to properly approach the technical attributes
of the materials and its relations with specific human actions performed in certain
social contexts. In consequence, these analytical studies are essential to interpret the
artefacts and approach the ancient societies which manufactured them.
On the one hand, the complexity of addressing agency and social dynamics in
prehistory requires all the data and viewpoints available in our discipline in order to
properly interpret the artefacts and the contexts in which they fit. This complex task
requires a multidisciplinary approach including at least the theoretical perspectives
discussed before. On the other, to consistently interpret the social dynamics as a
whole, more than one material variable must be considered, since the use of a single
variable is often risky and generates simplistic explanations (Carreras and Nadal,
2003; Dornan, 2002). Accepting these limitations, social explanations can be made
through the technological features of ceramics, considering that hypotheses must be
contextually constructed and interpretations tested against the technological traits
observed in other kind of artefacts. This strategy enables the development of fractal
models (see Brown et al., 2005; Hernando and González Ruibal, 2011), i.e., particular
models whose structure is mirrored in other systems and activities, that provide
greater internal consistency to the discourses generated.
In this introduction we highlighted some lines of thought that characterise the
social theory of technology that can be used for the interpretation of the technological
data related to any kind of artefact. In the following sections, we will enlarge on some
key concepts that are crucial to develop a solid theoretical body. Furthermore, some
issues and topics that may be relevant in the interpretation of ceramics and their role
in society will be also addressed. These are concepts that provide information about
the multiple dimensions that are related to the different ceramic features, allowing us
to interpret pottery at a multidimensional level within society.
Studies focusing on social agency assume a dual position in which, on the one hand,
the way in which the structural conditions and structural principles interact defining
the actions of the individuals is considered, placing their activities in a context in
which they are meaningful. On the other hand, it tries to address how the actions
of individuals dynamically interact with these principles to transform the structural
conditions (see, for instance, Barret, 2000; Dietler and Herbich, 1998; Dobres, 2000;
Dornan, 2002; Miller, 1994; Sillar and Tite, 2000). This perspective results from the
application in the social sciences of the theory of practice (Bourdieu, 1977, 1990).
In this line of thought, the actions of the individuals are placed in a social context
of acceptance/reluctance in which the habitus– a set of unconscious schemes that
individuals assimilate along their lives – generates and regulates their life, from the
Individuals, Habitus and Agency in the Life Cycle of Ceramics 199
way individuals perceive to the relationships they establish with the system. Thus,
through daily practice a series of cultural representations and perceptions about the
limitations and possibilities of individuals’ choices are developed that, in the case
of pottery production, are reproduced in the social sphere of the techniques. In the
words of P. Bourdieu (1990: 54):
…the structures characterising a determinate class of conditions of existence produce the structu-
res of the habitus, which in their turn are the basis of the perception and appreciation of all subse-
quent experiences. The habitus, a product of history, produces individual and collective practices
– more history – in accordance with the schemes generated by history.
Limitations are therefore seen as natural, allowing for the reproduction of the
system while simultaneously setting the framework for conscious actions to be
performed in daily practice. Therefore, the habitus constitute an infinite capacity to
generate social practices and forms, related to both the constraints that are part of
any specific cultural and historical context and the individuals’ creativity.
Therefore, the habitus is not static, but acquires all its meaning in the notion of
change and transformation. The different dimensions of social life are reactivated and
updated through a process of constant review, selection and transformation of the
existing elements and at the same time, through the incorporation of new elements.
As can be seen, the concept of habitus incorporates an interesting aspect to the
analysis of ceramic technology, since the features of the vessels do not necessarily
have to respond to conscious and intentional decisions of the potters. Thus, many
of the arguments established from functionalist and ecological theories, which are
based on the existence of certain technological choices and potter’s awareness, are
minimised. On the contrary, we see how the characteristics of fabrics can be related
to unconscious practices that allow people to reproduce certain structures through
time by means of specific social dynamics, learning strategies, knowledge transfer,
etc. This process permits us to interpret the technological continuity in different terms
and address other social issues closely related to pottery technology.
Nevertheless, the structure is mutable and subject to change, so that in addition
to this unconscious dimension of the practices, and considering the theory of
structuration (Giddens, 1979), we should also actively consider the conscious actions
that the individuals carry out according to their own rationale and emotions. Such
actions may promote changes in the structural conditions, since each performance of
a practice becomes an opportunity to develop creativity and innovation. Therefore,
conscious and unconscious actions are not contradictory, but complementary.
Moreover, they establish a new viewpoint of the chaîne opératoire in which the
technical actions are always framed within certain social conditionings that go
beyond the individual agent (i.e., as well as the natural environment and biological
needs) and the creation of the object as a merely isolated act.
200 Social Theory of Technology
In short, as the social theory of technology states (Dobres, 2000; Dobres and
Hoffman, 1994; Dobres and Robb, 2000; Sillar and Tite, 2000), the individual’s
actions are structured by the habitus, i.e., behaviour patterns framed in the
unconscious cognition. However, the agency as well as the conscious and intentional
actions that the individuals carry out in a specific time and place while taking into
account certain structural principles determines the social structure itself (Barret,
2000). These conscious actions define the role of the agents and influence, from
the reflection and awareness of the habitus, the behaviours undertaken by other
individuals, thus generating particular historical processes and establishing, in part,
the way in which the structures are reproduced in space and time. These conscious
ideas of the individuals have effects on the structure depending on the ability and
possibilities of people to materialise them. In this sense, pottery technology is part of
the structural and technological choices which, included in the structural principles,
allow individuals to act as agents and, in consequence, the change or reproduction of
certain structural conditions.
The analysis of pottery technology through agency can generate better results
when this concept is applied at the group rather than at the individual level. It
should be considered, firstly, that some actions undertaken by certain individuals
may not respond to rational criteria that can be framed either in the unconscious
structures or the collective logics. Secondly, the knowledge and abilities of the
diverse individuals that compose a society may be different. Both elements
alter the meanings that different individuals establish among ideas, actions
and materiality, thus affecting the significance given to objects (Criado, 2006).
Furthermore, individuals develop their social life through a double consciousness
by which they perceive reality. One is focused on the collective level, and involves
moral and social aspects. The other is related to an individual consciousness and
focused on the own and unique experiences and emotions that occur along one’s
life (Dornan, 2002).
In this sense, it is more appropriate to speak of people rather than individuals
(Barrett, 2000; González Ruibal, 2006), since agency relates to the social dimension
that is inherent in the existence of any human being, where ideas and motivations
underlying practices are widely shared. In addition, there may be different
conceptions of personhood, since the concept of individual is not static but dynamic
and contingent. Therefore, a universal definition about the idea of what an individual
is cannot be established, since this idea mutates in time and space in response to
historical dynamics (Fowler, 2004; Hernando, 2002; Vidal and Mallía, 2011).
The individuals of a society share and give certain meanings to their pottery
according to the way they perceive and understand the whole ceramic assemblage
as well as the interrelations established between the pottery and the other kinds of
artefacts. Therefore these complex interconnections and shared knowledge should be
taken into account when interpreting ceramic technology. The acquisition of a social
life requires a minimum of effective social and material practices (Dornan, 2002;
Individuals, Habitus and Agency in the Life Cycle of Ceramics 201
Sigaut, 1994). In this way, the pottery is consciously and unconsciously involved in
the social life of people, becoming an element fully available for the transmission of
cultural values through habitus, agency and praxis.
Therefore, pottery is an everyday object fully involved in the exchange of meanings
that take place in daily social life, in which relationships and events are defined. In
this way, pottery is a media by which individuals can transmit different messages
to different groups of society through abstract symbols loaded with social meaning
(Barley, 1994; Le Cron, 1994; Sterner, 1989). Objects and people cannot be arbitrarily
separated because the materiality retains certain meanings related to the individuals
it is associated with during its life cycle. Thus, the life cycle or the biography of objects
goes beyond materialistic perspectives strictly linked to the concept of use-life and the
utilitarian use of ceramics and also includes the social identity and social functions
related to objects (Jones, 2002). The construction of the meaning of objects occurs
simultaneously at various levels, thus pottery may vary depending on the people
who come in contact with it and the way in which these contacts are produced in
space and time (Carreras and Nadal, 2003; Dobres and Hoffman, 1994; Dornan, 2002;
MacGregor, 1999; Miller, 1994).
Consequently, different conceptualisations of the same object may result
depending on whether it is viewed by the manufacturer or the user as well as the
kind of membership of the individuals in a given society. Similarly, the gender of
the individuals may condition the different meanings that people attach to the
materials. At each phase of its life cycle, the object may participate in a different way
in each person’s history; in consequence, it experiences more or less substantial
re-categorisations. Changes in the meaning of the objects may take place even when
they remain in the same context, however, the physical change of the object or its
translation to a new social context can produce a deep change in its meaning.
In the micro-scale each person chooses certain objects along his/her life because
they are considered important on their own or to their social situation. These objects
may have either a personal meaning or a significance extended to the experiences
of a small group, as a family unit. Therefore, these are biographical objects which
are explained from the phenomena and events that people define (Jones, 2002).
The objects selected by each individual are important because they involve a non-
discursive language on aspirations, experiences and emotions that people do not
usually express in words. Or, conversely, they can embody and show what people say
with words. Thus, in domestic pottery productions carried out for self-consumption,
either if the vessels are exclusively made by the user or in collaboration with other
individuals, the products performed are usually one of a kind. In these situations,
the object may have a sense of uniqueness and remain conceptually attached to
the individual. Thus, it is not strange that these personal items often die with the
individuals as happens among the Eskimo or the members of the Bana ethnic group
in Cameroon (Carreras and Nadal, 2003; Pfaffenberger, 1992).
202 Social Theory of Technology
Furthermore, at the macro scale, the material culture that is common to a whole
group and the social interactions carried out at this level must be considered. As already
stated, we have to be aware not only of the practical function of ceramics, but also of
the sociocultural role that they play within the community. In this sense, the pottery
production process and the features of the vessels are elements capable of transmitting
values between individuals. Beyond the micro-scale, potters and other individuals
strongly interact with themselves and the social environment in order to define their
position in the world. In this process, people express themselves through the artefacts
that they create and use in their daily life, thus providing information to the people
surrounding them. Thus, different messages can be transferred to other individuals
depending on the characteristics of the pottery used (e.g., its shape, size, appearance,
etc.) as well as the kind of context in which it is exhibited (e.g., public or private).
The analysis of the meanings that people share on the basis of material culture
and social interaction is complex, especially in prehistoric societies in which normally
every pottery is unique. However, ancient people could have reduced this apparent
complexity and high variability of the materiality to a number of basic concepts
associated with certain technological choices. These limited choices could be then
combined in different ways in order to categorise the artefacts and provide them with
meaning. In this sense, the standardisation of certain aspects of the objects along
their cycle of life is required to properly develop their social role. Thus, if artefacts
are not properly made, albeit in a simple way, they can embody messages that may
be difficult to identify and understand, leading to confusion about the information
transmitted (DeBoer, 1984).
In short, these procedures involve multiple redefinitions of material culture
through the accumulation of functions and meanings in relation to a given moral
and social uses. Along with many intangible elements, objects are then used
to consciously and unconsciously define our membership in a particular social
group and communicate this information to the rest of the community. Thus, any
inference about past societies undertaken from historical sciences must necessarily
try to understand the relationships existing between abstract and physical aspects
of materiality as well as the meaning of artefacts (Dietler and Herbich, 1998). The
meaning of pottery is contingent and strongly related to the context in which it is
inserted, where certain practices associated with specific knowledge are carried out
and where, from time to time, decisions about the techniques and objects that are
being used and produced take place (Gosselain, 2008).
We have seen that pottery is loaded with meaning and collaborates at different scales
in reproducing the social structure while, at the same time, is used by the individuals
as a way of expression and social action. But, how are these meanings established?
Concept of Information 203
How are they transmitted and shared among the members of society? This involves
addressing the mechanisms by which information and knowledge are categorised
and how they flow among individuals. Although away from the theoretical premises
maintained so far, in order to address these issues we will focus primarily on some
reflections pointed out by Van der Leeuw (1984) about the concept of information and
its involvement in the life cycle of ceramics.
It has to be considered that phenomena are the result of a common perception
and that any regularity that we can perceive and share is reproduced in a similar way
in our mind, i.e., to a common rationale. Each group of individuals has a specific
way to perceive. For instance, in the case of contemporary western societies, the
categorisation of reality is mono-modal and perceived by means of five senses. In
contrast, other populations, such as the Hausa ethnic group, develop a multisensory
perception of reality and recognise only two main senses depending on their visual
and non-visual nature (MacGregor, 1999).
Therefore, reality can only exist embedded in a social context that defines it and
is perceived by a shared conception of perception. This common experience and
perception permits us to establish shared meanings and phenomena as well as the
formation of social entities that can take many forms: group, family, individual, sex,
age, etc. (Sigaut, 1994; Sillar, 2000).
The interest of archaeologists for these phenomena gave rise to the emergence
of the archaeology of perception (Criado et al., 2001; Davidson and Noble, 1989), an
approach that aims at focusing on how groups of individuals perceive reality. The
perception that the humans exercise of the natural and social environment can
be formulated from a dualistic and westerner conception in terms of uniformity/
similarity and contrast/difference, concepts intrinsically related to each other.
Experimental psychology confirmed that similarity and difference should not be
considered in absolute terms but rather in a relative way, and that the categorisation
of information and the establishment of meanings are made through the comparison
with previous referents which act as contextual frameworks (Kempton 1981). In this
process, the habitus and agency underlying the whole material record organise the
social environment and the way in which individuals assimilate new information.
Furthermore, it should be taken into account that emotional factors (e.g., degree
of motivation) also influence the comparisons and interactions of individuals with
material culture (Dornan, 2002; Van der Leew, 1984).
The addition of new information may result in the generation of new conceptual
categories which can produce qualitative changes in the existing meanings and ideas
as well as in the way they are materialised, thus giving place to critically organised
phenomena (Bentley and Maschner, 2001). Once the new concept is categorised and
has a well-defined meaning, certain phenomena can be grouped with it or not. It is at
this moment when the individuals of the social group are able to act as agents, thus
organising themselves and establishing ties among them according to their common
categorisations of reality. Once it is established, the new category is continually tested
204 Social Theory of Technology
by individuals with other known referents already consolidated until a degree of social
consensus is reached regarding the way the new category is applicable. Once the
context and the phenomenology of the new category have been clearly established,
the latter is also used, often unconsciously, as habitus, as a reference framework to
test new categorisations.
This theoretical approach evidence that socially accepted categories cannot
be established and transmitted just from a single observation but require multiple
interactions between the members of the social group. Furthermore, concepts cannot
be directly transferred between the individuals outside shared frameworks consisting
of a number of common perceptual categories which allow the assimilation and
establishment of new phenomena. We can affirm, therefore, that different concepts
induced from different sets of phenomena and ways of perceiving the world cannot be
measured (LeCron, 1994; Van der Leeuw, 1984).
Considering these premises, and as pointed out by several authors (Kempton
1981; Van der Leeuw, 1984), potters and users must be assumed to develop their own
classifications of ceramics and establish their categories of meaning on the basis of
the pottery itself as well as through the contexts with which it is associated and the
materiality they contain. At the same time, both potters and users produce and use
pottery considering this phenomenology. The meaning of ceramics does not respond
to the free-will, but to complex social and historical dynamics. Potters manufacture the
vessels keeping in mind the society as a whole and placing its products into specific
social environments. Thus, pottery is made and conceived taking into account the rest
of the materiality and, eventually, also serves as a reference to new pottery productions
that will be valid in other specific social contexts. In this sense, technology is structured
by particular social interactions by which information is transmitted. However, it
should be accepted that technology is also active and has a structuring role in the way
how social relations take place and meanings are constructed.
As stated, pottery may come into contact with various contexts and individuals
along the different stages comprising its life cycle, thus promoting both materials and
meanings (i.e., physical and ideational dimensions of pottery) to be highly mutable.
In this life cycle of the artefacts, individuals cannot retain physical matter and energy
but are able to categorise and keep the concepts and ideas related to the practices
that other people have maintained and transmitted. These links between the abstract
and the material are the ones which permit to re-materialise and share meanings
with other individuals with the aim of generating practices which are beneficial
in social terms. In other words, socially meaningful conceptual links are created
between people through the materiality that results in a flow of information and the
establishment of categories of meaning that can be maintained for a period of time.
This continuous cycle of meaning construction through the convergence of ideas
and materiality which allows reproducing the structures and developing agency is
never exactly the same. This is because when the transfer of information associated
with a particular phenomenon takes place at a specific time, the position of the different
Social Interaction and Knowledge Transfer 205
agents is never identical to the original, even if the context is repeated, the perception
and previous experience of the individuals will not be the same. In this sense, the
interaction existing between the ideal and material dimensions of pottery experiences
changes through time and space as well as depending on specific historical dynamics.
Hence, the same technological choice may have completely different meanings
depending on the spatial, temporal and historical context in which it is made.
The categories of meaning that people who live side by side share with ceramics
have to be regularly updated. Thus, potters must be aware of the needs of the users
they supply, for example, in terms of diet, cooking methods, aesthetic tastes, social
requirements, etc. In turn, users must know how to use the vessels according to the
parameters that potters give to the ceramics, since the use of certain fabrics, shapes
and sizes can expand or constrain certain uses of the artefacts. In this sense, the spatial
and social distance existing between potters and users determines their capability
to share information related to ceramics. In this way, for instance, a greater spatial
concentration of the population may promote a greater opportunity for connectivity,
thus reducing the margin of error of the communications resulting from interaction
(Arnold, 1999; Livingstone-Smith, 2000; Rice, 1984b; Van der Leeuw, 1984).
In short, the reality which surrounds people can be conceptualised through
perception, allowing them to establish conceptual categories loaded with information
and meaning. These categories of meaning are relevant in society since they are
shared among its members, thus allowing them to establish social bonds and to
become agents. Hence, an essential communication is established between people
through the transference of technological knowledge by means of learning strategies.
It is evidently very difficult to understand the role of technology and material culture
in society without considering the interaction and knowledge transfer that takes
place among people. The connections existing between individuals during pottery
production, especially when various phases of the chaîne opératoire are collectively
Social Interaction and Knowledge Transfer 207
Figure 19.1: Domestic learning context related to kusasi pottery production in the Upper-East Region
of Ghana (Source: ArqueoUIB Research Group).
208 Social Theory of Technology
Knowledge transfer can occur differentially depending on the sociocultural group and
the number of individuals it involves, thus different intensity levels exist regarding
the degree of social interaction that people may enjoy. These levels act on the basis of
social gravitational forces involving sociocultural flows related to more or less close
entities. Therefore, it is relevant to consider different levels in learning contexts (e.g.,
region, community or household) to properly approach pottery production, since
each one of these social spheres involve different kinds of interaction. In this sense,
the interaction between people can change and decay in regularity or intensity by
increasing the social distance existing among individuals.
As several ethnoarchaeological studies emphasise (Calvo et al., 2011, 2013;
Gosselain, 2008; Vander Linden, 2001) the learning contexts related to the production,
distribution, use, maintenance and deposition of pottery are not directly related to
spatial proximity, but to the spaces in which people move and socially interact. Thus,
different potters, even from neighbouring villages or distant sites, may incorporate
and reinterpret external technical elements in a process which materialises the social
interaction developed (DeBoer, 1984).
The transmission of knowledge is often faster and easier to assimilate if there are
regular social relationships among the individuals. Thus, A. Livingstone-Smith (2000)
points out that from the 234 potters he interviewed in Faro (Cameroon), 99% had
learned to make pottery within their own ethno-linguistic group and from individuals
(e.g., family, friends or neighbours) who belong to their nearest social space. In this
respect, it is relevant to consider that the skills necessary to make and use pottery
are often transmitted among members of the same community. This facilitates
the establishment of common practices and shared codes of values and meanings
Social Interaction and Knowledge Transfer 209
involving material culture and the way of understanding the world (Budden, 2009;
Budden and Sofaer, 2009).
In this sense, there are many ethnographic cases of potter communities from
Africa and South America where the transmission of knowledge and the skills required
for the manufacture of ceramics, as well as the socialisation of the individuals, occur
within the family sphere or through lineage ties. In this way, learning usually takes
place from mother to daughter, in the domestic locus or within the community and
during childhood or adolescence (e.g., Albero et al., 2013; Arnold, 1985, 1999; Arthur,
2003; Barley, 1994; Calvo et al., 2014; Dietler and Herbich, 1998; Gallegos and Armijo,
2008; García Rosselló, 2008; Gosselain, 2008; Longacre, 1999; Sillar, 1997; Varela,
1990; Wallaert-Pêtre, 2001). The incorporation of children and other social groups
in pottery production promotes the integration of those individuals that are less
productive in the group but more receptive during the training period. Adults can
also learn to make pottery (Vidal, 2011b; Vidal and García Rosselló, 2009) and, in
these cases, the knowledge can also be transmitted in domestic contexts and through
family or ethnic ties (e.g., Albero et al., 2013; Calvo et al., 2014).
Therefore, a low social distance promotes the proper transfer of the knowledge
associated with a given technology. Nevertheless, there are situations in which greater
distance among people and limits to the social interaction are established in order
to prevent the exchange of technological information, so that the knowledge would
remain restricted to certain individuals. Thus, it is ethnographically documented
that sometimes, in order to keep this veil of secrecy, there is an intentional isolation
of potters, who cannot participate in certain social practices with the rest of the
community. Moreover, artisans can be very discreet about the technical actions that
must be performed to successfully develop pottery production aiming at keeping
their status, the tradition or the systems of knowledge transfer intact. At other times,
marriage is only permitted with members related to the extended family or between
potter families (Albero and Puerta, 2011; Barley, 1994; Gosselain, 2008; Livingstone-
Smith, 2000).
In practice, as recorded in Northern Ghana (Albero et al., 2013), knowledge is
often transmitted between members of the same family or women who are married
to one of its members; in any case, always within the same ethnic group. In extreme
cases, such as is some observed in the Andes, when potters leave the community
they are not allowed to produce more ceramics (Sillar, 1997). N. Barley (1994) has
ethnographically documented cases in which women only learn to produce pottery
within matriarchal systems and once married, thus limiting the introduction of
innovations in the technological tradition. Adult learning also prevents women from
being independent at an early age, so there is greater willingness to accept arranged
marriages organised by the guardians. As J. Sofaer (2006) points out, inbreeding
ensures that the individuals will have relatives who could transmit the knowledge and
skills required to develop the activity while it also controls the access to knowledge by
foreigners. This knowledge transfer strategy facilitates learning certain technological
210 Social Theory of Technology
a) Among producers of the same group: This interaction is reflected in the transfer of
common procedures and potter skills, both between different generation of potters
who interact such as masters and apprentices, and through contacts between
artisans of the same generation. Sometimes, for instance due to marriages between
potters from the same ethnic group, there are also contacts between individuals
from different communities. In these cases, as happens in Konkomba potters
from Northern Ghana (Albero et al., 2013), there may be an adjustment of the
procedures used in the different communities of the ethnic group, resulting in a
high technological homogeneity.
b) Between producers and users of the same group: This interaction occurs when
a production beyond the self-consumption is generated and it is reflected in the
distribution of the vessels, the existence of correlation between vessel function
and use and the presence of specific ceramics in certain activity areas. In this way,
many domestic pottery productions usually have a dispersion of their products
which is exclusively restricted to the same cultural group. In these situations,
the social and community identityacquired by the pottery during the production
process can easily be preserved in the use contexts (Dietler and Herbich, 1998).
Furthermore, the transfer of knowledge between potters and users, for instance
about how a vessel should be used, can be undertaken by means of diverse kinds of
relationships, such as patronage systems in which goods and services are usually
involved in the exchange (Barley, 1994).
c) Between potters from different groups: Such interactions occur when there are
potters with high mobility who are in touch with other potter communities, for
instance due to the development of itinerant productions or to marriages between
potter families. In these situations, the different technological traditions used by
each of the individuals can be either maintained or converge making up a new
tradition. Thus, the presence of various technological traditions for pottery may
reflect movements, contacts and hybridisations between individuals from different
societies which sometimes give place to processes of technological syncretism. The
analysis of the dispersion of certain technological traditions implies then a useful
procedure to reconstruct processes of ethnic or cultural integration and fusion
which can take place between potters from different social groups. The contacts
established with individuals unconnected with the group and the transfer of
knowledge and know-how they imply makes the assimilation and reinterpretation
of technological traditions originated in other societies possible as well as the
development of hybrid practices (see, for instance, Albero, 2011a).
d) Interactions between potters and users from different groups: As happens in
many domestic pottery productions, such as the Konkomba or the Kusasi in north-
212 Social Theory of Technology
east Ghana (Calvo et al., 2011, 2013), the products made by potters are not only
distributed among the members of their own community, but are exported and
acquired by users related to other ethnic or cultural groups. In these cases, many
of the values and meanings attached to the vessels during the manufacturing
process may disappear or be deeply altered in the contexts of use. In this sense, the
social identity phenomena underlying the material culture are often restricted to
production contexts (Dietler and Herbich, 1998).
e) Interactions between users of the same group: This interaction is reflected in the
degree of variability existing in the materials, techniques, types and decorations of
the vessels used by the diverse individuals of the community. An active interaction
between them can result in shared tastes, values and meanings that favour
consensus and the preference for pottery with similar features. This interaction
between the members of a group is essential, since it promotes more stable social
networks (Bentley and Maschner, 2001).
f) Interactions between users from different groups: In these cases, contacts and
pottery exchange between individuals from different societies lead to a more or
less symmetrical transfer, infiltration, integration and assimilation of meanings
encompassed in the material culture. It must also be taken into account that
in this kind of interaction the transmission of meanings associated with the
materiality does not occur in a linear way from one society to another. In this
sense, reinterpretations of the meaning may develop due to the previous practices,
structures and historical processes of the receiving society, which integrates them
into hybrid practices, leading to various degrees of acceptance or resistance (see,
for instance, Gosden, 2001; Said, 1993; Van Dommelen, 2006). Such contacts
can promote, as happened in Mallorca during the Late Iron Age (Albero, 2011a),
a decrease of homogeneity and the disintegration of the traditional production
strategies of local pottery, suggesting changes in the systems of knowledge
transmission and in learning contexts. Moreover, in this case, as well as in others
(e.g., Dietler, 1997; Osborne, 2007), these changes coincide with an increase of
imported vessels and the subsequent manufacture of pottery inspired in foreign
types by indigenous potters, thus demonstrating the existence of hybrid practices.
In these situations resistance phenomena also take place against the assimilation
of certain techniques and procedures in pottery production, such as the use of
the potter’s wheel, thus favouring for instance the maintenance of hand-made
productions even in contexts of intense cultural contact.
important role, for instance through technology, in the maintenance and development
of certain social structures (Dobres and Hoffman, 1994; LeCron, 1994; Miller, 1994).
These actions, habits and gestures of which individuals are not fully aware are learned
since childhood in everyday activities and associated with a particular social history.
In this sense, the activities and practices that the individuals carry out from early ages
favour the adoption of specific operational sequences and gestures as well as motor and
cognitive habits that are learned during long periods of time.
The motor habits involved in certain phases of pottery production (e.g., the
modelling stage) may require a long learning period which, according to ethnographic
studies, may range between two and ten years. Hence, the achievement of these habits
involves repetitive processes that eventually are very difficult to alter (Arnold, 1999),
thus promoting intense resistance to technological change. The development of this
unconscious learning in the domestic contexts favours a more effective environment
to produce the transfer of knowledge. Children usually stay in these contexts for
a long time, allowing them to learn certain motor habits that are involved in their
everyday life and in different kinds of activities that they carry out, among which is
the manufacture, use and maintenance of pottery.
As far as paste studies are concerned, it is interesting to note how often, as
happens among the Gamo of Ethiopia (Arthur, 2003) or the Kusasi in Ghana (Calvo
et al., 2014), the preparation of ceramic pastes and raw material processing are
precisely the first aspects of pottery production with which children apprentices have
contact. This contact, which takes place from early ages, promotes the formation of
lifelong habitus related to the way raw materials are perceived and conceptualised
that remains in adulthood, regardless of whether they make pottery or not, as well as
along the other phases of learning of pottery production.
In these learning contexts, individuals learn multitude of tasks, but not all of the
apprentices will eventually do all of them in adulthood. Thus, as ethnographically
recorded (e.g., Arnold, 1999; Calvo et al., 2014), many individuals living in domestic
contexts may learn to make pottery during their childhood, but only a few of them
will reach the status of potter. In this sense, learning various technologies, even at a
basical level, will provide the individuals with a more naturalised and more profound
view of the whole material culture. In this sense, children will be, to some extent,
more familiar with artefacts and technologies that other individuals produce and use.
For instance, it should be considered that potters, particularly those who develop
other activities besides the manufacture of vessels, such as agriculture and livestock
rising, acquire qualitative and quantitative information from childhood about the
fuels and soils available in the local environment as well as regarding the landscape
as a whole (Barley, 1994).
Once individuals have become familiar during their childhood with certain motor
and cognitive habits, as well as with specific techniques and materials, they will tend
to maintain their practices, thus allowing the transmission of certain technological
traditions over time and across different generations. These dynamics explain the
214 Social Theory of Technology
We have seen how societies give multiple meanings to all their material culture in
order to socially and symbolically construct their environment as well as to establish
identity linkages between the individuals that make up society. In this way, every
practice carried out in daily life, whether conscious or unconscious, define and
identify people, demonstrate how they are and their quotidian lifestyle. In this
regard, identity must be considered to imply, to a large extent, a phenomenon that
is lived and practiced rather than consciously developed. However, identity can be
more actively and politically defined when the individuals become aware of certain
practices and decide accordingly, and not arbitrarily, to impart a certain meaning and
intentionality to their actions through agency. By means of both procedures, objects
define the relations and memberships of individuals, so that the presence of certain
shared characteristics in the material culture takes place with the aim to strengthen
a common origin or specific shared interests (Dietler and Herbich, 1998; Dobres and
Hoffman, 1994; Dornan, 2002; Lemonnier, 1993; MacGregor, 1999; Miller, 1994; Sigaut,
1994).
Identity is constructed in terms of differences and similarities (Hernando, 2002;
Tilley, 2006), so that the variability present in the pottery may also correspond, more
or less directly, to the construction and development of cultural identities. Ceramic
assemblages technologically homogeneous can strengthen identity ties among
individuals in order to harmonise internal contradictions or heterogeneities existing
within a social group (Prieto, 1999). Likewise, technological diversity in pottery may be
enhanced to promote the establishment of material differences between diverse social
entities. As ethnographically documented (Gosselain, 2008), thanks to the contacts
that some potters maintain with other potter communities, artisans can be aware of
the existence of ceramics with other characteristics related to other technological
practices and methods. In short, potters may promote the establishment of certain
identity elements structured not only on the basis of cultural similarity but also based
on cultural differences.
As pointed out J. García Rosselló (2008), technological choices have a distinctive
function, thus defining the identity of the individuals that develop them. In this sense,
how the distribution of certain pottery technologies generally coincides with gender,
ethnic, linguistic or family ties, among many others has been ethnographically
Pottery and Identity 217
conjunction with certain historical processes that are deeply involved in the way
individuals make things.
If the technological features of the vessels are accurately characterised and the
materials and techniques used in their manufacture are considered, i.e., the behaviours
that permit the production of pottery according to a series of daily practices, we will be
able to address the complex interactions occurring between objects, people and society.
In this way, it is possible to identify if the choice of certain materials and techniques
could have an ideological and symbolic significance related to ancestral technological
traditions which possess meaningful social and identity roles (see, for instance,
Dietler and Herbich, 1998; Gherdán and Kováth, 2009; Gosselain, 2000; Jones, 2002;
Lemonnier, 1993; Odriozola and Hurtado, 2009; Prieto, 1999; Szákmany and Starnini,
2007).
For example, in the well-known study developed by Miller (1985) in India, he
demonstrates that the various techniques used in the pottery production relate to the
definition of castes and sub-castes, thus being strongly associated with identity issues.
Thus, the social groups are not only defined through the end products, but also by means
of all the technical procedures that the potters put in practice. Similarly, A. Livingstone-
Smith (2000) confirmed that the variations observed in the kind and proportions of
tempers used by the potters from Faro (Cameroon) are associated with different ethno-
linguistic groups. The same seems to happen in Ancash (Peru) regarding modelling
techniques (Druc, 2009) or in north-east Ghana, where there is a wide variation in the
materials, techniques and recipes used by potters from the different ethnic groups
(Calvo et al., 2013).
Finally, it should be highlighted that the existence of certain collective technological
practices does not necessarily precludes the development of particular initiatives.
These kinds of actions may be undertaken but only succeed and have continuity within
the community under certain circumstances. Furthermore, the continuous repetition
of certain technological practices should not be understood in static and unchanging
terms. Identity is sensitive to change, so that the repetition of daily practices, even if they
are unconscious, does not impede the development of agency and dynamic, mutable
and constantly built processes by which individuals define their own identity. These
assumptions lead us to consider the capacity that the different technological choices
and traditions have to endure over time in specific social and historical contexts, as well
as the role that habitus and agency play in their maintenance, change or disappearance
(Barley, 1994; Bentley and Maschner, 2001; Dietler and Herbich, 1998; Dobres and
Hoffman, 1994; Gosselain, 1992; Pffafenberger, 1992; Tilley, 2006).
Gender identity is one of the categories of identity more intensively approached from
the concept of agency. Thus, in the following pages we will briefly state how gender
220 Social Theory of Technology
has been addressed in studies of pottery production and how gender relations can be
understood within this framework.
Individuals related to different gender categories can actively participate in
the development of the various activities involved in pottery production. In this
way, as rightly pointed out A. Vidal and M. Mallía (2011), it should be understood
that the term “potter” may relate to several kinds of individuals of diverse ages
and genders as well as physical and mental states. However, in practice, we must
be able to first identify the potters in a society before addressing assumptions
regarding these categories of identity. To do this, we must necessarily undertake
comprehensive anthropological and contextual studies centred on the
archaeological record, as well as to improve our viewpoints through experimental
research and ethnography.
In addition, we must establish a theoretical framework in order to properly address
the role that gender can play in pottery production. As noted by some authors (e.g.,
Rice, 1991; Wright, 1991), gender issues related to ceramic production are complex
and the gender of the individuals involved in the life cycle of ceramics is often quite
difficult to identify in the archaeological record. In consequence, interpretations and
generalisations cannot be made lightly. For instance, the role of ceramics in society
has often been unconvincingly disdained and, by extension, it affected related
individuals and genders. This dismissal has been especially significant when pottery
has been associated with domestic activities, usually linked to women, which were
traditionally considered to have little economic value in society.
In order to identify the potters, it is worth highlighting certain pathologies
that they may experience due to the use of specific materials and techniques
along the several stages involved in the chaîne opératoire. For instance, the use of
aluminosilicates favours the inhalation of small-sized toxic clay particles which once
breathed settle into the lungs, may produce in severe cases diseases such as silicosis
and aluminosis. Also, we must consider other conditions involving bone and muscle
system which affect potter’s motility and are a consequence of working in awkward
positions. The most common are herniated discs, rheumatoid arthritis, tendonitis and
scoliosis (Morales, 2005).
Furthermore, the study of ceramic technology can also be used to try to identify
whether the pottery has been produced by men, women (Rice, 1991), children or
elderly (Vidal, 2011b), handicapped people (Vidal, 2013) or any other collective. This
is possible because in many cases each gender develops different technological traits
as well as specific manufacture, distribution and use processes. This aspect may be
extended to the use of certain engendered spaces. For example, in the Maghreb the
importance of women in the control of pottery production is directly related to the
distance of the domestic contexts: the closer the production area is to the domestic
contexts, the stronger the women’s effective control over the manufacturing process
is (Colomer, 2005).
Pottery and Identity 221
In other cases, as happens in the Balkans, men and women exclusively produce
the pottery related to their gender (Djordjevic, 2003). There are also cases in which
each of these genders develops different mechanisms to distribute the ceramics
they manufacture (Arthur, 2003). These patterns are potentially recordable through
the analysis of the pottery distribution networks combined with contextual studies
and the analysis of the vessels (e.g., archaeometric, macroscopic, typological,
etc.). Therefore, gender issues must be considered also in the interpretations of
the technological variability observed in the ceramic record. It is therefore crucial
to connect the data obtained from the archaeometric analysis of ceramics with the
information available for the contexts in which they were recovered. It may allow us
to establish significant relationships involving the technology of the pottery and its
contexts of use (e.g., domestic, ritual, funerary, etc.).
In most cases, researches have tended to relate, often in a simplistic way and by
means of ethnocentric and normative viewpoints, the production of metals or wheel-
thrown ceramics to males and hand-made pottery to female. Indeed, Arnold (1985)
has pointed out that engendering activities may be a good option to avoid conflicts
between different kinds of subsistence tasks that coincide at certain times of the year,
such as agriculture or pottery production.
As aforementioned, the most widespread and well-known technological
difference associated with gender issues observed in the pottery production relates to
the use of certain techniques in the modelling phase. These engendered techniques
involve the distinction between wheel-made and hand-made ceramics as well as their
relationship with diverse levels of production and degrees of specialisation. Thus,
while women tend to manufacture hand-made pottery in systems typically related to
domestic productions, men often perform wheel-thrown pottery according to systems
which involve higher specialisation and a more intense production.
This reductionist and normative division responds to androcentric stereotypes
and generalist models that omit in their interpretations the close interrelationships
that take place between individuals of different gender and, in consequence, does
not reflect the large variability existing in reality. These approaches justify greater
dedication of women to pottery production through evolutionary premises which
consider that domestic ceramic production is an unsophisticated activity that does
not entail any danger and is compatible with domestic activities, the care of the
children and the reproductive role of women (Rice, 1991).
Authors such as P. Rice (1984b) have emphasised the differences existing in the
materials used and the activities that each gender develops, depending, for instance,
of the age or sex of the individuals. However, it may be interesting to study not only
gender differences, but also the degree of cooperation and interaction existing between
the various genders according to specific cultural rationales (Dobres and Hoffman,
1994; Sofaer, 2006). In contrast to western and modern prejudices, ethnographic
studies developed in Africa, Spain, Pakistan, Mexico, India, Peru, etc., document
important interactions between men and women who are more or less involved in
222 Social Theory of Technology
Pereruela in Spain (Buxeda et al., 2003), men and women participate in a close family
relationship, albeit differentially, in various stages as the firing process, loading of
the firing structures, fuel procurement, clay and temper extraction, etc.
It can be concluded from the cases discussed above that the roles of the
diverse genders in pottery production can be extremely varied and complex and, in
consequence, cannot be understood either in a normative or universalistic sense. As
we consider the construction of gender identity relational, it is only in each specific
context where the relation between gender and technology can be tackled. In short,
the study of gender in pottery production is not only relevant to approximate the
action framework of the diverse genders in isolated terms but to address how gender
relationships structure society and the position of the agents.
Ceramics are not alone in the world, but they are a social product created within a
community and, in consequence, are closely linked to a specific reality involving
either tangible physical materiality or intangible and ideational aspects (Prieto,
1999). The social structure interacts with the material culture as a whole, so that
relations of complementarity and compatibility between codes of meaning take place
through technology, thus organising a certain social reality. The symbolic meaning
associated with the technology of an object has no value by itself, but only makes
sense within the context of relationships established with other symbols and artefacts
of a specific society. It is through all the elements of the context how individuals
develop an abstract conceptualisation and organisation of the structures, establish
shared meanings and establish a set of relationships and categories that allow them
to structure their social world on the basis of fractal models that operate at different
levels (Le Cron, 1994; Lemonnier, 1986, 1990; Miller, 1994; Sillar and Tite, 2000).
The interaction existing between different technologies is not conscious in many
cases, but responds to P. Bourdieu’s concept of field homologies (e.g., 1977, 1992). The
habitus shared by a society makes the presence of homologies related to structural
similarities between fields possible, thus allowing links between common structures
involving various types of objects and practices that are apparently distant from each
other. This framework implies, for instance, that the motor habits involved along
the life cycle of ceramics may have certain features in common with those used in
other technologies. Homologies can be then understood as an unconscious mediator
between the diverse technologies and practices in a society, thus favouring, in many
cases, the establishment of a certain technological homogeneity.
Furthermore, the symbolic relationships established between individuals engaged
in different activities allow them to articulate common ideas and belief systems and,
hence, the establishment of ways of understanding and explaining the world that are
particular and specific to each society. In this sense, technology is socially meaningful
224 Social Theory of Technology
Where materials are used in conjunction with each other, such as clay and wood in houses, or where
materials have similar decorative, plastic or transformative potentials as in the case of clay and
metal, or where basic forming or shaping techniques are shared between media, these may allow
borrowings and exchange of ideas with common spheres of knowledge between crafts.
This perspective shows that the complexity of the processes related to pottery
technology can only be addressed by comparing the materials and techniques used
in the production of vessels with the technological procedures used to manufacture
other kinds of artefacts. This approach allows us to know the interrelationships
and transfers of ideas that take place between individuals who undertake different
technologies (Tite, 1999, 2008).
It can be seen, considering pottery production (i.e., the end products as well as
the technological practices involved) and its relation with other materials, how there
is a close interaction between the diverse technologies in terms of rationale, concepts,
knowledge, motor habits, perception, tools, spaces, raw materials, physical properties
of the materials, end products, etc. Even the individuals’ skills, their knowledge and
degree of specialisation may be similar depending on the activities they undertake.
The use of the same kind of raw materials in the manufacture of pottery and
the production of other artefacts may indicate a transfer of knowledge about the
resources available in the landscape and their properties. This transmission
may take place between people who make different kinds of artefacts but this
coincidence can be also related to potters who make diverse types of objects by
means of the same raw material. In this sense, a relationship between certain
techniques (e.g., paste processing or forming methods) and materials (e.g., clay)
used in mud architecture and pottery production can be found. These connections
are ethnographically documented, for example, in Maimama (Fariab, Pakistan),
where soft mud materials located near the river are extracted to produce both
ceramics and adobe bricks (Matson, 1989). The use of the same kind of clays in the
production of loom weights and pottery is also documented in Mallorca during the
Late Iron Age (Albero and García Amengual, 2010). The same happened in southern
Sardinia during the Late Neolithic where the same raw material was used to make
pottery, loom weights and wall coatings.
Often the raw materials used in diverse activities, as previously discussed regarding
building materials and pottery, have very different physical properties. However, this
fact does not preclude that there may exist conceptual connections between them. For
example, in the south of the Sahara there is a close conceptual relationship between
mud architecture and ceramic production, especially with unfired clay containers
used to store grain (Barley, 1994). A. Jones (2002) also proposed this kind of intra-
Intra-technological Relationships 225
technological relationship in the Orkney Islands during the Neolithic through the use
of the same constructive patterns in houses and ceramics. In addition, this scholar
also pointed out other connections between both kinds of objects regarding a similar
spatial distribution of certain key elements, such as the domestic hearths and the
pottery firing structures. Moreover, other authors (Pool, 2000; Sillar, 2000), document
that sometimes building materials, for instance adobe bricks can be directly involved
in the manufacture of the structures used to fire pottery. Finally, we observed in
the area of Garu (Ghana) how males use the same techniques and raw materials to
construct mud houses and pottery firing structures.
The existence of interactions between pottery, diet and culinary traditions is
also ethnographically documented (Albero and Puerta, 2011). Culinary practices
themselves have a close relationship with pottery production, since both activities
involve the establishment of a technology composed by recipes and chaînes opératoires
in which substances are transformed by the action of fire and that, in addition, are
often developed in the same social contexts. Moreover, the vessels usually play an
essential role in the preparation, serving and consumption of food. Hence, there is a
complex interaction between different factors that, as also happen in ceramics, are
transmitted among the domestic and the public sphere and are actively involved in
the establishment of identity and cultural tradition.
Technically, metalworking is symbolically related to pottery production, since
in both activities certain materials (e.g., tin/temper) are usually added to a copper
base-alloy or a clay base. In addition, there are techniques commonly used in the
production of both ceramics and metals, such as beating. Furthermore, pottery has
an essential role in the melting process, since tuyeres and crucibles made of clay are
indispensable to reduce the ore. Also, the use of crushed ceramics as temper may
be conceptually associated with phenomena such as the recasting of metals that
symbolically represent a life cycle in which old things are fully involved in the creation
of new ones. Similarly, there are also relationships between the techniques used
in pottery production and stone work. For instance, similar techniques for pottery
production and stonework can lead to the attainment of smooth surfaces. Likewise,
one must always remember to consider the existence of isomorphisms (i.e., the use
of the same shapes or decorative patterns) in the manufacture of different kinds of
objects, such as ceramics, stone, basketry, textiles, metals, etc., which may be linked
to similar meanings. In this sense, the tools involved in pottery production (e.g., mills,
mortars, leather, boulders, etc.) can be used in the manufacture of other products
(Barley, 1994; Matson, 1989; Morales, 2005; Sofaer, 2006).
A close intra-technological relationship between pottery technology and the
body of individuals can be also observed. Thus, N. Barley (1994) pointed out from
ethnographic examples documented in Africa how in many cultures, a conceptual
link between clay, ceramics and people exists. As noted by this author, and as we
observed between potters from the Kusasi ethnic group in north-east Ghana or in
the traditional pottery from Mallorca (Escafí, 2000), the pottery itself, its physical
226 Social Theory of Technology
properties and its different parts (e.g., lip, mouth, neck, body, belly, etc.) constitute
an excellent item to represent an image and make metaphors about the human body.
Beyond this formal similarity, the pottery and its components can be symbolically
associated with a person’s life cycle. In fact, clay plays a key role in many creation
myths (e.g., Jewish, Christian, Islamic, African traditional religion and many
American Native groups) in which this material was used to model the human form.
Moreover, in many cases, death involves taking the pottery out of circulation while a
wedding implies the manufacture of ceramic and, at the same time, the creation of
new individuals in society.
There is not only a connection with the materials and the end product but also
with the manufacturing process since, similar to the creation of life, clays must be
provided with water, heat and form in order to be made into a pottery useful to society.
For example, N. Barley (1994) points out how in some societies premature infants or
newborn babies who have died are symbolically conceptualised as ceramics that have
not been fully or properly fired. In the case of premature infants, children are placed
inside a pottery that is then exposed to the sun. Furthermore, the use of ceramic
containers has the ability to demarcate symbolic differences between internal/
external and content/container. In this sense, in pre-modern societies there can be a
conceptual association between humans and ceramics as containers of forces.
Finally, the existence of intra-technological links and certain symbiosis between
pottery production and other activities in relation to the management of the waste
generated must be taken into account. For example, as mentioned, potters can take
advantage of the use of waste materials and remnants resulting from the rocks commonly
used in the construction of architectural structures to temper the vessels however small
this amount may be. Moreover, these rocks can be have high symbolic value, as it
could be the case of the andesite in the Inca empire (Sillar, 1997) or limestone in the
Balearic Islands (Albero, 2011a). Thus, the use of these symbolic architectural materials
in pottery production may transfer, albeit partially, their meaning and significance to
the vessels. This symbolic transfer between diverse kinds of activities could have also
occurred in the past when using common quarries or sources of raw material.
The use of solid fuels for firing the pottery also generates a high amount of waste
and residues in the form of coal and ash that, in many cases, may determine an
additional cleaning of the firing areas. People can take advantage of these residues
and use them, for instance, as fertilisers for agriculture, thus generating a symbiosis
between different technologies and needs (García Rosselló, 2008; Matson, 1989;
Morales, 2005; Sillar, 2000). The harvest generates a large amount of organic waste
which can be used to temper the paste or as fuel in the firing (Calvo et al., 2004b;
Gibson and Woods, 1990). For example, as already explained, we observed how in Fez
(Morocco) potters use olive waste to fire the pottery.
In short, the interrelationships between the diverse activities that people
develop and the different materials they work with are a fundamental aspect of all
technologies (Sillar, 2000). Moreover, the development of a common rationale and
Pottery Properties and Contexts of Use 227
the standardisation of meanings and symbols among the members of the society
are favoured through the interaction that takes place during the conceptualisation,
creation, use and deposition of different types of artefacts. This explains why, as
happens among the Shipibo-Conibo in Peru (DeBoer, 1984) or in the Middle East
(Matson, 1989), distinctive motifs are made in a wide range of materials. In these
cases, the aim of using similar decorative patterns in different objects (e.g., ceramics,
textiles, metals, houses, human body, etc.) consists in formalising the interaction
existing between diverse kinds of technologies and artefacts, thus helping structure
together common meanings or ideas.
Often these intra-technological connections are based on certain social links,
such as those existing between the members of a family, a community or in a region
where they share experiences and knowledge. Also diverse interrelated technologies
can be structured through gender relations. In this sense, for example, it is observed
how the Konkomba women in north-east Ghana (Albero et al., 2013) and other
societies (see, for instance, Hodder, 1982, 1991), decorate with the same motifs their
ceramics, houses and bodies. In this case, the intra-technological connections are
actively involved in the construction of identity and gender relations.
In conclusion, only by considering the contexts in which material culture makes
sense as a whole along with its similarities and differences will we be able to approach
the meanings of artefacts (Hodder, 1991). This social approach to technology illustrates
that if we desire to analyze the links that exist between different technologies, the
artificial separation that characterises current archaeological practice must be
overcome. Thus, approaches like this cannot be undertaken if the studies developed
by researchers working with different types of archaeological materials are not duly
interconnected. This aspect is particularly significant in ceramic studies, in which
there is usually a greater distance between the various types of analysis that are
usually made (e.g., archaeometric, typological, stylistic etc.) and the researchers who
perform them. In short, the information obtained from the different analyses should
be integrated into more holistic approaches which necessarily must include the
contextual information obtained from the archaeological sites and which recognise
the essential interaction between the diverse activities related to the production,
consumption and deposition of the material culture as a whole (Hodder, 1991; Jones,
2002; Sillar and Tite, 2000).
and its physical properties can play in the construction of the social environment.
In this sense, we should consider that the meaning of the ceramics is not exclusively
determined by human action and the individual’s ideas, but rather that the multiple
meanings of material culture are also closely influenced by its own materiality and
the network of social interactions that take place during its manufacture, distribution,
use, maintenance and deposition (Dietler and Herbich, 1998; Dobres and Hoffman,
1994; Jones, 2002; Lemonnier, 1986).
As highlighted by I. Hodder (1991), material culture embodies the dialectics
existing between the material and the ideal. It should be considered, therefore,
that ceramics exhibit both aspects simultaneously and as interrelated wholes. On
the one hand, there is a dimension which is related to natural, functional, physical
and utilitarian factors. On the other, another dimension is associated with the
social context, the ideas and the identity of individuals (Albero, 2008). The physical
characteristics of the objects largely influence the way they are perceived (MacGregor,
1999; Sillar and Tite, 2000), so that in the generation of the meanings involved in the
multiple roles of the pottery the material and physical dimension of materiality itself
also takes part in agreement with the ideas, perceptions and rationale of each society
and individual. In the following paragraphs two examples will be discussed with the
aim of showing how the material dimension of ceramics actively influences the role
that the vessels have in society.
value that society and individuals gives them. Considering all these factors it can be
argued that potters and users may consider these physical and social aspects together
at the time of manufacture and accept or reject a particular type of product. In short,
the choice, conscious or unconscious, of vessels with specific physical characteristics
and certain use-life expectancy can influence the reputation of the artisans and
the social value given to a particular material culture. Ultimately, all these aspects
influence the way in which pottery is included in certain social practices related, for
instance, with the processes of distribution, use and maintenance of the vessels.
The context is an important factor, since there can be a desire for visibility in
the pottery according to diverse visibility strategies such as inhibition, concealment,
exhibition and monumentalisation (Prieto, 1999). In this sense, the space in which
each pottery item is located and used becomes an aspect that also influences its social
value and how the vessels are perceived by the individuals in a society (Jones, 2002).
Thus, the physical and material dimension of pottery must be always understood
within specific contexts. The reason is that the potter’s technological choices,
developed with the aim of producing certain visual effects through the techniques
and materials, may be also partially influenced by the context in which the vessels are
used and deposited, both aspects strongly related to their function (Cobas and Prieto,
1997). As pointed out by P. Prieto (1999), pottery surfaces with strong and bright tones
as well as well-cared for products can be intentionally performed to promote the
exhibition of the vessels in certain contexts.
For instance, food consumption can be related to diverse public or private areas
associated with different social practices, thus pottery used to serve food may also
exhibit this duality (Schiffer, 1999 in Mills, 1999; Schiffer and Skibo, 1987). An example
is the use of serving vessels in the Tusayan-Kayenta area (Puebla, USA), where the colour
of the slips differs depending on the contexts in which the foodstuffs are consumed
to increase the significance of the event (Mills, 1999). Moreover, in the Kalinga ethnic
group (Philippines) the pottery used daily in domestic contexts is less decorated than
what is used in public events (DeBoer, 1984; Skibo, 1992). It is in these public contexts
where there is a greater visualisation of the vessels combined with a more intense
social interaction, either among members of the same community or between different
groups, in which meanings are shared and identity links established.
In short, the fabrics and surface finishing of the pottery are material aspects
that can determine the social value of the vessels through variables such as their
durability or visual perception. However, we must consider that the social value of
an artefact within a specific society cannot be only conceived from a few universal
parameters based on the physical properties of materials. Although the economic
value can influence the social importance given to objects, it must be highlighted that
the goods that are valuable for one society may not be valuable for another (Carreras
and Nadal, 2003). Lifestyles, the ways of social organisation and society’s values
established by each culture determine the social acceptability of the products and,
therefore, the use of certain technological choices and chaînes opératoires. In this
way, in many prehistoric societies, as in Mallorca during the Late Iron Age (Albero,
2011a), it is recorded that the manufacture of ceramics of low quality and limited
durability, required a high rate of replacement. Anyway, in these cases, the vessels
were suitable for use and their physical traits do not necessarily imply the low social
value of the pottery. In short, assessing the social value of a product by means of its
material traits necessarily requires approaching the contexts and the viewpoints that
characterise each society.
The Social Role of Raw Materials 231
Pottery enhances its material dimension and acquires and alters its meaning actively
interacting with the context in which it is produced, used and deposited (Barley, 1994;
Koriakova, 2006). Thus, more comprehensive, complex and accurate interpretations of
the traits of the material culture can be undertaken when the context of the artefacts
is also considered, since explanations can also be supported by means of contextual
relations. For example, from an economic viewpoint, a reduction in the energy invested
in the manufacture of the ceramics used in burial contexts may be explained by the
wish to lower funeral costs. Thus, in the production of pottery intentionally created for
funerary use, energy is often saved in paste preparation, while other aspects involving
a high visual impact such as the application of specific surface treatments and the
manufacture of certain types are enhanced. In this way, the visual characteristics of the
vessels, in close connection to their depositional context, promote the achievement of a
significant symbolic meaning, regardless of their durability.
This phenomenon is recorded, for instance, in the manufacture of infant burial
urns in Mallorca during the Late Iron Age (Albero, 2011a) and in some argaric burials
(Contreras et al., 1988). In these cases, despite the lower quality and durability of the
vessels, the depositional context is highly significant, thus enhancing other physical
properties of the vessels. Moreover, the deposition of the pottery in a funerary and ritual
space can also promote reinterpretations of the materials and techniques used in the
manufacturing process, as well as of the social value of the vessels. In conclusion, in
cases like these the technological features of the vessels cannot be properly interpreted
without considering the nature of the contexts of use and exhibition.
So far we have discussed some of the principles that characterise the social theory
of technology, but in this section we shall discuss in greater detail concepts such as
habitus, agency, identity, intra-technological interaction, etc., in the interpretations
of pottery technology. More precisely, we will focus on the social role of two phases
of the chaîne opératoire that are recurrently addressed in the analysis of ceramic
pastes: raw material procurement and paste processing. In any case, the explanations
we proved may be valid for the rest of materials and techniques involved in pottery
production.
in pottery production. In this sense, the role of the natural environment in the raw
material procurement strategies must be taken into account, since potters are only
able to exploit those resources which are available in the territory. Furthermore,
as ethnographically observed in Cameroon (Livingstone-Smith, 2000) and Niger
(Gosselain, 2008), it is possible that different potter communities exploited clay
sources with very similar characteristics and properties (e.g., texture, colour,
mineralogical composition, etc.), at least in part, due to the existence of regional
geological formations that occupy large pieces of land.
However, raw materials procurement cannot be understood outside a set of
social practices which are unique and specific to each culture. In this regard, unlike
ecological perspectives in which the natural environment and the territory are
considered static, we understand that each society constructs the landscape they
consider their territory in a particular and subjective way. So, the landscape must
be regarded as highly mutable and related to categorisations and meanings which
are socially and culturally constructed (see, for instance, Bender et al., 2007; Criado,
1993; Roberts, 1996; Tilley, 1994). As a consequence, given the fact that clays and other
raw materials used in pottery production are an active element of the environment,
approaching their role from some principles related to landscape archaeology as well
as the concept of taskscape may be suggestive (Michelaki et al., 2012, 2014).
In this aspect, the sources of raw material should not be understood in static
terms, but as dynamic and constructed elements embedded in the social structure
(Boivin, 2004). They have to be conceived as places, a concept that, in addition to
the spatial physical dimension of the resources, also incorporates the intangible
values that people or groups who use and appropriate the raw materials give to them.
These places act as mnemonic devices, which individuals recall historical events and
which therefore play a role as identity and symbolic markers. Moreover, they are a set
of essential elements that individuals perceive in a certain way depending on their
historical contingency and rationality patterns. This approach, in which the study of
raw materials management and the spatial analysis based on the concept of place are
combined, has been already applied to the study of certain types of archaeological
materials, such as stone (Jones, 2002). However, their application to ceramic studies,
in which currently perspectives derived from ceramic ecology are dominant, is clearly
marginal and, paradoxically, has much to contribute.
Therefore, it should be considered that clays and other raw materials used
in pottery production are an essential element in order to socially construct the
landscape in which people live and develop their activities in daily life. Hence,
close ties are established with the territory through shared and lived experiences as
well as by means of social relationships and memories involving the raw materials
(Gosselain, 2008). Simultaneously, there is a reciprocal relationship in which these
places are eventually involved in the way people conceive themselves (Sillar, 1997).
Thus, individuals construct specific histories related to the sources of raw materials
through their daily life in these landscapes. As aforementioned, resources become
The Social Role of Raw Materials 233
part of the habitus and history of individuals and groups, thus playing a significant
role in people’s identity. Hence, their use and exploitation initiates an identity cycle
which affects the entire production process and the end products obtained. Therefore,
the clay outcrops can be conceived as socially constructed spaces that are exploited
depending on how they are culturally perceived and categorised.
In this sense, given the important social role that the management of raw
materials can play, it is indispensable to consider the individual’s agency in the
procurement of mineral resources. It is also crucial to understand this phase of
the chaîne opératoire as highly relevant in the creation of the meanings attached
to pottery. Ultimately, these considerations imply the acceptance of a broader
perspective regarding the concept of material culture in which the genesis of the
meaning of an object begins with the selection of the raw material and not just
with its transformation. This assumption implies that the only requirement for the
consideration of a natural material as material culture is that it is intended for use,
regardless of whether it is manufactured. Thus, the many practices involved in
raw material management add a strong social identity meaning to the material or
physical dimension of the resources. What is more, this meaning relays an intense
feedback with the other meanings that are incorporated throughout the other
phases of the pottery manufacturing process.
Many potters are only engaged part-time in the manufacture of ceramics, and also
spend their time in other activities such as agriculture, animal husbandry, hunting,
gathering, etc. Thus, these individuals develop specific taskscapes (Ingold, 2000), i.e.,
the set of activities undertaken by the individuals in the landscape and the rhythms
in which these activities are made. Thus, these taskscapes are composed of different
kinds of interrelated activities that take place over time in certain areas of the territory.
This interrelationship promotes that individuals acquire an extensive knowledge
regarding the various biotic and abiotic resources existing in the environment which
make pottery production possible, from clays to fuel. For example, in Cameroon
(Gosselain et al., 1996) or Niger (Gosselain, 2008) the clay is collected from locations
that are also frequented for other purposes such as agriculture or that are used as
habitat areas. Thus, this phase of the pottery production is interconnected with many
other practices that take place in the landscape and in everyday life.
As already said, the exploitation of clay for pottery production is embedded in
certain taskscapes, areas that are also presumably used for many other purposes and
activities. Thus, the collection of raw material is fully involved in the intra-technological
relations discussed in previous sections. In this sense, the exploitation of diverse
resources in the same areas favours the social interaction between the members of the
community as well as the establishment of a comprehensive knowledge regarding the
mineral resources available in the environment (Livingstone-Smith, 2000) that allows
a cultural construction of the landscape, as well as the use and conceptualisation of
the space as a whole.
234 Social Theory of Technology
Such interactions may be far more intense when certain activities are developed in
the same spaces. For instance, in Maymama (Faryab, Afghanistan), a high correlation
between the areas in which the production of lime, ceramics and building material
takes place is currently observed. They share in common the location outside the
population centres, although in nearby areas (Matson, 1989). On the other hand,
in Niger (Gosselain, 2008) or in northern-east Ghana (Albero et al., 2013) pottery
production is developed very close to the clay outcrops. Also in the area of Yucatan
(Mexico), pottery firing is performed in the immediate surroundings of the settlements
(Varela, 1990). In short, it should be considered that activities such as pottery
production could have taken place in spaces that were adjacent to the domestic areas
in which an intense interaction between different activities and individuals could
have existed, promoting the development of certain taskscapes. At the same time, the
configuration of the taskscapes also influences the way potters move in their territory
and the raw materials they procure.
Potters construct their living space through the places they frequent and the
knowledge they acquire regarding these locations. In this way, potters shape their
identity by means of the social interactions, knowledge transfer and practices
undertaken in the raw material catchment areas and taskscapes as well. These
dynamics create close ties between people, praxis and raw materials, thus often
promoting the use of the same clays during extended periods of time. Therefore,
despite the fact that the physical properties of the materials can determine how they
are exploited, the inter-generational use of a certain clay source can also enhance and
strengthen connections between the different members of the community. Moreover,
the regular use of certain sources along time allows individuals to establish strong
ties with their landscape. In consequence, these ties may prevent the population
from leaving the territory or may promote the development of strategies to control the
access to certain raw materials. In short, clay sources become the material expression
of the way potters conceptualise and live their landscape (Gosselain, 2008; Sofaer,
2006).
These aspects can be clearly seen, for instance, in the pottery production currently
developed in Chinautla in Guatemala (Arnold, 2000), where technological traditions
involve the exploitation of certain sources of raw material that have been used since
long ago. In this case, modelling and firing techniques have experienced significant
variations but, in contrast, there is a great stability in the clay sources selected.
The same phenomenon seems to occur in the Bronze and Iron Age in west Mallorca
(Spain), where certain Tertiary clays located in very specific areas of the territory were
exploited for centuries and used to create different paste recipes (Albero and Mateu,
2012).
The long-term exploitation of some specific clays related to certain locations
can be associated with the concept of persistent places already in use in landscape
archeology (e.g., Akreutz, 2013; Barton et al., 1995; Fagundes, 2009; Schlanger,
1992). This concept has been developed in order to interpret those locations in the
The Social Role of Raw Materials 235
territory which are repeatedly used and occupied over time, regardless of whether
cultural changes take place or not in such spaces. The continuity in the use of certain
places may be also be motivated by the presence of previous cultural elements (e.g.,
architectural remains or areas of activity) that structure the way people occupy the
landscape. Depending on particular historical processes and the people’s ability to
act, individuals encourage the reuse, persistence or abandonment of certain places
through a certain praxis that also changes and shapes the landscape through time.
Therefore, the concept of persistent places is particularly useful for explaining the
long-term occupation of certain spaces and exploitation of specific resources.
Persistent places can be interpreted by means of two different – although
complementary – theoretical perspectives. On the one hand, from an economic,
functionalist and ecologic perspective (Barton et al., 1995; Schlanger, 1992), it is
assumed that the persistence of these sites must be related to high quality resources
that are strategically found in the areas considered optimal for the development
of certain activities, allowing a more efficient management of the energy invested.
On the other hand, when interpreting persistent places it is also necessary to
consider the social dynamics and the symbolic, perceptual and mnemonic inputs
such spaces incorporate. In connection with this idea, clay outcrops must be
considered as spaces loaded with meaning and embedded in specific histories and
environments that structure and actively participate in the decisions taken by potters
and other individuals. The continuous use of these spaces should not be related to
the exploitation of optimal environments in economical and functional terms. In
contrast, its long-term use may have been strongly influenced by a series of specific
and earlier structural conditions that would have provided certain meaning to the
individuals’ praxis and choices through their lived experiences, memories and social
interactions. Summing up, the emotional links that people establish with certain
spaces and resources have to be included as part of the set of intangible elements that
enhance the social value of the raw materials. Thus, these links play a key role in the
configuration of the taskscapes and the ties that the future generations will create
with their landscape.
We have already seen that processual and systemic perspectives highlight that
stability in the exploitation of certain raw materials used in pottery production must
be related to technical, economist or environmental factors. However, it is evident
that only by considering the social and symbolic elements is it possible to fully
comprehend the true meaning of such practices. Thus, this stability can largely result
from the high degree of interaction existing between the individuals regarding the
resources used and the ways of doing. An example is the case of the Tatuyo ethnic
group (Colombia), among which the perception and knowledge of the soils is shared
at the community level (Wilshulsen and Stone, 1990).
Hence, specific clays sources continuously used over time can be perceived as
having a high social and symbolic value. This perception may take place especially
when collective exploitation strategies are developed and the ownership of land
236 Social Theory of Technology
and resources is linked to a communal and mythical origin of the group. In this way,
the communal use or collective exploitation of clays and fuels is common in many
societies, for instance in the modern potter communities documented in the central
valleys of Chile (García Rosselló, 2008), in Cameroon (Gosselain, 1994b) or between
Kusasi and Konkomba potters from Ghana (Albero et al., 2013; Calvo et al., 2013).
Furthermore, the exploitation of resources is often organised, as happens in San
Nicholas in the Philippines (Longacre, 1999), according to family ties.
Such collective procurement strategies particularly occur in densely occupied
territories in which the transmission of knowledge about clay sources is well
established among potters. Furthermore, it is worth noting that the communal
exploitation of raw materials can lead to a significant monumentalisation or
exhibition of the spaces from where the raw material is extracted. Thus, clay sources
acquired diverse “architectural” characteristics that affect their social visualisation
depending on the techniques used to collect the raw material, the scale at which
the clay extraction is developed and the number of potters involved in the process
(Livingstone-Smith, 2000).
phase of the chaîne opératoire which are also available and technically acceptable, but
whose use is against the interest of the social structure. In short, all these procedures
aim at naturalising the technological choices made by all the individuals of the group.
Thus, connections between certain raw materials and myths can promote social
cohesion and the materialisation of identity among all those potters who exploit
the same clay source. Furthermore, these myths also justify why only community
members are allowed to get access to the raw material.
This explains why clay extraction often entails taboos and explicit prohibitions,
the development of sacrifices and offerings to the earth as well as the construction
of shrines for these purposes. For instance, in some places of Africa, such as western
Ghana, women who are menstruating are not allowed to collect clay (Barley, 1994;
Cruz, 1996). Another good example is documented among the Yoko Yinikoob people
from Tabasco (Mexico), where the collective collection of raw material favours
social interaction between the producers along with the development of certain
supernatural beliefs. Only women can have access to the clay source and its name
cannot be mentioned in the yokot’an language during its extraction, since it causes
the collapse of the vessels during the manufacturing process (Gallegos and Armijo,
2008). In short, the rituals involved in pottery production imply non-discursive forms
of communication which regulate, organise and coordinate people in social terms and,
therefore, also structure the production itself. These symbolic ties may be especially
meaningful in cases in which the production developed by a potter community is
organised in different autonomous units (Arnold, 2000; Dietler and Herbich, 1998;
Koriakova, 2006; Pfaffenberger, 1992).
An approximation of the clay resources used in the territory can be achieved
through the study of different types of clay artefacts. This holistic analytical strategy
makes it possible to approach the places, persistent places and taskscapes existing
in the landscape. The use of different kinds of raw materials can be related to diverse
identities associated with diverse social groups (e.g., depending on gender issues,
crafts, etc.) that symbolically materialise and define a certain structure of specific
social relations through such places and materials. For example, as we observed
among the Konkomba and Kusasi ethnic groups in north-east Ghana, there is a clear
division of activities that also involve the use of different raw materials according to
gender issues which are learned from childhood. Thus, for instance, women exploit
clays for pottery production while males use coarser soils in order to construct mud
architectural structures.
As a consequence of their relevant social role, raw materials can also play a
significant function in structuring power relations within society (Jones, 2002). In
this sense, the control over certain raw materials can be, for instance, an efficient
mechanism to develop dialectics related to social power (Dobres and Hoffman, 1994).
In this sense, access to clay sources may be determined by power relationships.
For example, Neupert (2000) demonstrated through ethnoarchaeometric studies
in Paradijon (Philippines) that the composition of pottery pastes evidenced two
238 Social Theory of Technology
prospections and even archaeological excavations of the clay outcrops with the aim
to identify extraction sites. This strategy may explain the activities carried out in these
places and elucidate the elements of material culture involved in clay extraction (e.g.,
hoes, containers, etc.). Thus, more evidence is still needed to consider the social
strategies involved in raw material procurement as well as to address many of the
questions discussed in this section.
Furthermore, as much as it happens with the clays, there are also certain social
aspects underlying the procurement and management of fuel. On the one hand, the
use of certain fuels may be related to waste from animal (e.g., dung or droppings) or
vegetable (e.g., crop residues) sources, which derive from domestic routines. These
biotic resources are usually grown and cultivated by people, so that the management
of fuel can be connected with ideological and symbolic aspects attached to the animals
and plants themselves (Pool, 2000; Sillar, 2000). On the other hand, the social role
of this activity is partially determined by the collective or individual nature of fuel
exploitation and procurement strategies. In this way, as observed between the Kusasi
(Calvo et al., 2013) and Konkomba potters (Albero et al.,2013) from north-east Ghana,
potter apprentices and other family members may cooperate in obtaining fuel for pottery
firing. Moreover, the social organisation in the management of fuels may be strongly
related, in turn, with the communal or individual character of the firing structures.
Figure 19.2: Konkomba potter from the Northern Region of Ghana carrying on raw material from the
clay pit to the production area across crop fields (Source: ArqueoUIB Research Group).
240 Social Theory of Technology
As we have seen, most studies have attempted to interpret the significance of the use
of certain materials, such as tempers, in the pottery production from processualist
and systemic perspectives in which environmental, economic and functional factors
determine the technological choices (Sillar and Tite, 2000). Thus, cultural factors are
usually rejected in the explanations and are only considered when it is not possible to
establish links between the materials and other aspects of pottery production related
to natural the environment, technological progress and vessel function.
Beyond functionalist and ecological perspectives, from the Social Theory of
Technology it is considered that even when potters themselves give a functional
meaning to their technical behaviour, it does not preclude that their practices have
also social significance. In this sense, technological actions always imply a number
of practices which permit the reproduction of the social order (Dietler and Herbich,
1998). People construct their social environment through the structures and social
resources available. In this sense, as pointed out by several authors (Jones, 2002;
Pauketat, 2001) to explain cases like the adoption and spread of crushed shell as
temper, changes and continuities in pottery technology should be considered the
result of technological traditions that involve social factors which, in turn, permit
reproducing or restructuring cultural aspects.
In this sense, the technological choices that potters put in practice when they
prepare the paste should be seen as closely related to habitus and agency. In this
sense, there are several archaeological examples, for instance in Portugal during
the Bronze Age (Jorge et al., 2009) or in Mallorca during the Iron Age (Albero, 2011a;
Albero and Mateu, 2012; Albero et al., 2014), in which potters used the same clay
base but added different materials or tempers to the paste. While these different
technological choices materialise in diverse end products and fabrics, there is strong
evidence that the practices that generated such recipes or ways of preparing pastes
were not determined by ecological or functional factors related to raw materials with
different physical properties.
There are also many modern potters from southern Cameroon and Niger who
select the same clays or raw materials with very similar properties, but they prepare
them using different technological choices (Gosselain, 1994b, 2008; Livingstone-
Smith, 2000). The way potters prepare their pastes is not determined by functional or
ecological factors, but is first related to social phenomena linked to certain systems
of knowledge transfer. Thus, the potters learned to make pottery in diverse places
or were taught by different masters with particular ways of making pottery. In this
regard, techniques, tempers and chaînes opératoires may have a differential regional
distribution according to social factors.
Hence, both ethnographic and archaeological studies demonstrate that functional
or environmental criteria are not necessarily relevant in pottery production and, in
contrast, the use of mineral resources according to cultural tradition or social factors
The Social Role of Raw Materials 241
is quite usual. These factors influence the existence of specific paste recipes which
ultimately determine the way in which the manufacturing process is developed and
the components involved therein. These recipes are, therefore, a proper procedure for
making pottery and achieve an end product suitable in its multiple dimensions.
Recipes imply the use of specific materials and proportions to create a particular
paste according to well established guidelines. Thus, there are potter communities
from Niger (Gosselain, 2008) in which certain ways of paste processing are widely
used and perceived as technological expressions of social identity. We have already
discussed the case of India (Miller, 1985), where differences between the tempers
added to the paste have more to do with social representations than with strictly
functional aspects. So, in these societies, the specific selection of certain non-plastic
components is associated with issues of identity and myths. In addition, recipes
can be also associated with magical and religious aspects, as happens with those
characterised by the use of grog as temper. The introduction of this material to the
paste may have symbolic connotations linked to representations of the cycles of life
and death of both humans and objects.
The use of a specific pottery recipe by all the potters belonging to a particular social
group is materialised in the achievement of fabrics with a low variability in the whole
ceramic assemblage produced. Furthermore, this low variability may be evidence of
the existence of certain technological traditions, i.e., similar manufacturing methods
which are socially significant in a given context and are shared by the different
production units of a group. These traditions reflect the degree of interaction and
technological consensus existing between potters. The estimation of the degree of
variability resulting in pottery recipes can be then an adequate way to detect specific
technological traditions related to certain knowledge transfer systems, potter’s skills
and ways of doing typical of each society.
On the one hand, the use of one or another pottery provides to the individuals a
framework from which they can actively act in the world they live. On the other hand,
the perpetuation of pottery recipes and technological traditions, whether intentional
or unconscious, allows the intergenerational reproduction of meanings and ideas. In
this sense, pottery, especially in small-scale societies, can be strictly made in certain
ways in order to reinforce the social structure (Jones, 2002; Pfaffenberger, 1992;
Sterner, 1989).
In these cases, the production strategy is determined by the tradition of the group
and, in consequence, the potter develops certain technological choices in agreement
with the rest of the producers. Once the potters reach a consensus and share the
techniques and materials involved in pottery production, the chaîne opératoire
tends to remain stable over long periods of time, since it is closely related to the
practices and experiences that are shared and take place in everyday life. Thus, there
are periods of technological stability in which the perception of the social and the
material dimensions of pottery technology are naturalised by means of the habitus. In
this sense, potters may not be aware of the social and technical implications related to
242 Social Theory of Technology
the technological processes and choices they make. They can simply use the recipes,
chaînes opératoires and social practices they have acquired in a particular learning
context without submitting them to criticism (Barley, 1994; Gosselain and Livingstone-
Smith, 2005; Jones, 2004; MacGregor, 1999; Roux, 2003; Tilley, 2006; West, 1992).
Any behavioural deviation of the individuals regarding the tradition of the group
may be corrected through various mechanisms such as the disqualification of the
objects produced, used or deposited. Thus, the existence of several strategies to
punish or discredit those potters of the community who are out of the norm, has been
ethnographically observed, such as rejecting and destroying their pottery, assigning
them extra work, etc. (Barley, 1994; Sillar, 1997; Vidal and García Rosselló, 2009).
Also, as O. Gosselain (2008) observed among modern potters from Niger, such social
practices favour the adoption of local technological traditions by individuals who
join the community, thus enhancing the socialisation of foreigners within the group.
However, as this scholar notes, we must be aware that foreigners may only acquire
the knowledge of the symbolic value of pottery participating in the daily experiences
which take place in the contexts where identity is built.
Thus, the existence of common standards in the use of recipes, techniques,
fabrics and types during long periods of time and in certain geographic areas is
common in many potter communities from different times and places. For instance,
the pottery assemblages recorded in Hadidi (Mesopotamia) were made following the
same technological choices from the Bronze Age to the Medieval Age (Van As, 1984).
This phenomenon is also observed in many other places and times, such as in the
Cuzco region (Sillar, 1997), the bell beaker period in Extremadura (Odriozola et al.,
2009b) or in Bronze and Iron Age in the Balearic Islands (Albero, 2011a).
Therefore, the study of technological traditions requires two simultaneous
approaches. On the one hand, the features of the ceramics are often related to local
technological traditions that have different duration and are not restricted to specific
cultural phases. In this sense, as several studies point out (Capel et al., 1982; Clop,
2007), pottery technological traditions having a temporal continuity should not be
exclusively approached and understood from specific cultural phases. Hence, the
development of certain working methods has to be understood in specific local or
regional contexts in a wide sense, i.e., regardless of the periods when these traditions
take place. This is a proposal to explore the social role of technology in light of
historical dynamics. Thus, this strategy allows creating a framework with which to
address the way in which social and productive structures are maintained, reused and
reinterpreted throughout time as opposed to others that are discarded and replaced
by other structures that respond to new social dynamics and the needs of individuals.
On the other hand, recipes and technological traditions must be understood
within the specific sociocultural contexts that characterise each phase. It is in these
particular contexts in which the dynamic dimension of technology makes sense
according to certain historical processes. In this sense, although the same pottery
recipe may remain unchanged for a very long time, this fact does not preclude the
The Social Role of Raw Materials 243
Figure 19.3: Konkomba potter from the Northern Region of Ghana preparing grog, a temper used in a
traditional paste recipe shared by all the konkomba potters (Source: ArqueoUIB Research Group).
20 The Organisation of Pottery Production
The technical features of the vessels are related to a particular social reality and the
way the production is organised, so that the study of pottery technology allows us
to approach the production structure. In this sense, one of the issues which have
been fully addressed in ceramic studies is the organisation of production and its
relationship with the social structure. An overview regarding some studies which
consider this topic in ceramic analysis was made, for example, by W. Longacre (1999).
In this sense, many scholars have tried to establish a number of markers defining
types of pottery production organisation. However, these markers were often drawn
from ethnographic analogies according to processual theoretical and conceptual
frameworks.
The aim of this research strategy was to establish broad categories or “black
boxes” by means of a number of indicators related to specific forms of organising
pottery production. Ultimately, archaeologists can use these general models to
interpret their archaeological record. Examples of such categories can be found in Rice
(1984b), Sinopoli (1991) or García Rosselló (2008), although we prefer to emphasise
here an example of one of these general models applied to the management of raw
materials. In this case, five strategies of clay procurement (Bishop et al., 1982) are
categorised according to indicators involving the variability degree of pottery pastes
(Arnold, 2000):
1. Non-discriminatory strategy: Various clays are used without a clear preference
for a particular type of material. In these cases, the quality of the raw material is
unknown and possibly irrelevant for the potter. This type of behaviour often takes
place in production processes in which potters test the several resources available
in the territory or when dispersed habitats prevail. This strategy of raw material
procurement promotes very heterogeneous ceramic assemblages characterised
by a high degree of variability.
2. Discriminatory strategy: Potters prefer to exploit one specific clay source, the
quality of the material is known and the ceramic pastes are quite homogeneous
and less variable than those produced by means of non-discriminatory strategies.
This strategy of raw material procurement can be associated with a settlement
pattern in which both people and pottery production are more concentrated or
centralised in specific areas. It can be also related, as occurs in Tikul (Yucatán,
Mexico), to a management of the clay sources restricted to a few specialists who
select, extract and prepare the clay before it is distributed among all the potters
in the community (Arnold, 1999).
3. Specialised strategy: Different types of clays are exploited depending on their
specific properties and according to the different types of vessels produced and
their functions. The quality and physical properties of the material is well-known
and the ceramic assemblage shows higher heterogeneity, although this variability
can be organised according to typological and morphometric parameters.
246 The Organisation of Pottery Production
4. Composite strategy: This strategy involves the mixture of clays from different
sources or deposits. Although these mixtures can be made by means of a more
or less well-established proportion, they usually promote the presence of very
heterogeneous ceramic assemblages.
5. Importation of clays: In this case, the clays used in the pottery production come
from sources distant from the place of manufacture. This strategy results in
ceramic assemblages that are very heterogeneous compositionally; however, they
can be organised according to the origin of the raw materials.
way of organising pottery production has meaning and makes sense. In consequence,
it should be within this framework where, ultimately, technological facts and the
social role of the practices related to ceramic production must be interpreted. In this
sense, other studies (e.g., Courty and Roux, 1999; Roux, 2003; García Rosselló, 2008)
propose that the adoption of a specific technology is strongly determined by the
forms of organisation and the social needs of each group. Thus, this perspective goes
beyond evolutionary viewpoints and does not minimise the importance of the social
contexts in shaping the materiality and the organisation of production. In this case,
the technology is not only a cause but also a consequence of a certain social order.
Some ethnographic studies (e.g., Arnold, 1984; Gosselain, 1994a, 1996, 2000;
Livingstone-Smith, 2000; Sillar and Tite, 2000) pointed out the presence of production
patterns that are shared at the group level related to the use of certain concepts, raw
materials, recipes and forming methods as well as decorative and firing strategies.
In short, it is documented the collective use of certain chaînes opératoires to achieve
specific ceramic products as a result of the sociocultural interaction existing among
potters. For example, there may be a common understanding regarding the concept
of symmetry or the spatial organisation of the vessel that makes it possible to carry
out certain designs on the ceramics (Arnold, 1984; Shepard, 1971). This interaction
enables individuals to develop particular styles by means the repetition of specific
designs in certain parts of the vessels according to their type, form, function, etc.
(Jones, 2004; Sofaer, 2006).
This repetition of the characteristics of the pottery in time and space, as well as
the development of certain technological traditions, originates in social interactions
that are determined by the way in which the production is organised in each society.
In this sense, rather than referring to a series of ideal patterns regarding the social
structure of production, it may be more useful to approach the features of the
vessels to determine the degree of interaction that existed between potters, as well
as between them and the users in particular social contexts. There is no doubt that
human practices and their products are strongly determined by the context, where
they interact with other technologies that are specific to each culture. Thus, the
intensity and the degree of variability or regularity of the technological actions and
the end products can be only understood within certain social and symbolic contexts
(Prieto, 1999).
Finally, some authors (e.g., Arnold, 1999; García Rosselló, 2008; Jones, 2004;
Sigaut, 1994) support a halfway position between both trends. In this sense, it is argued
that a vision in which pottery, technology and technological change are inactive is
neither convenient nor acceptable. In this way, then, not all the features of pottery
production are exclusively determined by the ideational sphere and specific forms of
social organisation. Thus, it was already mentioned that the raw materials available
in the environment and the material dimension of the artefacts (i.e., their physical
properties) are also fully involved in and interact with the forms of organisation of
pottery production, thus influencing the individuals’ lifestyle.
248 The Organisation of Pottery Production
In this sense, the systematic rejection of any theoretical position can be harmful,
since it would leave aside a large number of elements that should be considered
in any explanation. Thus, greater dialogue and consensus can be achieved on
the analysis of the organisation of production if environmental and functional
parameters are combined with contextual and social factors (Livingstone-Smith,
2000). Furthermore, as already seen, social aspects cannot be separated from
the physical dimension of the artefacts, since certain properties of the materials
or the adoption of certain techniques may constrain or expand the development
of specific social practices and forms of organisation. For example, although
explained in simplistic terms, it can be said that the use of hand-made modelling
techniques provide greater freedom to potters. These forming methods allow an
individual to model a wide range of shapes that are not determined by external
elements as happens, for instance, when the vessels are made using mould making
techniques or the potter’s wheel. In this way, hand-made forming methods increase
the number of opportunities for individuals to express their ideas, thus increasing
their range of social action through materiality (Barley, 1994; Jones, 2004; Sigaut,
1994; Tite, 2008; West, 1992). Then, it is not surprising that, as happens among the
Kabyle Berber ethnic group in the Maghreb (Balfet, 1984), hand-made modelling
and manually created shapes are considered as a continuous process of expression
and creation of forms.
Thus, the development of a particular material culture involves dynamic and
multidimensional movements back and forth between technology, environment,
materiality and the social and ideological context. This interaction leads to specific
technological traditions and certain forms of organisation of the pottery production.
Therefore, several theoretical trends can be combined in order to create an
epistemological basis to address social complexity through the study of the material
record. This approach can only be possible if Bourdieu’s theory of practice, the
principles of the French School and the anthropology of techniques regarding the
role of technology in culture, and, finally, a historical perspective are fully considered
(Dietler and Herbich, 1998; Dobres and Hoffman, 1994; Pfaffenberger, 1992).
This strategy may help in the assessment of the role that pottery technology
plays in specific social contexts and in the mutability of the structure. Also, it enables
us to know which social phenomena and dynamics promote the production and
reproduction of material culture (Dietler and Herbich, 1998). That is, we can approach
the way in which ceramic technology is structured by social practices and how
technology also simultaneously structures such practices. The first issue is directly
related to the strategies used by individuals and people to communicate, interact
and share their knowledge in specific social contexts in order to organise themselves
to create certain ceramic assemblages. The second involves the role that materials,
techniques and objects, as well as their features, play regarding the creation,
consolidation and reproduction of certain social structures.
The Social Role of Raw Materials 249
Social relations and the organisation of pottery production in past societies must
be necessarily addressed through the indicators and connections readily visible in
the material record and in particular contexts. Thus, the development of a proper
theoretical and methodological framework is crucial in order to identify which
features of the materials provide information about social processes and in which
way they do it (Dietler and Herbich, 1998).
In this sense, the concept of chaîne opératoire involves a theoretical and
methodological framework that includes several technological parameters useful for
addressing the social practices and interactions underlying the features of the vessels.
Furthermore, J. García Rosselló (2008) has summarised some of the indicators, many
of them related to the chaîne opératoire, which may provide significant information
to approximate the way the production and the consumption of ceramics is organised
in society. These markers are: 1) the location of production centres, 2) the kind
and quantity of the pottery produced, 3) the patterns of pottery distribution, 4)
the organisation of the spaces involved in the production process, 5) raw material
management, 6) the techniques used in the production, 7) the variability of fabrics
and types, 8) the physical properties of the end products, 9) the waste volume and 10)
the tools involved in the production.
The best option to deal with the organisation of production in ancient societies
consists in using as many of these indicators as possible. Nevertheless, we must be
aware that most of them can be only addressed from direct evidence obtained from
the study of the production contexts, i.e., workshops or working areas. Unfortunately,
the difficulty for identifying working areas related to prehistoric ceramics production
is well-known, and usually the clearest proof is the finding of firing structures. In
other cases, the digging of raw materials and tools involved in pottery production may
suggest that this activity could have taken place in certain contexts (e.g., domestic
areas) which could have also been used as working areas. Likewise, the development
of the whole production process in a single space and close to the firing areas may
explain, for instance, the occasional occurrence of charcoals and other components
in ceramic pastes or fabrics (Neupert, 2000; Riederer, 2004).
This difficulty to record production areas could be related, in many cases, with
the management of these spaces. There are ethnographic cases, such as the Bantu
potters from South Africa, in which the artisans do not have a fixed place to carry
out their production, thus it can be placed in different locations which involve both
domestic spaces and outdoor areas or yards. In this way, all the equipment and
materials involved in pottery production (e.g., tools, clay, water, etc.) can be easily
transported, often inside the own vessels (Krause, 1984). In a similar way, it is not
easy to identify production areas by the presence of tools, since there may exist a wide
variability in the tools used to make a vessel (Vidal and Mallía, 2011), even within the
same ethnic group. For instance, among the Konkomba potters from Northern Ghana
(Albero et al., 2013) an opportunistic use of the tools is documented, so that a wide
range of instruments are used for the same purpose.
250 The Organisation of Pottery Production
In short, as some scholars have pointed out (Costin, 2000; Tite, 2008), the
organisation of pottery production usually must be inferred through pottery
technology itself, from elements such as the degree of standardisation, the use of
certain techniques and materials and their relation to certain equipment or strategies
of space management, the potter’s skills, the patterns of pottery distribution, etc. In
the case of archaeological ceramics, given the data provided by the archaeometric
analysis of fabrics and the comprehensive study of the depositional context of the
vessels, the organisation of production can be addressed by paying attention to
the location of production centres, the kind and quantity of the pottery produced,
the patterns of pottery distribution, the raw material management, the techniques
used in the production, the variability of fabrics and types and, finally, the physical
properties of the end products. Unfortunately, it is impossible to directly address
the management of the spaces involved in the production, the volume of waste
generated and the tools involved in pottery making when the working areas have not
been accurately identified. Anyway, some inferences regarding these aspects can be
indirectly carried out through the study of pottery fabrics.
Summing up, the analysis of the social organisation of pottery production can,
on the one hand, be developed by means of “black boxes” based on transcultural
models established beforehand that can be compared with the archaeological record.
On the other hand, a reference framework based on the contextual knowledge
available regarding the socioeconomic organisation of the communities under study
can be used. Several aspects (e.g., specialisation and standardisation degree, potter’s
skills) that are useful to approach the organisation of production from paste studies
can be addressed in these particular contextual frameworks through the indicators
listed above. In addition, the study of these parameters and the social contexts in
which ceramics are framed represent a process that is both inductive and deductive,
thus providing more strength and significance to the interpretations regarding the
organisation of pottery production and its relation to the organisation of society.
Cultural evolutionary positions have related ceramic features to certain forms of more
or less specialised production in order to determine the complexity of any specific
society. However, we can go beyond such a definition of complexity and consider that
the level of production specialisation is related to certain technological behaviours
undertaken by potters and users as a response to given social needs. These relations
between specialisation and social organisation are neither readily visible nor
predictable, but the fact is that potters develop their production taking into account
a given reality and the society as a whole (Barley, 1994; Harry and Bubemyre, 2002).
Issues regarding pottery specialisation can be archaeologically addressed
through the study of the technological attributes of the pottery and its contexts of
Level of Specialisation in Pottery Production 251
production and use, since they involve conscious or unconscious actions carried out
by the potter and other individuals. In this sense, valid cultural assumptions about
the organisation of production and its level of specialisation cannot be established
until the features of the vessels have been fully addressed.
Ethnographically, the level of specialisation of pottery production is often
identified by means of the time that the potters spend in their production, commonly
expressed as full time or part time pottery productions. Furthermore, it should be
considered whether the potters depend solely on ceramic production for their living
or whether they carry out a variety of activities in order to diversify the means for
providing the income needed for the production unit (Costin, 2000; García Rosselló,
2008).
Other authors (Vaughn and Neff, 2004) state that a specialised behaviour
involves a level of pottery production that exceeds self-consumption needs. In this
sense, C. Costin (1991, 2005) and M. Hagstrum (Costin and Hagstrum, 1995) define
specialisation as a regular and permanent production system in which potters depend
on the existence of exchange relations that go beyond the sphere of the household.
Thus, potters need to distribute their pottery in order to subsist, while non-producers
need to acquire certain ceramic assemblages to carry out certain activities.
In short, the elements that define craft specialisation are, first, an intensity and
level of production exceeding the needs of the potters and their households. Second,
the use of the vessels by individuals who are not involved in the manufacturing process
but have access to the products by means of diverse exchange relations (e.g., trade,
clientelism relations, etc.) and, in consequence, play a key role in the development of
specialised productions. In this sense, in specialised pottery productions consumers
and producers usually do not belong to the same household.
These definitions imply a huge variability regarding the kinds and levels of
specialisation that can be identified. In addition, these perspectives entail constraints
when they are applied to the study of specialisation in archaeological contexts. As
said before, in these contexts we must necessarily approach the social organisation
of production through the characteristics of the ceramic record itself. In this sense,
specialisation involves a standardisation of the strategies of production that often
coincide with the social regularisation of the resources used by a specific group.
This adjustment in pottery production is reflected in a reduction of the variability
found in the end products manufactured from these resources and the development
of certain potter’s skills. Thus, pottery assemblages that are quite homogeneous
regarding the materials, techniques, fabrics and shapes used in their manufacture
are considered a consequence of specialised behaviour. In contrast, heterogeneous
ceramic assemblages with a high variability suggest the opposite phenomena
(Clark, 2007; Rice, 1987). In short, the potter’s skills and the level of variability of the
ceramic assemblages are key aspects that have to be fully addressed in order to study
specialisation in pottery production.
252 The Organisation of Pottery Production
Finally, it should be noted that potters producing hand-made vessels do not have
certain mechanical devices available, such as the potter’s wheel or moulds, which allow
an individual to accurately control certain aspects of the vessels (e.g., symmetry or wall
thickness) that are considered characteristic of specialised pottery productions. However,
we consider that the absence of these features in the vessels does not preclude the fact that
certain experience, practice and knowledge and, therefore, relatively specialised potter’s
skills are involved in the development of any pottery production. These assumptions are
especially noticeable when hand-made forming methods are used, since potters spend a
long time learning how to process the paste and model the pottery in an attempt to produce
vessels with acceptable sizes and shapes according to a certain range of possibilities. In
short, we should consider that the parameters discussed in this section are not universals
and cannot be applied without some reflection. In this sense, the concept of specialisation
may be contingent and valid for some cases but not for others, thus being a parameter
unsuitable to address the organisation of production in many societies.
militates against any proposal that establishes straight connections between them. In fact,
this same complexity explains why pottery should be considered from a multidimensional
perspective which includes both micro and macro levels of analysis (e.g., archaeometric
methods, macroscopic analysis, typological classifications, contextual studies, analysis
of absorbed residues, use-wear traces, etc.) if a thorough interpretation of the organisation
of production and the level of variability is to be reached.
According to B. Sillar (1997), the existence of a more or less specialised production
within a potter community depends on how individuals perceive and use local
resources, the knowledge transfer systems and the social organisation itself. Therefore,
it is highly relevant to insert the inferences made regarding pottery production in a
specific cultural context, since it makes it possible to interpret the level of variability
of the vessels according to specific forms of social organisation. On many occasions
the social factors are the only elements that can explain the variability observed in the
material record and its significance, thus they must be integrated in our explanations
of the role of pottery technology in society. For instance, an increase in the variability
found in the ceramic assemblages may be related to the creation of new recipes and
operational sequences as a result of changes in the learning context and knowledge
transfer systems (Schiffer and Skibo, 1987). These alterations in learning contexts may
be related, for example, with a breakdown in the organisation of pottery production as
a result of certain social dynamics that affect society as a whole and promote changes
in the social role of the vessels (Albero, 2011a).
The use of archaeometric approaches in pottery studies and the implementation of
statistical analysis are absolutely necessary to accurately establish the variability degree
in pottery production (Kvamme et al., 1996). However, some authors (Arnold, 2000;
Longacre, 1999; Rice, 1991) argue that it may not be appropriate to measure variability
with methods based on accurate metric systems. This is because it is usually very difficult
to manufacture two identical vessels in hand-made pottery production, especially when
the pottery is produced by individuals with scarcely specialised skills.In this kind of
pottery production, the standardisation and the sharing of ideas can take place at low
numerical resolution, since the specific know-how of each potter determines the form of
the pottery, even if there are common criteria among all the individuals involved (Miller,
1985). Thus, certain variations exist among the products performed by a single potter
but also and among the ones manufactured within a potter community. In this aspect,
the macro/micro-scale chosen and the methods used to collect the data, as well as the
statistical techniques applied, may be often excessively precise and rigid for hand-made
pottery. Thus, the concept of variability and its categorisation can be a response to specific
cultural logics. As a consequence, it is not always possible to pinpoint a direct correlation
between the variability that researchers record in the chemical, mineralogical or textural
composition of pottery fabrics and the socially meaningful practices that the potters
develop. In this sense, we must be aware that a given technological choice can exhibit
qualitative and quantitative differences along time and space, but it may still have the
same cultural significance to the people who made it.
254 The Organisation of Pottery Production
In spite of the constraints that the use of the concepts of specialisation and variability
entail in the study of the organisation of pottery production, it is common to associate
the presence of specialisation with a low variability in certain features of the vessels.
However, the standardisation of the products can be related to two different kinds of
phenomena that are not mutually exclusive (Longacre, 1999):
significant reduction of the variability of the fabrics and vessels produced within the
group. Relatively standardised pottery pastes have a very similar physicochemical
behaviour when heated, thus facilitating the control of the firing process and the
achievement of appropriate products. Hence, the low variability of pastes allows
potters to reduce the risk of failure during firing. That is the reason why many potters
are often very conservative regarding the paste preparation process. According
to Mommsen (2004), this strategy aims at preventing possible economic losses,
especially those resulting from the failures that take place during the firing process.
In functionalist terms, it is considered that certain types of vessels, such as
cooking pots, are generally more stable and less variable regarding paste, shape and
decorative patterns. In these cases, the design is strongly determined by functional
parameters (Albero and Puerta, 2011; Djordjevic, 2003; Fernández Navarro, 2008)
and potters develop an extra effort to achieve highly standardised productions with
specific characteristics. Nevertheless, there are many traditional societies, like the
Shipibo-Conibo from Peru (DeBoer, 1984), in which the whole ceramic assemblage,
including serving bowls, show a low degree of variability over time regarding their
shape, size, colour and other features. In this case, the level of standardisation does
not respond to the function of the vessels, but rather to the continuous practice
explained before.
ceramics. In this sense, the vessels are more or less intensely distributed across the
territory by means of the contacts and exchanges that individuals carry out, thus
increasing the variability of the ceramic record. For instance, in the ethnographic
studies conducted in Ancash in Peru (Druc, 1996) or in north-east Ghana (Calvo
et al., 2011, 2013) it was observed that family ties and certain exchange networks
promote a wide distribution of the pottery. In these cases, the vessels are ultimately
used in domestic contexts that can be located tens of kilometres from the production
centre. Moreover, the presence of low standardised ceramic assemblages in the same
archaeological site may be also related to the presence of several itinerant potters
who carry their own raw materials along the territory. Such kinds of itinerant potters,
who usually have highly specialised skills, are ethnographically well documented in
places such as Mallorca (Llabrés, 1977), Ancash (Druc, 1996), the Andes (Sillar, 1997)
and Cyprus (Cooper, 2000).
As several authors note (Arnold, 2000; García Rosselló, 2008; Livingstone-Smith,
2000, Roux, 2011), the spatial distribution of the settlements in the territory, their
function and interrelation can influence the way pottery is produced, distributed
and deposited, as well as its characteristics and degree of variability. For instance, a
dispersed settlement pattern can help increase the variability of the ceramics found
in a certain region. Similarly, the variability of the ceramic record also increases
significantly when communities or groups coming from diverse settlements deposit
their pottery in a single archaeological site. In this case, as often happens with sites
that have a ritual or funerary function (e.g., Albero, 2011a), a number of individuals
usually provide different pottery vessels which are related to diverse raw materials
and fabrics, thus promoting heterogeneous ceramic assemblages. In short, to correctly
interpret the degree of variability of the pottery, it is important to determine the origin
of the vessels found in the archaeological record and to assess the way in which the
space was used as well as how the settlement is distributed along the territory.
Another aspect that has been usually associated with the organisation of pottery
production and the level of specialisation, as well as with the properties and
variability of the vessels, is the potter’s skills. In this way, potters play a significant
role in the generation of an iterative process of actions that enable certain
standardisation degree in the production as well as the transfer of technological
knowledge (Budden and Sofaer, 2009). As seen in previous sections, the knowledge
that potters acquire regarding their craft is an essential element of technology
and plays an important role in the reproduction of material culture. Thus, the
maintenance or change of any particular potter’s skills – i.e., certain knowledge and
abilities – is related to specific social dynamics associated with particular learning
strategies (Budden, 2008, 2009).
Potter’s Skills 257
The level of specialisation of the potter’s skills is related to the regularity with which
the artisans use specific techniques and procedures along the production process in
order to develop a particular way of making pottery. In this way, an increase in the
intensity and level of production also raises the repetition of certain technological
actions and experiences of the individuals. In this sense, through continuous practice,
the potters can develop certain skills or behavioural patterns that can lead to more
standardised ceramic assemblages. Hence, differences in the features of the pottery are
often considered related to certain production processes and they can ultimately reflect
different potter’s skills (Arthur, 2003, Blackman, 1993; Budden, 2008, 2009; Budden and
Sofaer, 2009; Costin and Hagstrum, 1995; Ortega et al., 2005; Roux, 2003). For example,
research undertaken in San Nicolas (Philippines) focused on the domestic production
developed by three generations of potters, recorded that the vessels which were shown
to be more standardised statistically were made by the older artisans. Although these
individuals are more familiar with the pottery production and have more expertise,
there is also a strong formal resemblance between the products made by potters from
different generations (Longacre, 1999).
In short, the characteristics of the vessels in terms of the materials and techniques
used for their production, as well as the properties of the end products, are all key
elements to address when considering the potter’s skill. The kind of paste processing
technique or the quality of the forming methods, as well as the finishing surface
treatments and the firing procedures may reveal important information about the
potters themselves, their involvement in pottery production and the consistency of
the learning system at play. In this sense, it is considered, for instance, that the firing
of pottery requires certain specific knowledge and potter’s skills in order to make
possible the maintenance and the reproduction in time and space of certain strategies
and structures involved in this phase of pottery production (Sillar and Tite, 2000).
Taking these premises in mind, two main categories representing different potter’s
skills can be established according to the manufacturing processes in practice and the
kind of final product obtained. These general models are not universal: as always, the
wide potential diversity present in potter’s skills as well as their influence by cultural
peculiarities should be considered.
a) Low-skilled potters: These potters, who develop the whole chaîne opératoire by
themselves, use raw materials hardly purified and processed. Moreover, the
individuals are not very familiar with the properties of the raw materials, and
pastes are often poorly mixed and homogenised. In addition, the joints of the coils
are poorly sealed and uneven firings are frequent. The end products are usually
slightly asymmetrical and there is little consensus regarding the fabrics and types
obtained, which are often related to polyfunctionality phenomena. In many cases,
pottery with such features may be associated with products performed by assistants
or apprentices (Calvo et al., 2014; Vidal, 2011b). In short, all these aspects determine
a high variability in the technological choices made during the production process,
thus promoting a low standardisation of the ceramic assemblages.
258 The Organisation of Pottery Production
Figure 20.1: Conceptual map of the main variables involved in the study of the social organisation of
pottery production and the possible archaeological evidence related to these parameters.
21 Change and Stability in Pottery Production
Pottery is physically very sensitive to change due to its plastic and additive nature.
Thus, archaeologists are often able to observe changes and continuities in the
features of the vessels but, a priori, the dynamics ruling over these changes and
their intensity are unknown. However, ethnography has also demonstrated that both
potters and their products can be very conservative and reluctant to change, even
in social environments in which there is severe acculturation. The reason is that the
adoption of an innovation is always an action that individuals carry out consciously,
thus involving some reflection of at least certain aspects of technology. In this way,
in certain circumstances, people may react and generate an innovation, especially
if they are under external pressure or their biological or social survival depends on
it (Arthur, 2007; Bonifay, 2007; Dobres and Hoffman, 1994; García Rosselló, 2008;
Lavan, 2007; Mannoni, 2007; Vince, 2009).
There are multiple viewpoints to interpret technological change in pottery. The
determination of the factors which may cause change in the ceramics can therefore
depend largely on the perspective of the analyses applied. In any case, among the
several proposals available, functional and ecological perspectives are the ones
most widely used to deal with technological change in material culture. Thus,
interpretations that do not use evolutionary perspectives in terms of “progress” or
functionalist approaches in terms of “efficiency” are quite unusual in pottery studies.
In this sense, the explanation of change from other viewpoints is one of the remaining
issues for archaeological interpretation and specifically for ceramic technology. In
short, the dynamic dimension of the objects is often neglected in many studies.
It is then crucial to reconsider this dynamism since, as seen before, it can greatly
transform the meaning of material culture in both time and space.
the ceramic material ultimately involve a better adaptation to the environment and a
greater ability to act on it.
Authors such as P. Rice (1984a) explained the change in ceramics with the
concepts of equilibrium and oscillation from systems theory. In this sense, there
are external and internal elements that cause cyclical qualitative and quantitative
oscillations in stable cultural contexts. Changes at the internal level occur due to
problems or “pathologies” originated within society itself. Furthermore, there are
multiple external factors that can distort and affect the system as a whole (vide
infra). These disruptions can be differently reflected in the features of the pottery, for
instance through the substitution, addition or subtraction of certain elements. In this
sense, this scholar notes that the process of subtraction is the easiest to identify in
archaeological terms.
For instance, when a conquest takes place, the change in the local ceramic is
usually subtractive rather than additive or substitutive. Thus, it can result in the
elimination or the alteration of certain phases of the chaîne opératoire, such as the
addition of temper or the application of slips. In this regard, P. Rice (1984a) cites the
case of the Aztec hand-made productions after the Spanish conquest. In this case,
potters neither incorporated new designs nor did they stop to manufacture vessels.
Instead, changes were mainly focused on those actions and phases of the chaîne
opératoire that affected less the aesthetic and the technical dimensions of pottery. For
the Spaniards, it was easier to train the individuals that had been out of the traditional
pottery production in the use of new manufacturing techniques (e.g., wheel-thrown,
kiln, etc.), rather than to teach the ancient potters new forms of production.
We can see that in these interpretations of change the individuals are passive.
Changes are imposed from outside or from top to bottom and people do not have any
chance to become active agents. In this sense, it is said that infrequent actions are
not taken by potters unless new problems or needs arise which require an innovative
interaction with the materials (Van As, 1984). Similarly, P. Rice (1984a) concludes
that people usually do not change their behaviour just because they consider an
alternative attractive, but rather because they fail to see the procedures that they were
following feasible in the short-term.
From a functionalist perspective, the force of change in pottery technology is
constituted by the feedback that takes place between individuals, objects and use,
where the biological, social and ideological dimensions are more or less constant.
A change in consumption patterns and the way the users assign to the vessels
can promote modifications in the manufacturing process and the organisation of
production. Thus, through mechanisms such as experimentation, individuals can
improve the functional adaptation of their products according to the user’s practical
needs in a process in which technology itself can also promote social change (Hoard
et al., 1995; Schiffer and Skibo, 1987). In these cases, a slower innovation rate and an
increased standardisation of the method of production may indicate that the objects
264 Change and Stability in Pottery Production
produced are, from a technical perspective, highly suitable for a specific function,
and that, therefore, their effectiveness has significantly increased (Calvo, 2007).
In short, such positions have paid more attention to the use of the vessels than
to their production in order to explain technological change. Thus, Kingery (1984)
has pointed out that once the potters recognise a number of users’ needs that are
not satisfied, they can quickly adopt certain technological choices, materials and
techniques in order to address such needs, always keeping in mind the resources
available. Once the maximum efficiency is reached, the changes made to the vessels
are limited and related to stylistic or social aspects that are considered secondary in
the production process. This is the case of features that act as potter’s signatures (e.g.,
decorative patterns) which are aimed at identifying and distinguishing an ethnic
group, lineage or production unit, etc.
The ecological, economic and functional perspectives understand that it is
necessary to invest in certain materials and energy in order to achieve a pottery
adapted to the environment and pre-existing needs. In this sense, many changes can
be introduced in the pottery-making process in order to reduce the energy needed for
production (Rice, 1984b). Nevertheless, in this same line of thought, technological
change itself does not exist without a cost. Potters must learn new behaviours related
to the management of resources, the manufacturing process and the properties of the
vessels with which they are unfamiliar. Thus, until the potters move with ease in the
use of new techniques and materials, they must experiment with new clay sources,
raw materials, techniques and even tools that meet the new needs of the production.
This situation, in addition to increasing the risk of failure in the pottery production,
generates a process of experimentation through which potters try to achieve an
efficient artefact according to their needs, knowledge and abilities (Arnold, 2000).
The uncertainty that derives from putting poorly standardised products into
circulation as a consequence of some new behavioural patterns of the potters also
affects the users. These users should know the reasons underlying the changes
introduced in the artefacts and which are the functional possibilities or physical
properties of the vessels they purchase, as well as the type of maintenance they
require. In short, the risk of failure of the activities developed by the users is also
increased if these parameters are poorly stipulated.
According to the processualist viewpoint, widespread changes regarding the
manufacture and use of the pottery are produced as a result of transcultural ways
of perceiving reality and of common cognitive structures. An example linking diet
and ceramics is related to perceptual abilities such as the sense of taste, which is
partially influenced by the contents that are filtered into the vessel walls through the
pores (Skibo, 1992). In many societies taste can play an important role in the cultural
justification of the use of certain ceramic assemblages and culinary methods (Arnold,
1985; Skibo, 1992). Thus, one argument that is often used for the maintenance of
traditional cooking vessels in the culinary tradition is precisely the characteristic
flavour that their use gives to the food cooked in them. The perception of a particular
Pottery Change in Processual Archaeology 265
flavour can inhibit change in many societies, since the taste of foodstuffs is considered
a key element of culture (Balfet, 1984; Mills, 1999; Rice, 1984b; Schiffer and Skibo,
1987; Sillar and Tite, 2000).
In short, from this perspective the adaptation to the environment and the use
of the vessels, along with common cognitive structures, determine the way in which
transcultural technological changes are manifested in the pottery as well as how they
relate to certain forms of social organisation. Nevertheless, there are two processes that
make the interpretation of the changes in the attributes of the artefacts exclusively by
means of practical or adaptive terms more difficult. On the one hand, although in this
perspective both the individual and the material culture are understood as passive
agents unable to generate changes (Hodder, 1991), it is accepted that there is some
variability in the pottery as a consequence of individual strategies based on artistic
and social criteria. Thus, these individual actions have little to do with functional
or technical purposes. On the other hand, it is thought that changes in the function
do not always entail changes in the characteristics of the objects, since reuse or
amortization processes often involve just a translation of the contexts of use (Hodder,
1991; Mills, 1999; Nelson, 1987 in Schiffer and Skibo, 1987; Rice, 1984b; Van As, 1984).
Finally, such theoretical positions entail epistemological problems, since the cause
(i.e., the change itself) is at the same time a consequence of the change: researchers
always refer to the subsequent effect rather than to the origin of the change itself or
the people’s intentions and previous ideas (Hodder, 1991).
In the following paragraphs we summarise some of the processes that, from a
systemic viewpoint, are considered to be involved in the technological change in
pottery.
a) External Contacts
Changes in the pottery can result from external processes. People are not static but
move around the territory, giving rise to cultural contacts, migrations and returns,
commercial links, conquests and invasions, etc. In this sense, the information
exchange that takes place between people as a result of these contacts and movements
can promote changes and innovations in the material culture that individuals make
and use not only in their socioeconomic relations but also in other aspects such as
culinary traditions (Lavan, 2007; Mills, 1999; Steponaitis, 1984).
As it is well documented in many cultures and places, for example in
Scandinavian or British prehistory (Mannoni, 2007; Williams, 1982), intense contact
with external agents affect the system and reactivate certain internal stimuli that can
cause changes in pottery production. These dynamics can promote changes in the
knowledge transfer systems and the organisation of production that are reflected in
the end products, for example, in the types of vessels produced or the techniques and
materials used in their manufacture. An evidence of the impact of these contacts in
pottery production is the emergence of new forms, manufactured or not with the same
techniques and materials, linked with ideas, values, aesthetic standards or traditions
266 Change and Stability in Pottery Production
that differ from the ones traditionally established in a given society. This process of
interaction between internal and external agents can culminate, for instance, in the
production of vessels inspired in foreign models or the adoption of certain techniques
such as the potter’s wheel. The contacts can also result in a close interaction between
the different types of ceramics (e.g., hand-made or wheel-made pottery) in certain
contexts. Furthermore, the opposite phenomenon occurs when there is a geographical
or social isolation of some potter communities or social groups. In this case, this
isolation may promote more stable pottery traditions.
In the case of asymmetrical cultural contacts, one of the reasons that may promote
change in the pottery is the different value given to the vessels by traditional and
dominant societies (Rice, 1987). Thus, external agents and indigenous peoples can
attach different values to the objects they exchange (Krueger, 2008). As pointed out
by H. Neff (2014), regardless of the value of the product, the transport of the vessels
in itself increases the cost of pottery, so that the presence of imported materials can
be related to the dynamics of social hierarchy. Moreover, the emergence of imported
wares in local contexts may involve a depreciation of the social value of locally
produced ceramics (Albero, 2011a). In these situations, the use of local wares can be
rejected in certain contexts and activities. All this process of depreciation can trigger
changes in the organisation of the local pottery production and in some technical
features of the products, such as the level of standardisation of the fabrics and their
quality. The emergence of a situation in which imported ceramic wares compete with
pottery manufactured by means of traditional procedures may favour, therefore, a
restructuration of the indigenous production systems. Hence, the potters may try
to adjust their technological traditions to a new situation in which their traditional
human and material resources, in a way, do not make sense any more (Pfaffenberger,
1992).
b) Subsistence Strategy
It has been observed that alterations in the techniques, materials and forms of the
ceramics often coincide with major systemic changes related to adjustments in the
subsistence strategies carried on and the lifestyle of people. A good example is the
decline of the Roman society in the fifth century AD and the subsequent change to
hand-made pottery productions in many areas where wheel-made productions were
highly standardised (Arthur, 2007). Therefore, subsistence strategy and lifestyle are
elements that can affect the use of space, the management of resources and the users’
demand. In short, these are factors that can promote changes in the organisation of
ceramic production, the materials used and the end products obtained (Mannoni,
2007; Schiffer and Skibo, 1987; Varela, 1990).
In many societies, pottery plays a key role in food preparation, storage and
consumption patterns, aspects that are closely related to subsistence strategies. In
this sense, changes in productivity can cause variations in the size of the vessels. An
example is the cooking wares from Puebla (USA), which increased in size matching
Pottery Change in Processual Archaeology 267
the purposes, functions and properties of the pottery in order to adequately develop
its utilitarian role in society (Arnold, 1985; Mills, 1999; Varela, 1990).
According to several authors (Balfet, 1984, Mills, 1999; Rice, 1984b), a shorter
social distance between producers and users promotes higher technological stability
in the ceramics. As ethnographically observed, this assumption is especially
significant when the role of producer and user falls to the same individual. However,
P. Rice (1984b) notes that an increase in the distance existing between users and
producers, for example through the introduction of intermediaries in the distribution
of the vessels, can promote greater stability in the pottery as well. In this case, the
producers carry out their production being relatively unaware of the changes that
take place in the context of use and the needs of the user. In consequence, potters do
not introduce changes or new technological choices in the manufacturing process.
d) Demography
The demographic changes that may take place in the contexts of use can also affect
the way pottery is manufactured. For example, in the Kalinga village of Dangtalan, a
correlation between the number of people that inhabit each household and the size of
the cooking ware was recorded (Mills, 1999). This exemplifies that there may be a close
connection between the size of the serving, storage or cooking vessels and the number
of members that make up a household. Thus, a change in the composition of the
domestic contexts may imply changes in the intensity and scale of pottery production
as well as in the size or the technology of the vessels. Ultimately, this viewpoint stills
understands the change in ceramics as an adaptation to the environment, since it
argues that the size of the group is determined by the environment and the economic
base. As a consequence, these are the primary factors that condition how changes are
manifested in the vessels.
The size, density and growth rate of the population may influence pottery
production. In situations of high demographic pressure the scale and intensity
of pottery production may be significantly intensified, which in turn involves a
greater pressure on the environment. Thus, the changes in production can be clearly
determined by the relationship that humans establish with their natural environment
(vide infra). In this way, demographic factors are highly relevant in the way this
relationship takes place. In this sense, authors such as W. Waldren (1982) explain the
changes in the paste recipes and technological traditions observed in the Balearic
Islands during the Bronze Age by arguing that the adoption of certain technological
choices promoted a more efficient and sustainable relationship with the natural
environment. This scholar stated that the addition of spathic calcite into the paste
as temper determined the use of low-temperature firing conditions, thus promoting
the consumption of lower amounts of fuel. Ultimately, the new technological choices
reduced the anthropic pressure over the environment, an aspect that could be highly
relevant in a situation of gradual population growth and population concentration.
Pottery Change in Processual Archaeology 269
Other authors (Rice, 1984a) also consider that population changes are actively
involved in the technological change recorded in pottery production. In this sense, a
population increase, especially if it involves the introduction of people from outside
the group, may imply the incorporation of a greater number of experiences and a
higher level of exchange of new technological knowledge between individuals. This
new situation may entail, therefore, the redefinition of pre-existing technological
traditions.
An increase or decrease in the population may also influence how people settle in
the territory. Thus, the presence of new settlement patterns affects the way pottery is
distributed and used across the territory. Moreover, changes in the settlement pattern
often affect the level of variability of the raw materials used in pottery production,
since new clays and tempers can enter the circuit (Arnold, 2000; Rye, 1981).
e) Natural Environment
Technological stability is the consequence, in a way, of the strong relationship
that exists between the resources used and certain ways of making (Rice, 1984b).
As seen in previous chapters, ceramic ecology considers the technological change
in pottery as the result of environmental factors (e.g., floods, droughts, etc.) which
can affect the accessibility and availability of certain clays, tempers and fuels used
in pottery production. It considered that it is unlikely that natural phenomena may
cause an intense alteration that affects the natural resources available as a whole.
However, the environment largely determines the technological choices and the
kind of end products obtained, as well as their level of variability. In this sense, the
disappearance, even temporarily, of a given resource may cause a redefinition of the
pottery production strategy.
Thus, technical and stylistic changes in pottery may be related to the quality and
amount of fuels available for pottery firing (Mannoni, 2007; Rice, 1984b; Sillar, 2000;
Waldren, 1982). A fuel shortage may involve changes in the exploitation strategy of
biotic resources, thus altering the amount and type of fuels used to promote greater
environmental sustainability and a better balance between the several needs that
people meet in their daily life.
If the fuels used in the pottery firing change, the potters would need to experiment
with the firing strategy, thus increasing the risk of failure in the pottery production.
In this way, changes in the fuels may cause, for instance, a reduction in the firing
temperature or in the intensity and level of production (Rice, 1984b; Sillar, 2000;
Waldren, 1982). This aspect may be particularly significant in areas in which there
is a high population pressure on the natural environment and where resources are
scarce. The management of fuel can also determine changes in the location in which
the pottery production is carried out. For example, in Chamula (Mexico) or in potter
communities from the Philippines, the deforestation and the subsequent absence of
fuel has forced the potters to relocate their production areas (Rice, 1984b).
270 Change and Stability in Pottery Production
We have already seen that, through the habitus and the transmission of information,
certain contexts that are consequence of specific historical practices are constantly
reproduced and transformed by new historical practices whose productive principle
is created by the same structures that it tends to reproduce (Bourdieu, 1977).
Therefore, any technological choice responds to certain historical processes carried
out by different groups of individuals that perform diverse interactions with the social
and natural environment, thus generating different historical developments in the
different areas and societies. Then, as noted Dornan (2002), the agency of individuals
and groups as well as the motivations that explain their purposes in space and time
must be necessarily approached at the micro-scale level (i.e., human scale) and
through specific historical and cultural contexts.
Pottery is always embedded in a society in a specific way, which therefore creates
a complex interaction between both that requires multiple lines of evidence to grasp
a proper interpretation of the changes produced. In this sense, it is important to
consider that there are certain constraints in pottery studies regarding the possibility
to study the changes that affect society as a whole. Hence, it is crucial to relate
change in ceramic technology with social practices and the variability present in
the technology of any society. As a consequence, the context in which technology
makes sense and the characteristics that define the societies under study must be
well-known to properly explain the change found in ceramics. The meaning of pottery
272 Change and Stability in Pottery Production
within the historical processes in which it is embedded can only be understood only
from serious, detailed and long-term approaches which consider a rich corpus of data
and macro-scalar viewpoints (Pauketat, 2001).
For example, the role of an individual’s agency and the technological interaction
developed in each culture regarding the maintenance of certain food culture,
foodstuffs and culinary traditions can be considered. As we have seen, these aspects
are closely related to pottery technology and can promote either technological change
or stability (Albero and Puerta, 2011; Dobres and Hoffman, 1994; Fuller, 2005; García
Rosselló, 2008; Mannoni, 2007). Pottery is actively involved in many daily activities,
such as cooking and food consumption, developed in different contexts in which an
intense interaction and exchange of information takes place between the members
involved in these social practices. Thus, the act of eating and drinking is a social
experience present in societies with diverse scales and composition. Such practices
can be extremely resistant to change, even when the individuals are in communities
other than their own.
Specific consumption patterns such as feasts can favour the development of
ceramics with distinctive traits (Bowser and Patton, 2004). The features of the vessels
may be related, for example, to the number of people who consume specific food or to
the visibility which is often associated with the act of eating. In this sense, pottery can
be used as an indicator of changes in the size of the groups involved in the feasts and
their social position. Thus, changes in the status of individuals and the emergence of
social differences can promote modifications in the vessels (Mills, 1999).
Furthermore, the technological changes can take place at multiple levels in
the ceramics. For instance, new paste recipes can coincide with adjustments in the
typology or the size of the vessels. In this sense, it is important to record the presence
of typological modifications in the vessels along with other technological changes
since, as pointed out by Osborne (2007), the shape of the vessels can be one of the
best indicators of the existence of a certain lifestyle. In this sense, a change in the
forms associated with the addition of new materials such as calcite temper in the
paste is documented for example in Woodland ceramics from Mississippi, Missouri
and Illinois in the USA during the first millennium AD (Hoard et al., 1995), as well as
in the Balearic Islands during the Bronze Age (Albero, 2011a).
While changes may take place at the macro-scale level, i.e., affecting the entire
material culture, transformations in the social organisation may not necessarily
have a reflection on technology. Thus, there are cases in which certain potter’s skills,
methods of pottery manufacture and the use of specific materials and techniques
remain stable even though significant cultural changes occur in other technologies.
However, in these cases, potters can adjust their knowledge and forms of organisation
to the new situation (Mannoni, 2007). In short, as I. Hodder (1982) pointed out, there
is not necessarily a connection between changes in the pottery and modifications in
the culture as a whole. In other words, there may be changes in the pottery, but they
do not have to be simultaneous with changes in the other dimensions of material
Agency and Change in Pottery Technology 273
culture (e.g., settlement pattern, architecture, etc.). The same happens conversely,
changes in burial patterns may not be reflected in the ceramics. This disconnection
is documented, for instance, in the transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age in
the Balearic Islands, when deep changes take place in the settlement pattern or the
typology of the architectural structures but many aspects of the pottery production
and other technologies show a clear continuity (Albero, 2011a).
In many cases, changes in the ceramics do not coincide with other social and
political changes well-known in the historical records. In this sense pottery seems to be
related to everyday events, a specific lifestyle, habitus and ways of doing things rather
than to political events, although the latter can also affect the daily life of people.
This discordance and disjunction suggests that a change in the material culture is not
necessarily mirrored by a change in the meaning of the action, expression or object;
in other words, two different objects may have the same meaning. This process can
also take place in reverse: there may be changes in the meanings that are not reflected
in the materiality. Artefacts, materials and techniques that are socially consolidated
can be maintained but reinterpreted and adjusted to the new needs and ideas of the
individuals. Finally, as we have already noted, a given technological choice may have
completely divergent roles and meanings in different technologies and societies.
In short, the complex interactions between individuals, objects, uses and contexts
determine the acceptance of the artefacts in each society and the way technological
change or stability takes place (Arthur, 2003; Lavan, 2007; Pfaffenberger, 1992; Roux,
2003).
Technological change should be understood as a multi-causal process, with
different interconnected events which in turn have multiple consequences. The reason
is that from the moment a technology is established in a society and associated with
certain social and ideological practices, the significance of the artefacts is also related
to the multiple dimensions of society. As already stated, the artefacts acquire multiple
roles by means of the deep interaction that takes place between materiality, lifestyle,
agency, habitus and social organisation. The changes in the techniques and materials
should then be considered in a specific technological context involving several scales
and kinds of elements: social, economic, political, identity, ideological, symbolic, etc.
Deep transformations in the system occur when structural change takes place.
Thus, systems in which the phenomena were previously organised into well-
established categories among the members of the society give rise to other self-
organised critical systems, i.e., systems in which chaos and periodic adjustment of
meanings and categories are the dominant dynamics (Bentley and Maschner, 2001).
Processes like this allow the mutation of the categories structuring the system, thus
favouring the emergence of new elements that lead to different concepts through the
praxis. In this sense, we must consider which agents are able to promote changes
in the pottery and what factors and contexts may promote stability and resistance.
In short, we have to consider the individuals’ willingness to change, and indeed the
274 Change and Stability in Pottery Production
group as a whole, since people may be more or less receptive to, or differentially
motivated regarding any specific change (Dornan, 2002).
We have already mentioned that once the apprentices are trained and used
generally from an early age to the dynamics that rule over the many dimensions of
pottery, their ways of doing can remain quite stable throughout their life. However,
it should be also considered that, even in closed societies, not all individuals are
unwilling to acquire new information. In this sense, many re-conceptualisations may
take place, promoting, for instance, changes in the aesthetic sense, in the tastes or the
perceptual categories of the members of a given society. In these situations, potters
may react or not to the new social needs. Thus, when a new technological choice is
adopted, a break up between new and old potters may take place, for example. In
these situations, the old potters typically try to discredit the new ones, by blaming
them for changing the traditional rules and values that make up group identity
(Arnold, 1999; Varela, 1990).
In summary, contextual perspectives emphasise, on the one hand, that both
individuals and their active role as social agents have to be fully considered when
addressing the processes dealing with technological change. On the other hand,
generalizations of the patterns of change and continuity observed in different
societies cannot be made, since different communities may have diverse motivations
regarding the way pottery production and material culture as a whole are developed.
Once more, it is convenient to apply a wide range of criteria and approaches to
properly interpret technological change in ceramics. This implies considering at least
functional, ecological and sociocultural factors as interrelated in specific ways in
each cultural context. The complementary application of several perspectives is the
basis to undertake more holistic and complex approaches to change in past societies.
However, these diverse factors may not have the same relevance in the development
of certain ceramic assemblages, thus determining the features of the vessels in
diverse ways. The relative dominance of one interpretative trend over another should
be then assessed from a contextual well-established framework and reinforced by the
crossing of various kinds of data.
We have seen how technological change in pottery can be explained, for instance,
by means of a better efficiency and adaptation to use, environmental or economic
models, as well as by the ability of the individuals to act in a society. However, the fact
is that, in order to develop a solid argument for an interpretive theory of change, we
must first be able to record which aspects of the vessels are changing and how they
are related to modifications in the organisation of production or in the materials and
techniques used in the manufacture of ceramics. Thus, technological changes may
affect certain physical features of the pottery and their level of variability.
Change and Variability in Pottery 275
reconfiguration of the entire chaîne opératoire and higher risks during the production
process. In these cases, there is a high probability of failure due to the limited
interaction existing between the potters and the new raw materials being exploited
(Arnold, 2000; Rice, 1987; Steponaitis, 1984).
However, despite being rather resistant, there are several ethnographic studies
that show that the way in which potters prepare their pastes can also be prone to
change (Barley, 1994; García Rosselló, 2008; Gosselain, 1992; Tilley, 2006). Potters
can alter their technological choices by multiple causes and implement strategies
of experimentation and individual innovation regarding the various techniques
and materials, as well as mixtures with different proportions of the raw materials
which are involved in the manufacturing process (see, for instance, Sillar, 1997). This
experimentation process increases the level of variability found in the pastes and
the ceramic assemblages produced. In this sense, diversity and heterogeneity in the
ceramic record refer, unlike homogeneity, to behaviours at the individual rather than
the communal level (Arnold, 2000; Rice, 1987).
There are many societies in which changes in the kind of temper and materials
used in pottery production are observed. In the following paragraphs we will present an
example focused on the modifications occurring in paste recipes that are characterised
by the use of organic matter as temper. Moreover, these changes are explained from
different theoretical perspectives. Broadly speaking, from an evolutionary viewpoint,
it is considered that organic temper is a material that characterises many pottery
productions of Early Neolithic societies, being usually associated with a nomadic
or semi-nomadic lifestyle (London, 1981; Sestier, 2005). In this sense, pastes rich
in organic matter were eventually replaced by paste recipes characterised by the
presence, and often by the addition, of high amounts of mineral components. It is
considered that these kinds of paste are less porous, more functional and durable,
and thus better suited to the needs of sedentary societies. For instance, in Moundville
(Alabama, USA) potters abandoned the use of organic matter and started to temper
their pastes with shell and certain mineral components (Steponaitis, 1984).
However, there are some unusual cases, such as the ceramic assemblages from
Canterbury in England (Mainman, 1982) or the Iron Age in Mallorca (Albero, 2011a;
Palomar, 2005), in which pastes rich in mineral components in some sedentary societies
are replaced by others very rich in organic matter. This change in the materials and
paste recipes has been considered from evolutionary and functionalist perspectives as
a technological involution in which the use of organic matter provides lower quality
products related to highly porous and brittle fabrics. Therefore, this change was
considered not to obey the evolutionary principles associated with a technological
development in terms of the maximum efficiency of the products manufactured, but as
the consequence of other certain social factors (Mainman, 1982).
It can be accepted that this change in pottery recipes involves significant
alterations in the physical and mechanical properties of the vessels, thereby
affecting the processes of manufacture, use and maintenance of the pottery as well
Change and Variability in Pottery 277
as their potential life expectancy. In short, the quality24 of the ceramics is reduced by
introducing organic matter into the paste. However, from a social perspective of the
role of technology it must be considered that these traits do not necessarily imply a
technological setback per se. In contrast, these new technological choices affecting
the way the paste is prepared respond to changing social needs and practices that the
individuals should meet as far as possible.
Thus, although these kinds of fabrics are often seen as poor quality and non-
functional materials, in many ethnographic cases, such as in the Benishangul-Gumuz
region in Ethiopia (González Ruibal, 2005) organic temper is added to the pastes of
vessels with a utilitarian purpose. Despite not being the most effective technological
choice, pastes rich in organic matter could have been used to produce cooking pots.
In order to enlarge on the reasons that motivate the development of this
technological choice, we can try to identify if there are changes in the intensity of
production, as there may be a close relationship between an increase in this parameter
and a worsening of the quality and durability of the pottery produced (García Rosselló,
2008). Likewise, one can also consider whether similar changes are taking place in the
firing strategy and the scale at which this phase of the chaîne opératoire takes place.
In short, we can confirm if the innovations observed in the techniques and materials
used may be related to a change in the social organisation of pottery production. Such
a change can be visible not only in the contexts of production, but also in the level
of variability of the vessels and the management and preparation of raw materials as
well as the firing strategy.
As we have already seen, the study of firing strategies involves much more than
economic determinism or physicochemical aspects, since this phase of pottery
production implies the expression of the cultural tradition and the social organisation
of production (Gosselain, 1992b). On the one hand, the use of certain firing procedures
may be associated with structures that require a greater degree of interaction between
individuals, as observed between the Kusasi potters in Ghana (Calvo et al., 2011, 2013).
In these cases, there may be a greater degree of cooperation between the potters in
activities such as fuel procurement, loading the vessels into the firing structures or
monitoring the firing process. On the other hand, there are firing structures, as in
the case of Konkomba potters (Calvo et al., 2011, 2013), which are better adapted
to independent productions. The organisation of pottery production can explain,
in turn, an increase in the variability of ceramics. For example, when pottery
24 It should be noted that the concept of quality is typical of a western and modern viewpoint and
carries strong economic and functionalist implications. Hence, different qualities are usually related
to different investment strategies (e.g., regarding labour, materials and time or energy) carried out
according to the achievement of different types of products that must meet certain specifications and
requirements. Therefore, this term should be considered specifically in economic terms and does not
include the social and cultural value that each individual or society gives to the products.
278 Change and Stability in Pottery Production
Figure 21.1: Conceptual map summarising multiple variables that interact in the technological
change in ceramics.
Final Reflections
Throughout this book we have tried to provide a broad view of some of the different
levels of analysis that are involved in the study of pottery production in archaeology
and, especially, in the study of pottery pastes and fabrics using archaeometric
methodologies.
In this sense, rather than focusing our efforts on describing in detail the wide
range of techniques or methodologies currently used in the characterisation of
ceramic materials, we have chosen to consider in detail some of the main theoretical
frameworks from which ceramic technology is usually interpreted. This has involved
dealing with the main concepts and viewpoints currently used in archaeological
research as well as highlighting their possibilities and constraints in order to promote
an archaeological praxis that may allow developing more complex discourses about
past societies which also possess greater internal consistency.
In this sense a wide overview of certain aspects of the pottery analysis was
presented, considering the main perspectives that can be applied when undertaking
the study of pottery technology and the analysis of pastes and fabrics. Thus, the
ultimate goal of this book is to encourage reflection, especially by those researchers
who face the analysis of ceramics for the first time, by providing a background for the
generation of their own research and formulate their own questions depending on
their concerns and interests.
In fine, on the one hand, we considered the relevance of fabric analysis and
the application of an archaeometric methodology to carry out a comprehensive
assessment of the materials, techniques and manufacturing processes involved in
pottery production as well as of the properties of the end products. However, it has
also been emphasised that as archaeologists we must also interpret the features of
the vessels according to the social context they participated in, considering issues
that go beyond the materials, the natural environment or the subsistence basis and
biological needs of the individuals.
This change in the analytical level, in which we go beyond the physical materiality
to deal with the multiple social practices and intangible phenomena involved in the
life cycle of ceramics, can be achieved by analysing the pottery in its historical context
and by using of concepts such as agency, technological choice, habitus, technological
tradition, social organisation of production, identity, transmission of information and
knowledge, learning strategies, etc.
The combination of the huge corpus of data that can be obtained through
archaeometric approaches along with these theoretical concepts and a deep
contextual analysis provides an adequate framework for understanding the way
pottery production is organised and clarifies the meaning and role of the pottery. Thus,
ultimately, this methodology allows us to inquire about the organisation of a society
itself. Moreover, this analytical strategy permits us to address some of the reasons
why technological change takes place in pottery production and its relationship with
280 Final Reflections
the development of certain social dynamics in which the whole material culture is
involved.
Nevertheless, before addressing such questions we must first be able to design
analytical strategies meant to help identify the development of certain technological
traditions through the study of both the material record and the archaeological
context. In this sense, we have seen that the chaîne opératoire constitutes a suitable
theoretical and methodological framework to study the features of the vessels,
their properties and processes of physical change. This analytical framework
focused on the features of the pottery and its properties allows tackling the level of
specialisation of production, the potter’s skills and the variability found in ceramic
assemblages.
The features of the vessels also point to the existence of specific paste recipes,
technological choices and pottery traditions whose characteristics are the consequence
of the degree of interaction that took place between the individuals of a given social
group. In short, the presence of these recipes as well as of a specific technological
tradition demonstrates the existence of common practices that reinforce social ties
and have significance in identity terms.
The application of multiple theoretical frameworks and viewpoints, among
which we should include ethnoarchaeology and experimental archaeology, is
crucial in order to carry out a more complex interpretation of material culture
and its relation to social structure. However, it should not be forgotten that our
assumptions and hypotheses are inevitably based on a comprehensive study of the
archaeological record. Thus, the study of ancient technologies must necessarily
consider material culture in order to understand the relation that takes place
among materiality, praxis and social structure. In this sense, a precise and accurate
characterisation of the vessels should be done in order to thoroughly address
technology and its social dimension by means of the multiple technological
choices involved in pottery production. In short, the study of pottery production
should aim at characterising the different elements involved in the technological
tradition as a whole.
Once the ceramic assemblages are characterized, it is possible to generate
explanations regarding the way pottery production is socially organised and how
ceramic technology interacts with the other technologies and social dynamics
recorded through the analysis of other kinds of artefacts. This involves an inductive
and deductive process that allows investigating how particular phenomena
observed in the pottery are connected through time and space with diverse social
dynamics and other kinds of structural phenomena. Thus, we should try to
develop complex explanations involving different scales of analysis as well as to
develop fractal-like models focused on the reproduction of the meanings attached
to material culture at multiple levels and dimensions. To this end, it is absolutely
necessary to relate first the features of the ceramics to their deposition and use
contexts. Such an approach is crucial to understand whether specific ways of
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List of Figures
Figure 3.1: A) Microphotograph taken with binocular microscope of a coarse textured pottery with
calcite crystals added as temper (Image width = 10.5 mm). B) Segmented binary image acquired
through image analysis with the pixels related to calcite grains already detected. 16
Figure 3.2: Thin sections photomicrographs taken in cross-polarised light of A) a petrofabric charac-
terized by the presence of metamorphic rocks (e.g., phyllite) (Image width = 3.8 mm) and B)
petrofabric characterized by the presence of acid igneous rocks (e.g., granite) (Image width =
3.8 mm). 24
Figure 3.3: Photomicrographs taken in cross-polarised light of A) a petrofabric characterized by
the presence of abundant coarse and euhedral spathic calcite crystals with a polymodal
distribution (image width = 2.7 mm). B) Petrofabric with a porous matrix characterised by
the presence of basic igneous rock fragments with plagioclase crystals and ferromagnesian
minerals (Image width = 3.3 mm). 27
Figure 3.4: A) Backscattered electron image of a ceramic showing the pores in black, the clay matrix
in dark grey and calcite crystals in white colour (x50). B) Secondary electron image showing the
microstructure of a pottery vessel formed by the presence of lamellar clay minerals. 38
Figure 3.5: A) SEM electron secondary image of a foraminifer identified in a clay deposit. B) Thin
section photomicrograph taken in cross polarised light showing a foraminifer (Globigerina)
identified in a ceramic (Image width = 225 µm). 40
Figure 6.1: Thin section microphotographs taken in cross polarised light of fine-textured and
well-rounded clay pellets that clearly differ from the surrounding clay matrix (A: Image width=
2.7 mm; B: Image width = 1.75 mm). 61
Figure 6.2: Thin section microphotographs taken in cross polarised light showing foraminifera
identified in archaeological ceramics (Globogerinidae and Rupertina) (Image width= 215 µm).
61
Figure 6.3: Thin section microphotographs taken in cross polarised light (Image width = 4.6 mm)
showing A) terra rossa clay used as building material and B) a well-rounded iron nodule of
pedogenic origin containing some quartz grains in an archaeological ceramic. 63
Figure 8.1: Photomicrographs taken with binocular microscope showing a A) ceramic section with
a large rock fragment of several millimetres (Image width = 11.2 mm). B) Fine-textured pottery
related, perhaps, to an intense purification and levigation process (Image width = 11 mm).
67
Figure 8.2: Thin sections photomicrographs showing tempers in ceramics (Image width = 870 µm).
A) Fabric with abundant euhedral, prismatic and rhombic crystals of spathic calcite (XPL). B)
Imprints of organic matter temper with some charred fibres and the presence of thin and thick
stems (PPL). 70
Figure 8.3: Thin section photomicrographs showing A) Fabric composed by sub-angular and
sub-rounded monocrystalline quartz sand with a polymodal distribution (XPL; Image width =
4.6 mm). B) Crushed ceramic fragments added to the paste as temper (PPL; Image width = 2.3
mm). 72
Figure 8.4: A) Thin section photomicrograph in cross polarised light showing crushed calcarenites
added as temper along with a large fragment of sandy limestone (Image width = 2.7 mm).
B) Photomicrograph taken with binocular microscope showing organic matter temper with a
lamellar arrangement (Image width = 12.2 mm). 73
Figure 8.5: Thin section photomicrographs of A) textural feature concentrations with distinctive
colour in cross polarised light (Image width = 1.75 mm). B) A multi-coloured matrix in plane-
polarised light (Image width = 4.9 mm). 75
Change and Variability in Pottery 315
Figure 9.1: Thin section photomicrographs in cross polarised light (Image width = 2.7 mm) showing
a A) continuous fracture crossing perpendicularly the wall of the pottery; note how the particles
have a parallel alignment along the fracture. B) Parallel alignment of inclusions, tempers and
voids along the vessel margins. 78
Figure 11.1: Iron-rich slip detected in a pottery. A) Thin section photomicrograph taken in cross
polarised light showing a fine-textured and thin reddish slip filling the pores in the vessel
surface (Image width = 2.3 mm). B) Photomicrograph taken with binocular microscope of the
same red slip observed on the surface of the vessel (Image width = 11.2 mm). 83
Figure 11.2: Thick coarse-textured slip. A) Photomicrograph taken with binocular microscope
showing the chromatic and textural differences between the slip and the ceramic body (Image
width = 10.2 mm). B) Thin section photomicrograph in cross polarised light (Image width = 4.6
mm) of the same pottery vessel in which the textural divergences are evident. 84
Figure 11.3: Photomicrographs taken with binocular microscope showing the effect of burnish the
surface of the ceramic. A) Glossy metallic lustre. B) Parallel alignment of the temper along the
vessel margins due to surface treatments such as paddle and burnish (Image width = 11 mm).
85
Figure 12.1: Thermodynamic assessment of some pottery samples in a ternary phase diagram of the
CaO-Al2O3-SiO2 system. The position of the points is related to the high temperature minerals
expected in the vessels depending on their chemical composition and firing temperature.
88
Figure 12.2: XRPD diffractograms showing well-preserved peaks of illite-muscovite and montmo-
rillonite in an archaeological pottery. 90
Figure 12.3: Secondary electron images (SEM-ESED) showing the matrix microstructure of two
ceramics. A) Smooth surfaces and soft and rounded melting points in clay sheets from a pottery
with high temperature mineral phases (> 850°C). B) Very early stage of sintering in the clay
matrix of a pottery (< 800°C). 91
Figure 12.4: DTA-TGA analysis showing the thermometric behaviour of an experimental sample of
calcareous clay tempered with spathic calcite. Note the presence of an endothermic peak and a
noticeable weight loss in the sample between 700º and 800ºC. 92
Figure 12.5: XRPD diffractogram showing high temperature phases such as gehlenite, anorthite or
hematite identified in a calcareous ceramic. 96
Figure 12.6: Thin section photomicrographs taken with cross polarised light showing A) calcite
crystals supra-altered in the external margin of the vessel and altered crystals in the core of the
section (Image width = 2.7 mm). B) Translucent and unaltered spathic calcite crystals (Image
width = 1.1 mm). 96
Figure 12.7: DTA-TGA analysis showing the thermometric behaviour of an experimental sample of
calcareous clay tempered with 20% (in volume) of organic matter (Poaceae). Note the presence
of two exothermic peaks at 362ºC and 503ºC related to the oxidation of the organic matter.
98
Figure 12.8: Thin section photomicrograph taken in plane polarised light showing graphitized
organic matter added to the paste in a pottery. Note that the firing process in this fabric results
in significant increase in porosity (Image width = 4.6 mm). 99
Figure 12.9: Time-temperature curves of open firings recorded in the Upper East and Northern
regions of Ghana (after Calvo et al., 2013). A) Konkomba bonfire without any insulation. B)
Kusasi firing with insulation construction covered with broken ceramics. 105
Figure 13.1: Conceptual scheme of the formation of successive fabrics from the use of different raw
materials, temper and firing procedures. 108
Figure 18.1: Back Scattered Electron Image (SEM-BSEI) showing the porous micro-structure in a paste
tempered with spathic calcite crystals. 170
316 List of Figures
Figure 18.2: Constant rate of drying of a paste observed in a figure that includes the time and rate of
loss weight in samples dried at ambient temperature. Drying curves from experimental samples
with non-tempered clay, clay tempered with spathic calcite (20% of the volume), clay tempered
with organic matter (20% of the volume) and clay tempered with 10% of the volume of both
tempers. 170
Figure 18.3: Microphotographs showing A) a huge organic matter fragment naturally occurring in the
clay used to made an adobe brick (Image width = 11.2 mm). B) Organic matter added as temper
in a building material used to waterproof a roof (Image width = 11.6 mm). 176
Figure 18.4: Multifactor performance matrix comprising physical properties of different pottery
fabrics. 176
Figure 18.5: Multifactor performance matrix comprising some physical properties that imply the use
of different tempers in pottery production. 176
Figure 19.1: Domestic learning context related to kusasi pottery production in the Upper-East Region
of Ghana (Source: ArqueoUIB Research Group). 207
Figure 19.2: Konkomba potter from the Northern Region of Ghana carrying on raw material from the
clay pit to the production area across crop fields (Source: ArqueoUIB Research Group). 239
Figure 19.3: Konkomba potter from the Northern Region of Ghana preparing grog, a temper used
in a traditional paste recipe shared by all the konkomba potters (Source: ArqueoUIB Research
Group). 244
Figure 20.1: Conceptual map of the main variables involved in the study of the social organisation
of pottery production and the possible archaeological evidence related to these parameters.
261
Figure 21.1: Conceptual map summarising multiple variables that interact in the technological
change in ceramics. 278
Index
absorbed residues 147, 182, 192 burial contexts 231
abundance criterion 33 burial sites. See burial contexts
accessibility 142, 153, 269 burnishing 171. See polishing
acculturation 262
adobe bricks 5, 174, 224 calcareous clays 63, 75, 93, 152, 156, 186
adult learning 209 calcite 69, 153, 157, 168, 243, 268, 272
aesthetic 189, 205, 229, 263, 265, 271, 274, 275 calcium carbonate 63, 69, 93, 96, 162, 172
agency 113, 197, 198, 200, 204, 215, 216, 218, calcium oxide 94
219, 233, 240, 270, 271, 278 capillary water 80
aggregated skills 259 cathodoluminescence 42
amorphous sherds 7 ceramic body 31, 110, 158, 167
analcime 47 ceramic cross-section 14
analogies 114, 115, 121, 130, 245 ceramic ecology 127, 129, 141, 231, 269, 275
analytical variance 48 ceramic industry 132, 173
ancestors 236, 275 ceramic possibilism 188
androcentric 221 ceramic technology 4, 52, 110, 113, 191
angularity 13, 26 ceramology 132
anthropogenic origin 72, 76 chaîne(s) opératoire(s) 50, 53, 57, 109, 164, 199,
anthropology of techniques 56, 128, 248 206, 225, 240, 249
apparent particle size 16 charred organic fibres. See charred organic
apprentices 210, 211, 213, 239, 257, 274, 278 matter
archaeological contexts 46 charred organic matter 71, 107
archaeological practice 126 chemical analyses 3, 29, 36, 88
archaeology of perception 203 chemical elements 7, 34, 47
archaeometric analysis 2, 7, 43, 55, 125, 127, childhood 209, 213, 237
177, 221, 250 children 122, 209, 213, 215, 220
argillaceous rock 61, 73 chromatic transitions. See chromatic variations
argillites 76 chromatic variations 85, 89
atypical fabrics 7 classification 11, 124
auto-reflexive identity 217 clay extraction 65, 236
availability 129, 133, 137, 140, 142, 196, 269 clay fraction 19
clay matrix 12, 75, 110, 161
backscattered electrons 36 clay minerals 19, 37, 73, 80, 90, 103, 160, 169
Bana 201 clay mixing 74, 75
Bantu 67, 70, 138, 249 clay pellets 61, 73, 75
behavioural perspective 118 clays 12, 27, 150, 231
bending capacity 173 clay sources 28, 60
bimodal distribution 12, 69, 72, 76 clay veins 75
binocular 14, 71, 77, 83 climatic factors 139
biographical objects 201 closed firings 104
biography. See life cycle cluster analysis 34, 44. See statistical analyses
biotic 70, 192, 233 coarse fraction 12, 22, 25
body painting 5 coarse-textured 106, 148, 152, 178, 183
boiling 157 coefficient of thermal expansion 63
bonfires 103 coefficient of variation 43
border calcareous 63, 101, 152 cognitive 121, 129, 153, 186, 212, 264
building materials 133, 173 coiling method 78, 260. See forming methods
318 Index
fabric(s) 2, 11, 109, 238, 250, 275 heating process 40, 120, 154. See firing
falling-rate period 169 process
fatty acids 48 heating rate 87, 103, 105
ferruginous clays. See Iron-rich clays heat loss 159
fibrous structure 74 heavy minerals 64
final product 58, 77, 119 heritage management context 47
fine-textured 161, 178 heterogeneous clays 74
firing atmosphere 87, 102, 104, 173, 182 highly skilled potters 215, 254, 258
firing process 28, 42, 46, 119, 151, 173, 222, 255 high resolution X-ray powder diffractions 22
firing structures 87, 101, 139, 173, 222, 225, high-temperature chamber 88. See X-ray
239, 249 diffraction
firing temperature 19, 41, 87, 105, 156, 160, 162, high temperature minerals 89, 92, 95
269 high-temperature minerals 20
foraminifera 62. See microfossils high variability 202
forming methods 77, 157, 166, 175, 179, 248, historical anthropology 117
252, 257 historical processes 115, 153, 187, 197, 200, 212,
fractal models 198, 223 219, 235, 242, 271
fracture surface energy 155 historical sciences 202
fresh cross sections 17 holistic 144, 227, 237, 274
fuel 101, 137, 139, 172, 213, 222, 226, 239, 269 homologies 184, 223
function 146, 179, 183, 189, 190 Hopi 138
functional 228, 258, 263 hybridisation 211
functionalism 127, 141 hybrid practices 212, 270. See hybridisation
functionalist 56, 148, 164, 185 hydration 69, 166
functional specialisation 147, 179, 182 hydrochloric acid 48
social structure 213, 223, 232, 237, 241, 243, technological choices 34, 53, 57, 110, 114, 118,
248 130, 139, 146, 150, 164, 171, 177, 181, 184,
social theory of technology 127, 198, 200, 240 195, 200, 202, 214, 216, 229, 230, 238,
social value 228, 230, 231, 235, 266 243, 270, 276
soil micromorphology 24 technological evolution. See evolutionary
soils 131, 137, 213 technological knowledge 54, 205, 208
specialisation 221, 246, 250, 261 technological progress 54, 240, 246
specialised pottery production 136, 187 technological somnambulism 188, 194
specialised production 139, 188 technological traditions 31, 57, 58, 182, 205,
specialised skills 174 207, 210, 211, 213, 218, 219, 240, 241, 278
stable isotope analysis 42 technology 2, 50, 52, 56, 204, 217, 262, 270,
standardisation 192, 202, 250, 251, 254. See 271
variability techno-science 187. See technical knowledge
statistical analysis 3, 34, 43, 253 tekhnê 56
storage vessels 148, 161, 172, 178, 180, 267 tempers 12, 27, 69, 90, 110, 119, 150, 153, 167,
strength 152, 154, 156 171, 219, 240
structural conditions 198, 235 Terramara culture 260
structural principles 198 terra rossa 63, 75, 153, 186
structures 187, 200, 212 terra sigillata 65
style 11, 129, 229, 247 textural analysis 13, 16
subjective 183, 232 textural feature concentration 25
subjectivity 111, 215 theory of practice 198, 248
surface treatments 82, 119, 157, 171, 229, 258, theory of structuration 199
278 thermal alterations 28, 46, 97
symbolic 54, 57, 185, 188, 195, 223, 236 thermal analysis 88, 93, 120
symmetrical 145 thermal conductivity 156
symmetry 247, 252 thermal effectiveness 155
synchronic 5, 180 thermal expansion 151, 171
synchrotron radiation 21 thermal expansion coefficient 101, 152, 154
syncretism 211 thermal shock resistance 151, 156, 159, 179
systemic 45, 190, 235, 240, 265, 266 thermodynamic triangles 88
systems theory 144 thermoluminescence 42
thin section 14, 23
tableware 162 time-temperature curves 105
Talayotic culture 260 tools 150, 225, 249
taphonomical processes. See postdepositional toughness 152, 156
alterations toys 5, 208, 215
taskscapes 233 trace elements 30, 34
Tatuyo 235 trade networks 32
taxonomic classification 39 transcultural 246, 264
technical gestures 52, 53, 56, 166, 187 transportability 163
technical knowledge 56, 149, 164, 172, 181 tuyeres 225
techniques 28, 52, 110, 139, 150, 164, 195, 199, typological 5, 147, 179, 272
205, 212, 213, 219, 224, 228, 240, 249, typological classification 3, 141
260, 272, 274 typological variability 184
Techniques et Culture 54, 128 typology 7, 11, 167, 177, 258, 275
techno-function 192. See function
technological change 55, 118, 149, 196, 247, unconscious 53, 185, 187, 198, 216
262 unimodal grain size distribution 12
universal models 149, 179
324 Index
TECHNIQUES AND
ceramic pastes. The book provides an adequate framework for understanding
the way pottery production is organised and clarifies the meaning and role of the
pottery in archaeological and traditional societies.
SOCIETY IN POTTERY
The goal of this book is to encourage reflection, especially by those researchers who
face the analysis of ceramics for the first time, by providing a background for the
generation of their own research and formulate their own questions depending on
PRODUCTION
their concerns and interests. The three-part structure of the book allows readers
to move easily from the analysis of the reality and ceramic material culture to the
world of the ideas and theories and to develop a dialogue between data and their
interpretation.
THE TECHNOLOGICAL STUDY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL
CERAMICS THROUGH PASTE ANALYSIS
Daniel Albero Santacreu,
is a Lecturer Assistant in the
University of the Balearic
Islands, member of the
Research Group Arqueo UIB
and the Ceramic Petrology
Group. He has carried out
the analysis of ceramics from
several prehistoric societies
placed in the Western Mediterranean, as well as
the study of handmade pottery from contem-
porary ethnic groups in Northeast Ghana.
www.degruyter.com
ISBN 978-3-11-041019-8