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RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY
Editedby
MARGARET L. KING BRIDGET GELLERT LYONS
Associate
Editors
COLIN EISLER WALLACE T. MACCAFFREY JAMESV. MIROLLO
Relections
ofPower:Margaret
ofAnjouandthe
DarkSideofQueenship
byPATRICIA-ANN LEE
'Ralph A. Griffiths,
The ReignofKingHenryVI: theExerciseofRoyalAuthority,
142-I46i (BerkeleyandLos Angeles:University
ofCalifornia
Press,i98i), p. 892.
[ 183 ]
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 185
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 187
10A.R. Meyers, "The Household of Queen Margaretof Anjou, I452-453, " Bulle-
tinoftheJohn RylandsLibrary,40 (Sept.,I 957), 79-I I 3. Also,bythesameauthor,"The
Jewels of Queen Margaret of Anjou," 42 (Sept., I959), II3-I3i. Anne Crawford,
"The King's Burden?-the Consequences of Royal Marriage in Fifteenth-century En-
gland," points out that Margaret's privy purse expenditures,which were unusually
heavy compared to those of other queens of the period, were used for political pur-
poses, buying friends,allies and influence.In Patronageand Power: theCrown and the
Provincesin Later Medieval England,ed. Ralph A. Griffiths(AtlanticHighlands, New
Jersey:The Humanities Press, i98i), p. 5o. See also Griffiths,The ReignofKing Henry
VI, pp. 26I-262.
11J.
J.Bagley, MargaretofAnjouQueen ofEngland(London: HerbertJenkins,[I948]),
p. 85.
12M. R. James, Henry VI: a ReprintofJohnBlacman'sMemoirwith Translationand
Notes(Cambridge: at the UniversityPress, I919), p. 26. While Blacman, describedby
Lovatt as the only "extended account of the King's personalityfrom an apparently
contemporaryhand," remains centralto any interpretationof the King, Lovatt has
substantiallyaltered our view of that author and enhances our appreciation of the
source. See Roger Lovatt, "A Collector of ApocryphalAnnecdotes:JohnBlacman re-
visited," in Propertyand Politics:Essays in Later Medieval History,ed. Tony Pollard
(New York: St. Martin's Press, i984), p. I72. Lovatt places Blacman's interpretation
withina strongtraditionof late medieval popular pietyand pointsout thathe redefines
the king's public defectsand private virtues. Roger Lovatt, "JohnBlacman: Biogra-
pher of Henry VI, " The Writing ofHistoryin theMiddleAges: EssaysPresentedtoRichard
William Southern,ed. R. H. C. Davis, J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, et al. (Oxford: The
ClarendonPress,i98 I), p. 43 I.
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 189
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 191
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DuringthefinalyearsofLancaster'sstruggleand decline,Marga-
retcameto be regardedby mostwritersand possiblyby mostofher
husband'ssubjects,as theleaderof theroyalparty.Accountsspoke
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 193
of herarmy,mentionedherwhereabouts,and describedherpolicy.
Both herhusbandand herson playedstrictly secondaryroles.Yet,
thepreciseattitudetowardheras a wielderofpoweris moredifficult
to define.Certainly,rightfromthe start,therewas criticismal-
thoughin herown day thatcriticism tendedto be morespecificand
farlesssystematic thanitwould subsequently becomein thehandsof
Tudor writers.All the elementsof thatlaterpatternof negative
queenshipweretherebut not yetjoined in an integrated whole and
therewereevensome accountsin whichshewas treatedwitha mea-
sureofsympathy.Perhapsthiswas becauseearlywriterswerecloser
to thecomplexityof theactualevents,but therewerepracticalrea-
sons as well. As long as thefabricofHenriciangovernment heldto-
gether,harshpenaltiescould be imposed on those who spoke or
wroteofthekingin disparaging fashion,or evenwithouttheproper
respect.26Whatmayhavebeenevenmoreimportant was thefactthat
legalsanctionswereand forthemostpartcontinuedto be supported
by strongsocial pressureeven undera disintegrating government.
Fear of disordermade men reluctantto condone anythingthat
looked like rebellionagainstan anointedking. The protectionaf-
fordedthe reputationof the king was thus formidable.It was
enough,accordingto Wolffe,to preventcriticism ofHenryVI, even
in thefaceof his seriousdeficienciesof characterand manifestly un-
popularpolicies.27 Margaretdid not shareherhusband'simmunity,
althoughduringtheearlyyearsofthereignanycriticism was neces-
sarilymuted.AfterI459, however,therewere beginningsof those
rumorsand libelswhichwould undermine herreputation as a queen
and as a woman. Finally,underthepressureof factionalstrife,the
fullpictureof theambitiouswoman, theviragowiththespiritof a
man, the adulterousqueen, began to appear.If thekingcould not
a Frenchwoman
easilybe criticized, whosefamilymemberswereen-
emiesoftherealm,couldbecomehissurrogate, a usefuldevicein an
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 195
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33ThePastonLetters,III, 75.
34The PastonLetters,III, 75.
35CharlesA. J. Armstrongnotes that since sensitiveinformationwas usually sup-
plied by the trustedbearer"this cautious habithas in generaldeprivedhistoriansof in-
estimable material,but nowhere more than in relationto the exchange of news." To
thisone mightadd thatit has also deprivedthemof invaluable expressionsof personal
opinion. "Some Examples of the Distribution and Speed of News in England at the
Time of the Wars of the Roses," in Studiesin Medieval HistoryPresentedto Frederick
MauricePowicke,R. W. Hunt, W. A. Pantin, R. W. Southern, eds. (Oxford: at the
Clarendon Press, I948), p. 43 5.
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 197
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 199
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 201
This is notsurprisingwhenthereaderrecallsthatthefirstversionof
thisworkwas presentedto HenryVI in 1457, whilethesecond(re-
visedwithan eye to thechangingrealitiesof contemporary politics)
was dedicatedfirstto Richard,duke of York, and thento his son,
EdwardIV. Practicalconsiderations ifnothingelse musthave com-
pelledHardyngto ponderatleastsomeoftheproblemsofinterpreta-
tion.In thefinalversionofhiswork,theauthoraccusedMargaretof
responsibilityforthedeathof Gloucesterand made thedisastersof
rebellionand thedepositionof Lancastertheresultof thatevent,al-
thoughtheintermediate stepsto thisend werenotworkedout. Fur-
thermore, althoughMargaretwas blamedforGloucester'sdeath,her
faultwas one merelyof omission,herfailureto "save suchea good
man".i8 This meantthatalthoughheractionsgave shapeto thenar-
rativeand servedto explainthetroublesthatfollowed,she herself
stilldid notreallyseemto be responsibleforthem.In thesameway,
althoughan importantaspect of her laterdark personawas pre-
figuredwhenthenarrator referredto heras a "capitaine,"he offered
no examplesof herleadership.Insteadshe was shown as a "piteful
anddesperateladye"who "mournesandlamentsthefateandcalami-
teeofherhusband"and callson herfriends forassistance.49
The only
emotionwhichprovidedany explanationof motive,was thelove
and careshe feltforherson, "forthatherhusbandewas a prisoner
anda captivepersone,and therefore as one casteawaye,so thatnexte
afterhymsheloved moostetenderly thishersoonne."0 It was a de-
pictionwhichfitted neatlyintotheprevailing ideaofproperfeminine
behaviorand one whichmaywell correspondin important respects
to a Lancastrianview oftheQueen.
However, with RobertFabyan'sNew Chronicles ofEnglandand
Franceanotherimportantpiece of theformulaicdepictionfallsinto
place.51This work has been describedas "the principalvehicleby
whichthehistoriographical traditionand factualcontentoftheLon-
don chronicleswas transmitted to Tudor England,"whichis to say
to PolydoreVergil,Stow and Hakluyt,Hall, Grafton,Holinshed,
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52Gransden,Historical inEngland,
Writing II, 247. Fabyan'sapproachto hismaterial
is also worthy of note. Levy describes him as "literary-minded",not only collecting
but comparingdifferent accounts. Yet he also pointsout thatwhile Fabyan approached
a "system of criticism"he neverthelessshowed little"sense of improbability." F. J.
Levy, Tudor HistoricalThought(San Marino: California: The Huntington Library,
i967), pp. I9-2I.
53Fabyan,p. 652.
54Fabyan,p. 63 I. He mentionsthe question of the prince's legitimacybut without
specifyingadultery.The slander,as he tellsit, was thattheprince"was not the naturall
sone of Kyng Henrye, but changydin the cradell." Ibid., p. 628.
55Thelargerplan was based the sevenjoys of the Virgin, with eachjoy represented
in a book, as Gransdenindicates. However, thisdid not affectthe historicalschema of
theperiodunderdiscussionhere.Gransden, Historical Writing
inEngland,II, 246.
56Fabyan, p. 6i8. Drawing upon unspecifiedsources, he points out that the mar-
riage was unprofitablein a number of ways. Firstwas the loss of Maine and Anjou.
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 203
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 205
61Three
BooksofPolydore
Vergil,
p. 70.
62Three BooksofPolydoreVergil,p. 70. In emphasizingthe masculinity of the
Queen's character andbehavior,Polydoreis in markedcontrast to hiscontemporary,
FabyanandpointsthewayforlaterTudorwriters.
63Three BooksofPolydoreVergil,
p. 70. Fabyanhadmerelynotedhow dissention had
grownbetweenHenryand some of his lords "most specyallyatwenethe quenys
couceyllandyedukeofYorkeandhisblode.Forall contrary thekyngespromyse, by
meanysofthequene,whichthanbareye cureandchargeoftheland,thedukeofSo-
mersetwas setatlarge. . andrestored to hisold favorandpower.TheNewChroni-
cles,p. 628.
64Three BooksofPolydore Vergil,
pp. 93-94.
65Rather thanpressingEnglishhistorybackto itsmythical beginnings, Hall con-
centrated on therelatively
briefperiodoftheWarsoftheRosesandtheemergence of
theTudorswho wereclearlytheheroesofhis story.This schema,together withhis
enthusiastic fortheTudor cause,further
partisanship heightened and simplified the
colorationofhisportraits. See Levy, TudorHistoricalThought,pp. I73-I74. It would
havebeenas easyto makeMargareta tragicheroineas a villainess.However,Hall's
emphasisin dealingwithherwas alwaysupon theimpropriety of herbehavioras a
woman.
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66ThreeBooksofPolydore p. 102.
Vergil,
67Ibid.,p. i09.
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 207
68Ibid., p. '54.
69Hay,Polydore Vergil,
pp. 131-132.
70InfirstintroducingMargaret,he refersto her "noble Acts" and speaks of herlater
as being wise and prudent. ThreeBooksofPolydoreVergil,pp. 68, 71.
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 209
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 211
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 213
89[John AgainsttheMonstrous
Knox], The FirstBlastoftheTrumpet ofWomen
Regiment
([Geneva]: M.D.LVIII, reprintedNew York: Da Capo Press, I972), p. 9.
9[John Aylmer], An HarboroweforFaithfulland TreweSubiectes(Strassborowethe:
[i 59], reprintedNew York: Da Capo Press, I972), sig. H3v.
91Aylmer,sig. N4v and oi.
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The maidenlyyetmaternalpersona,theempoweringandsafeguard-
inglegalformswithinwhichpoweris properly exercised,theappro-
priatelynurturant and mercifulbehaviorare all in directand sym-
metricalcontrastto thekindof illegitimate and therefore unnatural
powerwhichrulerslikeMargaretrepresented. The contrast between
negativeand positive,darkand bright,unacceptableand acceptable
patterns of feminine power-and behavior-were alreadybeingde-
lineated.
Elizabethwas well awareofthevalueofherimageandwas fierce-
lyprotective ofit. She also understoodthedelicacyofherpositionas
a queenin a worldof men.This was shownin thelongtortuoushis-
toryofherrelationswiththeQueen of Scots.Whilea complexmix-
tureof politicaland personalconsiderations guidedher policyto-
ward this dangerous cousin, it is also clear that Elizabeth was
profoundly disturbedby theidea of executingMary and was most
unwillingto do so. Despitegreatprovocation,shedidnotpermitat-
tacks upon the Scots queen to appear in licensedpublications-
althougheventuallyan unofficial campaignwas directedat under-
mining her characterand good name.92However, even this
unofficialliterature was neverpermitted to suggestthatMary'ssexin
anyway disqualified herfromrule.
The Queen musthavegivena good deal ofthoughtto theoretical
questionsofsex and powerbutshewas notpreparedto see themdis-
cussedin any open way. Indeed,on herside,thewhole matterwas
envelopedin one of thosepolitic,and characteristic, Elizabethansi-
lences.In such a situation,whateverinterest hersubjectsmay have
felt,wisdom and self-preservation dictateddiscretion.Holinshedin
his Chronicle, forexample,chose to omit all specificreferences to
Margaret'smanlikecourageand boldnessof spirit.93 Yet Elizabe-
92PaulJohnson has recounted how, in the period following the Babington Plot,
Elizabeth was driven step by reluctantstep toward Mary's execution, and suggests
"she came close to a breakdown and, at times,to a total loss ofjudgment." ElizabethI
(New York: Holt, Rinehartand Winston, I974), p. 289. The storyof Elizabeth's prop-
aganda dealings with Mary Queen of Scots is dealt with in Imagesofa Queen: Mary Stu-
artin Sixteenth-Century Literature(Berkeley: Universityof CaliforniaPress, i964). She
was equally politicin referencesto her sister,Mary Tudor.
93Anexample is a passage citedin n. 77, above. In theaccounts of Hall and Grafton,
theDuke of York expects thatMargaret(who is describedas "a manlywoman, usyng
to rule and not to be ruled"), will resisthis designationas Henry's heir. Holinshed in-
cludes the restof the passage but omits the referenceto the Queen's manly character.
Hall, p. 249, Grafton,I, 670, Holinshed, p. 268.
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 215
94Margaretfirstappeared in Henry VI, PartI but at the veryend of the play and al-
most as an after-thought.Indeed, according to one school of thoughtshe was tacked
on to forma connectionwith Parts II and III, since the various partsprobablywere not
composed at the same time.
95WilliamShakespeare, 2 Henry VI, Act i, Scene iii, Line I46.
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Womenaresoft,mild,pitiful,
andflexible;
Thou stem,indurate,
flinty,
rough,remorseless.98
An archvillainess,
Margaretis also used to epitomizethe worst
qualitiesofherown sex. She is insulting,
shameless,a scold,a strum-
pet, a "wrangling woman. "99Edward of York blames all the trou-
bles of therealmon herpridefor"hadstthoubeen meek,our title
stillhad slept."''
? Even thosewho compliment hervaliantmindand
dauntlessspiritare using termsunsuitableto a femininepersona,
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MARGARET OF ANJOU 217
whileherenemiesaccuseherofbeingwarlike,ruthless, inhuman,in-
exorable,manlikein harshnessand strength of character.Even the
deathof herson cannottemperthefierceness of hernatureand she
liveson to appearin Richard III as an avengingfurywhose cursesset
in motionthefinalfatalworkingout oftheplot.
In a dramawhichplaysupon so manydifferent inversionsofright
order,MargaretandHenryrepresent thereversalofthenaturalorder
of male/female and husband/wife as well as subject/sovereign rela-
tionships.Henryis soft,pitiful,gentleand easilyinfluenced, alto-
getherunwarlike.He expressesthefeminine virtuesin contrastto his
forceful and domineeringwife.This reversalof rolesis depictedas
being,inevitably, a sourceofevilanddestructiveness notonlyforthe
individualsinvolvedbut forthe realm. It is a representation on a
smallscale of thechaos whichresultswhen thetruesuccession,an-
othernaturalrelationship involvingauthority and subordination, is
sinfully and arbitrarily
altered.Both haveto be paid forin blood and
suffering-not onlythatof thetransgressors themselvesbutof their
progeny,friends and allies.
These werestrongand compellingthemes,dangerousone might
havethoughtto thatsymbolof regalitywhichby Shakespeare'sday
his own sovereignlady, ElizabethI, had so carefullyconstructed.
And yetit was not so. So skillfully had theTudor Queen reversed
thesedarkimages,so successful had shebeenin turning herfeminin-
ityto positivepurposes,or in surmounting it to wielda kindof an-
drogenouspower, thathis depictionof Queen Margaretposed no
practicalthreat.Shakespeare,who was cautiousin otherrespects,
doesnotseemto havefearedthatanyoneinauthority would perceive
a perilouslikenessbetweenone queen and theother,northatmem-
bersof his audiencewould considerthathis commentson illegiti-
matefeminine powerhad anyapplicationto theirown sovereign.By
then,ofcourse,theElizabethanartefact was complete,firmly estab-
lishedand farfrombeingchallenged,could be burnishedand even
enhancedby thecontrastofitsopposite.It was notjust in thefaceof
thepatriarchal restrictions
ofherday,butagainstitsdarkandpower-
fulimagesof illegitimate queenship,imageslikethatwhichShake-
spearecreatedin his Margaretof Anjou, thatElizabethforgedher
own royalicon oftriumphant and compellingbrilliance.
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