Professional Documents
Culture Documents
TABLE - I
DECADAL VARIATION OF POPULATION I N BALASORE
THANA-WISE V A R I A T I O N OF P O P U L A T I O N I N BALBSORE
Source: *(Population figures for the
d i s t r i c t t o t a l h e r e v a r i e s from t h e 1961 census
owing t o t h e r e a d l u s t r n s n t o f p o p u l a t l o r r done i n t h e
l a t e r merger o f t h e N i l q i r i s u b - d i v i s i o n w i t h the
d i s t r i c t o f Balasore).
DECADAL S E X - R A T I O I N T H E D I S T R I C T OF B A L A S O R E
YERR NO. OF F E M A L E S
P E R 1000 M A L E S
Table-IV.
Growth o f Urban P o p u l a t i o n i n Balasore
Tovn dua6ed DlcdJ. Flsrr.
1872 lml 1891 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951
B J ~ 19163
~ m5 m 5 lo~so 21362 ~xm I R ~19425 nu51 m1
Bhdnl; - - 1- 18518 lDSR 18175 18283 1959 1i795
Idem - - - - - 102
Charctbla - - - - 946
Sso 3091
Toul 1918 10265 36515 R198 3994) 35212 #I16 3s9B 41606 91905
-
Toul Tmm 920s0 994675 1141102 1
1
a 106726 1059194 IlOgnJ 1106612 1415923
pup^
%ofUlbm 1 4 2 2 3 7 3 5 3.6 3 4 3 4 3 $ 3 8 6 5
PDpullllon
below shows.
TABLE-V
Trend3 i n t h e D i s t r i b u t i o n of Population by t h e Main
~ e l i g i o n si n Balasore.
C a w Totd Pacadsge Pacahge Chric- Percsdrge
yem popJllian HindLu of the Total Mwlim of the TOM t i a i of the T d
of the Population Populdon Populslim
Dirtrict
Carte Syrtem
The b a s i c component which permeated and t o a
great extent defined the Hindu Society was caste.
conceptually it was based on the principles of (a)
endogamy, Ib) h e r e d i t a r y occupation t h a t went with i t , o
the number of taboos i t p r a c t i s e d , (dl t h e amount of
a u t h o r i t y it exercised on i t s f e l l o w members and, abaove
a l l , (el t h e p o s i t i o n i t held i n t h e r i t u a l hierarchy of
the s o c i e t y . The f i r s t census taken i n 1872 i n the
d i s t r i c t r e t u r n e d a s many a s 99 c a s t e s . These c a s t e s
were graded into 14 categories such as, (1) Hindu
superior castes, (2) Intermediate castes, (3) Trading
castes, (4) Pastoral castes, (5) Castes engaged in
preparing cooked food, (6) A g r i c u l t u r a l castes, (7)
c a s t e s engaged c h i e f l y i n personal s e r v i c e , (8) Artisan
castes, ( 9 ) Weaver c a s t e s , (10) labouring c a s t e s , (11)
c a s t e s occupied i n s e l l i n g f i s h and vegetables, (12)
Boating and f i s h i n g c a s t e s , (13) Dancer, Musician, Beggar
and Vagabond castes and (14) Persons of unknown or
unspecified c a s t e s . Hunter who reproduced C.F. Magrath's
separate District Census compilation for ~alasore~~
rearranged t h e s e c a s t e s i n t o 4 broad c a t e g o r i e s , v i z . (1)
High castes, (2) Respectable Sudra Castes, (3)
Intermediate Sudra Castes and (4) Low c a s t e s . This
r e c l a s s i f i e d o r d e r i n t h e view of Hunter stood 'as far
as p o s s i b l e according t o t h e rank vhich they hold i n
l o c a l p u b l i c esteem". Broadly i t was a h i n t a t t h e
change vhich had come about i n t h e l o c a l s o c i e t y under
t h e impact of t h e mechanics of c o l o n i a l governance. The
f a c t t h a t M r . Hunter f e l t i n c l i n e d t o i n c l u d e Brahmim,
~aj p u t s , Karanas, Khandayats, Baidyas, Ganaks, Bhats,
shagird Peshas and Bais-banias i n t h e same s t r a t a , who
t r a d i t i o n a l l y would have belonged t o Brahmana, Vaishya
and Sudra c a t e g o r i e s i n a descending order, smacked
of nev s o c i a l dynamics vhich had come t o assume a q u i e t
significance i n colonial Orissa.
The Karnas, vhose response t o t h e demands of
the c o l o n i a l s t a t e vas unequivocal, accounted f o r t h e
maximum number of educated men i n Orissa by t h e t u r n of
the l g t h century3'. Commenting on t h e i r r a p i d r i s e i n the
echelons of c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n OIMalley wrote i n
1907:
"Among t h e more educated c l a s s e s t h e Brahmans
a r e o b s t i n a t e and bigoted, but they a r e of a r e f i n e d and
educated type; and t h e w r i t e c a s t e of Karans, o r a s they
are called locally the Mahantis, have as high a
r e p u t a t i o n f o r acuteness a s t h e Kayasthas of Bihar. The
o l d reproach of u r d i t n e s s f o r government employment can
no longer be l e v e l e d a g a i n s t them. The purely f o r e i g n
element has almost disappeared from among t h e m i n i s t e r i a l
establishment, and even t h e domiciled Bengali who has
adopted t h e country a s h i s own i s l o s i n g ground before
the advancing n a t i v e of O r i s s a . Young Oriya graduates
passing out of the Ravenshaw College a t Cuttack are
e n t e r i n g t h e sub-ordinate executive s e r v i c e and a t t h e
present r a t e af recruitment, t h e r e w i l l i n a s h o r t time
be a staff of Oriya officers sufficient for the
recruitment of t h e whole ~ i v i s i o n " ~ The
~. achievement
undoubtedly brought a s w i f t t u r n around i n t h e s o c i a l
p o s i t i o n of t h e Karana who not before long worked a s
D a f t a r i s (head-clerks) i n t h e O f f i c e s of t h e Zamindars o r
as Gomastas (accountants) i n the houses of the T e l i
businessmen. Through matrimonial relations they
g e n e r a l l y drew s o c i a l sustenance from both t h e Khandayat
and the Chasa castes. But with their status
s u b s t a n t i a l l y enhanced i n t h e 2oth century, they began
p r a c t i c i n g s t r i c t endogamy36. By 1931, t h e r e were a s many
as 3 7 2 l i t e r a t e Karans i n every 1000 w i t h one l i t e r a t e
female t o about 6 l i t e r a t e males37.
I n comparison, t h e number of l i t e r a t e s among
Brahmins by t h e same time vas 136 per mile and the
d i s p a r i t y was twice a s g r e a t i n the female sex a s i t was
i n t h e male s e x . For 1 4 l i t e r a t e Brahmins, t h e r e was
only one l i t e r a t e woman. Thus t h e obvious advantage i n
the realm of education and government s e r v i c e which t h e
Karans could acquire enabled them t o r i s e v e r t i c a l l y up
i n t h e changed s o c i a l s e t up even a t times d i s p u t i n g t h e
p o s i t i o n held by t h e Brahmins i n i t .
What t h e Karans achieved i n g r e a t measure, t h e
Khandayats gained i n b i t s and p i e c e s . Once a claimant t o
the status of Kshatriyas in Orissa, this c a s t e was
woefully o u t s t r i p p e d by t h e immigrant Bengalis and l a t e r
by Karans under t h e c o l o n i a l d i s p e n s a t i o n . The "Sunset
l a m " wrought havoc v i t h many l a n d l o r d s belonging t o this
c a s t e i n t h e f i r s t f l u s h of t h e c o l o n i a l occupation of
Orissa. Even their services as s o l d i e r s were not
required by the ~010nial state. Commenting on t h i s
aspect 0' Malley v r o t e : ". . . . the decline i n the military
s p i r i t among t h i s people i s an extra-ordinary p o i n t i n
the development of t h e i r c h a r a c t e r . Though a few y e a r s
ago orders were passed f o r t h e e n l i s t i n g of Oriyas i n t h e
w i n g of a Madras regiment quartered a t Cuttack none were
found s u i t a b l e o r w i l l i n g f o r t h e employment"3B. However,
the t e n a c i t y of t h e Khandayats t o hold on t o "Brahmanical
culture" and t h e i r land largely as occupancy r a i y a t s
st111 preserved t h e i r p o s i t i o n among the higher c a s t e s i n
orissa. Slowly they e x h i b i t e d s i g n s of mobility by
taking to English education and government services.
r 137. ..
ANAHDA RARCA rILLAl UBRARY
PONDICHERRY V N I V L W f Y
the list of "Higher c a s t e s " v h i l e t h e Rajus, supposed t o
be t h e o f f - s p r i n g s of a mixed parentage of t h e s i m i l a r
kind were p u t below on t h e rank of t h e Chasas, Tambulis,
Kultas and Gauras. The c a t e g o r i s a t i o n was perhaps not
done inadvertently. Social portraits drawn in the
contemporary Oriya l i t e r a t u r e and a l s o mentioned in
scores of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e r e p o r t s p o i n t t o t h e p r a c t i c e of
extra-marital relationships as prevalent among the
persons of t h e upper s t r a t a . I t might not have been
wholly improbable, t h e r e f o r e , f o r t h e Zamindars and the
noveaux-rich, bidders of an up-market f o r t u n e , w i t h a l l
the power and p e l f which t h e c o l o n i a l a g r a r i a n system and
bestowed upon them, t o have f o s t e r e d t h e s o c i a l o r i g i n of
the shagird-peshas. A s a c a s t e , they do not f i n d mention
in the annals of t h e pre-colonial s o c i a l h i s t o r y of
Orissa. Thus, being a p o s s i b l e off-shoot of t h e neo-
e l i t e i n t h e Orissan s o c i e t y t h e i r claim t o a higher
s o c i a l rank was not unnatural. I n the census of 1872
t h e i r number was r e t u r n e d a s 3373. But gradual omission
of t h e c a s t e i n t h e subsequent census p o i n t s t o i t s
4
ultimate merger with t h e c l a s s of i t s origin3'.
The Rajus, on t h e otherhand, were a product of
the pre-colonial times. A numerous c a s t e i n the
northern p a r t of t h e d i s t r i c t , t h e i r merginaLisation was,
however, temporary. While reviewing t h e s o c i a l bases of
land administration in the district, periodical
s e t t l m m n t r e p o r t s elnphasised on t h e i r gradual progress
i n t h e f i e l d of education, government s e r v i c e s and t r a d e
and businesses. Not s u r p r i s i n g l y , t h e i r claim t o t h e
~ s h a t r i y a s t a t u s vas p r o j e c t e d vigorously sooner than
laterq0. Formerly a numerous c u l t i v a t i n g c a s t e w i t h the
common surname "Raju they adopted a d i s p a r a t e range of
surnames from "Mahapatra" to "Das" and established
extensive m a r t i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s v i t h t h e Khandayats of
Orissa.
The r i s e of T e l i s , who o r i g i n a l l y were returned
i n t h e 1 8 7 2 census a s belonging t o an a r t i s a n c a s t e along
w i t h t h e D a r z i l s ( t a i l o r s ) and Sunris ( d i s t i l l e r s ) t o the
p o s i t i o n of a r e s p e c t a b l e Sudra c a s t e a s a l s o i n keeping
with t h e i r adaptability t o the changed socio-economic
atmosphere. At a time when the cultivating castes
s u f f e r e d on account of r e p r e s s i v e revenue administration,
the T e l i s , from t h e p o s i t i o n s of small-time o i l p r e s s e r s
and sellers rose as money-lenders, traders, and
ultimately as proprietary tenure-holders. On their
educational attainments t h e census of 1931 s t a t e d : h heir
dealings i n t r a d e have l e d a f a i r number of t h e i r men-
f o l k about one i n t e n t o acquire some f a m i l i a r i t y v i t h
the three R's but their females are still very
NEW N A M E S F O R O L D C A S T E S I N O R I S S A
Brahmin 110.658
Karan 22,354
Khandai t 199.750
Chasa 11,541
Gaura 69.157
Tel i 43.783
Rani a 9.200
Guri a 21 " 3 4 1
Rhandari 15.500
K~mbhara 13.177
h'ama r R LO. 8 4 0
Tan t i 47.570
Dhoba 24.066
Kent a 14.204
Gokha 33.912
Pan 59.545
Kanda r a 30.791
Dom 1.959
Chamar 7 . 7s2
Mihtar-/Hari 5.515
Brahminn (Priests)
Brahmins occupied the premier p o s i t i o n i n the
ritual hierarchy. Despite changes in the material
circumstances of a number of them, they continued t o
maintain the Samskaras ( r i t u a l s ) a s ordained by the Hindu
scriptures. I t was i n t h i s r o l e of being the custodian
of s h a s t r i c r i t e s i n s o c i e t y t h a t they exercised moral
authority on a l l other castes. They o f f i c i a t e d as
priests in temples as well as on important family
functions of c a s t e Hindus. On t h e i r sanction, therefore,
depended t o a g r e a t e x t e n t the a d m i s s i b i l i t y of the claim
of any c a s t e group t o e n t e r i n t o the f o l d of cleaner
castes (Nabasakhas) . I t was an obligation not graciously
f u l f i l l e d and not v i t h o u t i n c u r r i n g a t e l l i n g e f f e c t on
t h e i r combined l i f e - s t y l e . The t y p i c a l environment i n
which they functioned l e f t L i t t l e by way of e i t h e r d r e s s
or food h a b i t s t o keep them d i f f e r e n t from r e s t of the
"Sarskritised" . caste~s'~. Infact the process of
a a ~ k r i t i - s a l t i m aaosrg non-brahinin cleaner cartes had
become s o e f f e c t i v e t h a t t h e r e was hardly any d i f f e r e n c e
In t h e observations of v a r i o u s f a m i l y r i t e s between them
and t h e ~ r a h m i n s . The only exception was t h e Upanayana
ceremony ( i n v e s t i t u r e of t h e sacred thread) which was
exclusive t o t h e Brahmins. Though some s e c t i o n s of t h e
Karans and Khandayats adopted t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n , y e t t h e
content of t h e i r ceremony r i t u a l l y d i f f e r e d from t h a t of
the Brahmins. A t any r a t e t h e presiding p r i e s t s on such
occasions were i n v a r i a b l y t h e Brahmins. Possibly i n view
of such similarities in the cultural life some
a u t h o r i t i e s f e l t i n c l i n e d t o regard t h e c a s t e system i n
Orissa a s more f l e x i b l e than what i t obtained i n other
p a r t s of 1ndiaS0. But s u p e r f i c i a l opinion of t h i s kind
did not d i s t r a c t c a r e f u l observers from i d e n t i f y i n g i n n e r
cleavages t h a t e x i s t e d v i t h i n t h e c a s t e system i n o r i s s a .
John Beames noticed a broad d i v i s i o n among the
Orissan Brahmins on t h e l i n e s of t h e Dakshina (southern)
and U t t a r a ( n o r t h e r n ) , srenis ( c l a s s )51. Such a d i v i s i o n
i n h i s opinion sprang i n t h e common stock of ~ananj
Brahmins when worship of Lord Jagannath began t o be
revived a t Puri around 12'~ century A.D. The southern
Sreni who s e t t l e d round t h e "Temple" claimed "greater
esteem f o r l e a r n i n g and p u r i t y of r a c e U because of t h e i r
a s s o c i a t i o n with t h e s e r v i c e of Lord Jagannath. But
there was no hard and f a s t geographical separation
betwabn t h e two branches. Sections of both t h e s r e n i s
wore .fairly represented i n most parts af the d i s t r i c t ,
though t h e southern s r e n i was l e s s numerous than t h e
northern Sreni.
A s r e g a r d s t h e i n t e r n a l s t r u c t u r e of each s r e n i they
were more appropriately classified according to the
p a r t i c u l a r Veda whose r i t u a l they professed t o observe
and i n t o g o t r a s (septs). Each g o t r a was i n t u r n sub-
divided i n t o Kulas ( f a m i l i e s ) d i s t i n g u i s h e d by Upadhis
(surnames) whereas Brahmins from t h e southern o r Puri
branch represented t h e f i r s t t h r e e Vedas i . e . the Rig
Veda, t h e Sama Veda and t h e Yajur Veda, the northern o r
Jajpur branch represented mostly t h e l a t t e r two Vedas
i . e . the Yajur Veda and the Athanra Veda. The Commonest
surnames i n Balasore were Panda and Mahapatra probably
became t h e f a m i l i e s of the s e p t s t o which they belonged
had m u l t i p l i e d more e x t e n s i v e l y there5'. Panda, however,
was a l s o a t i t l e being applied t o a l l Brahmins who
o f f i c i a t e d a s temple p r i e s t s . I n keeping w i t h t h e i r
Vaidik s t a t u s , most of these Brahmins spent t h e i r l i v e s
in performing their strict caste duties and outside
r e l i g i o u s boundaries adopted vocations only a s men of
letters, or as government officials in the higher
branches of land managements3. Amongst them, those who
headed t h e Shsans (Brahmin v i l l a g e s ) assumed t h e t i t l e of
Panigrahi (land holder .
I n c o n t r a s t t h e r e was a l s o a l a r g e s e c t i o n of
la?&
.& o r vort&ly Brahmins who adopted v a r i o u s "Less
whmmw vocations. They bore the sept nantas of
~ a l a r # R - g O t r i , m s t a n i and Paniyari or sarua. The
eaniyaris s p e c i a l l y indulged i n growing and s e l l i n g
vegetables, while the Mistiness o f t e n held the post of
v i l l a g e headman o r Pradhan.
Padhans they were highly
As
appreciated by the rapacious and tyrannous eamindars who
found i n them u s e f u l toads i n t h e i r oppression of the
raiyats5'.
Although the worldly Brahmins were as numerous
as t h e i r V a i d i k counterparts, t h e r e was nothing by way of
caste i n t e r a c t i o n between these two c a t e g o r i e s .
K a r a n ~(Writers)
Karans ranked next t o the Brahmins i n the s c a l e
of s o c i a l precedence a s was commonly recognised i n
Orissa. In matters of personal law they were governed by
the Mi takshara of Sambhukara Bajpayi and availed the
services of U t k a l i y a Brahmins f o r r e l i g i o u s and
ceremonial purposes. The exogamous d i v i s i o n s amongst
them were of the standard Brahmanical type though c e r t a i n
septs l i k e Nagesa and Sankba were totemisticS5. As
regards endogamous u n i t s they recognised only two sub-
castes i . e . Karan and S r i s t i Karan. While the former
claimed t o have o r i g i n a l l y hailed from Bengal, the l a t t e r
were taken t o be of a mixed parentage. Therefore on
matrimonial and commensal matters the two sub-castes did
not i n t e r a c t . B u t another group k n m a s lvauli K U M ,
whose members vore sacred thread f o l l w i n g mythological
reasons, i n t e r married with t h e Karans proper. The
intra-caste differentiation which developed among the
Karans vas, however, consequential t o t h e i r r a p i d r i s e i n
public l i f e a s Zamindars, Patnidars, holdrs of Lakhiraj
tenures and well-accounted government servants.
Khandaitn (Swordrmen)
The Khandaits followed the Karans i n the r i t u a l
hierarchy i n Orissa. The Shasani Brahmins, who served
them a s p r i e s t s , vere received on equal terms by other
members of t h e sacred order. The Khandayats were divided
i n t o t v o sub-castes which reminisced the respective
ranks they held i n t h e peasant m i l i t i a under t h e medieval
kings of Orissa. The Mahanayaks o r Srestha Kbandaits,
who assumed the sacred thread a t the time of marriage
distinguished themselves from the Chasa-Kbandaits as the
l a t t e r did not do so. Thus inter-marriage between the
two groups, though not a b s o l ~ l t e l y forbidden, occurred
very r a r e l y . Also i n regard t o the u n i t s of exogamy
while the Chasa-Kbandaits r e t a i n e d t h e i r t o t e m i s t i c
i d e n t i t y , t h e Sreshtha-Iolandaits adopted the Brahmanical
gotras. However, ~ r a h m i n s took water from both t h e sub-
c a s t e s and i n terms of r i t u a l p r a c t i c e both f o l l w e d the
common Hindu usage.
Cbaras (Cultivators)
The Chasas comprised the chief cultivating
caste of O r i s s a and along with t h e Khandayats formed t h e
bulk of t h e Hindu population i n t h e d i s t r i c t . hey
employed Brahmins f o r r e l i g i o u s and ceremonial purposes
though t h e s e p r i e s t s were not received on equal terms by
the Brahmins, who served t h e upper castes6. However,
Brahmins i n g e n e r a l took water from t h e i r hand. This
accorded a ritual status to the Chasas which
distinguished them from o t h e r s e r v i c e c a s t e s . Gauras and
Bhandaris were t h e lowest c a s t e s from whom t h e chasas
accepted sweet meets. But w i t h i n themselves, they were
divided i n t o f o u r sub-castes, i.e. Orha o r Mundichasa,
Benatiya, Chukulia and Sukulia. The l a s t named sub-caste
was a small one found along t h e sea-coast. I t was mainly
engaged i n t h e manufacture of s a l t . The other sub-castes
were s o c a l l e d more i n view of t h e methods of c u l t i v a t i o n
which they followed and as such had no binding
segregational e f f e c t . Rather because of t h e i r l o o s e l y
organised s t r u c t u r e i t was p o s s i b l e on the p a r t of
o u t s i d e r s t o g e t admitted i n t o t h e Chasa c a s t e , a s i t was
possible f o r a wealthy Chasa t o give up s e l f ploughing
and j o i n t h e ranks of t h e immediate upper c a s t e . This
c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f l e x i b i l i t y of t h e chasa c a s t e a c t u a l l y
a l l w e d o t h e r major c u l t i v a t i n g c a s t e s l i k e t h e Sadgop,
L
Bhandaris (Berbars)
Popularly knm as Bakiras the Bhandaris
enjoyed wide patronage in Orissa of a
as members
r e s p e c t a b l e rudra c a s t e . not only take
A Brahmin would
uat+r\from t h o h i hand but would a l s o v i s i t h i s house ta
pwtWM Pf i b d d cooked by a brahain. As a JAIW tW
practised t h e i r h e r e d i t a r y profession of c u t t i n g h a i r s .
In addition they played an important r o l e i n family
functions l i k e marriage, death and Shraddha ceremonies i n
the house holds of c a s t e Hindus. Some Bhandaris a l s o
served a s Sebayats or s e c u l a r p r i e s t s of Gram-devatis
( v i l l a g e d e i t i e s ) and i n the capacity held small grants
of r e n t - f r e e lands. However, t h i s p r i v i l e g e was mostly
being enjoyed by the Oriya-barika who used an open piece
of Leather c a l l e d Muths t o pack h i s shaving k i t s and
shaved only persons of clean-castes. He even did not
touch a T a n t i , T e l i o r Keniat without putting on a v e t
napkin (gamucha). The Kana muthia b a x i k a on the other
hand used a wooden box t o go round the places t o shave
people i r r e s p e c t i v e of c a s t e . He did not have service
a l l i a n c e with the v i l l a g e r s on the b a s i s of ~ a j m a n i
system
58
.
as j a g i r
62
.
Agrarian Basis of Stratification
The agrarian social s t r u c t u r e which evolved
under t h e c o l o n i a l d i s p e n s a t i o n t o a g r e a t e x t e n t
Conformed t o t h e order of r i t u a l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n
Orissa. The Zamindars, placed at the top of this
structure, v i r t u a l l y presided over a l l a s p e c t s of s o c i a l
and economic m e of t h e people. I n t h e i r hands was
d ' p r o p r i e t a r y r i g h t s over land, p o r t i o ~ af
~ e ~ r % the
which they lent out to individual raiyats for
cultivation. The r a i y a t s i n t u r n paid revenue f o r t h e i r
possessions t o t h e Government through the Zamindars.
T h i s c e n t r a l i t y of t h e i r r o l e i n t h e system of revenue
administration made them p i v o t s i n t h e e n t i r e a g r a r i a n
life-cycle. I n t h e b e s t t r a d i t i o n of t h e English landed
a r i s t o c r a c y t h e Zamindar's p o s i t i o n had been created t o
make them agents of expeditious r u r a l development. But
the e x p l o i t a t i v e a t t i t u d e i n h e r e n t i n t h e c o l o n i a l mind-
s e t made a f a r c i a l o u t t u r n of t h e o r i g i n a l conception.
The Zamindars on their part established
Kacheris ( o f f i c e s ) and appointed managers, gomastas and
peons f o r r e g u l a r maintenance of land records and
p e r i o d i c a l c o l l e c t i o n of revenues. I n them was vested an
army of power regarding mutations t r a n s f e r , purchase and
s a l e of land and bestowal of chakran ( s e r v i c e ) lands on
village sevaits (servants). When the Acts regarding
a g r i c u l t u r a l loans and land improvement loans were passed
i n 1 8 8 4 ~they
~ were made t h e recommending a u t h o r i t y f o r
any c u l t i v a t o r t o be l e g a l l y e n t i t l e d f o r such loan.
They exercised jurisdiction over f o r e s t - l a n d s , Waste-
lands and even on t r e e s standing on c u l t i v a t o r ' s land.
In times of flood o r droughts when a g r i c u l t u r e suffered,
remissions of revenue tsccavi advances were
and
i n v a r i a b l y routed through them. A l l t h e s e enabled t h e
Zadndars W , e x e r c i s e enormous a u t h o r i t y on the
i n b b i t a n t s nesidiq i n t h e i r e s t a t w . The U s U
melthods involved could be e i t h e r by extending patronage
t o t h e f a v o u r i t e s o r by coercing t h e dis-obedient.
The Government a l s o allowed handsome percentage
to t h e Zamindars on revenues which they c o l l e c t e d r a t h e r
r e l i g i o u s l y t o keep t h e a u t h o r i t i e s a s much i n good
humour a s t o f i l l t h e i r own cougars. Consequently they
lived a l i f e of c a s u a l a f f l u e n c e o f t e n c r e a t i n g a r i n g of
medieval ambience around t h e i r person. The non-residents
among them l i v e d i n towns l i k e Cuttack, Midnapore o r
~ a l c u t t a ~and
~ v i s i t e d t h e e s t a t e s only occasionally.
The r e s i d e n t Zamindars i n s t e a d stayed i n t h e e s t a t e s and
kept d i r e c t c o n t a c t w i t h t h e peasants. As for their
o b l i g a t i o n s towards t h e l o t of the peasantry some of them
did take c a r e t o run v i l l a g e Chatsalas ( s c h o o l s ) , put up
p o s t - o f f i c e s , l a i d roads, maintained irrigation-works and
organised community f e s t i v a l s . But nothing was ever done
as a matter of duty. For a v a i l i n g o r not-availing any
such f a c i l i t y an ordinary c u l t i v a t o r had t o s h e l l out
e l t h e r a t a x o r a bheti. I n f a c t , d e s p i t e t h e i r having
enough doubt in the system, some British officers
lamented an a b s o l u t e lack of p u b l i c - s p i r i t o r sense of
commitment towards t h e improvement of t h e e s t a t e s among
the ~ a m i n d a r s ~ ~ .
The Zamindars' conduct was, of course,
conditioned by t h e g e n e r a l l a c k of security t o their
P r o p r i a t o r y r i g h t s . Even a f t e r t h e 30 y e a r ' s s e t t l e m e n t s
became a r o u t i n e , t h e sense af i n s e c u r i t y prevailed. The
pace at which the estates were multiplied due to
arti it ion was alarming. Whereas t h e r e were only 803
temporarily s e t t l e d e s t a t e s i n 1837 A. D . , t h e i r number
rose t o 1417 i n 1897 A . D . and t o 2394 i n 1932 A . D . The
progressive s t e p s of bestowing the r i g h t s of occupancy on
the c u l t i v a t o r s was another source of worry which o f t e n
soured t h e e x i s t a n t r e l a t i o n s h i p s between the Zamindars
and t h e i r Raiyats. But, on t h e whole, i n a sustenance
economy vhere every constitutent strata viz., the
landlords, t h e t e n a n t s and t h e a g r i c u a l t u r a l labourers,
had equal s t a k e , t h e Zamindars t h r i v e d a t t h e c o s t of the
rest.
I n terms of t h e s o c i a l r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of t h i s
class, the following extract from D.H. Kingf ord's
statement66 would show how the ritually top strata
dominated t h e a g r a r i a n c l a s s s t r u c t u r e .
TABLE - VIII
Recorded s h a r e s of t h e P r o p r i e t o r s i n t h e Temporarily
s e t t l e d Zamindari e s t a t e s i n t h e d i s t r i c t of Balasore
according t o s e l e c t e d c a s t e s
Clrtes Shresncarded P W Shns P ~ ~ c n t r g c ParePhCF
h1837d- o f t b e W h118P7 0fthetotJ ofthctogl
em m o t 1504 rdlhped m.of7461 pqpQPioP
drrm nport rbra wwd&€o
1891 earrr
Kalul
Khsndait
Bengali Kaysrth
Teli
Tambuli
Banis
Gu
m
-----------
The Brahmins and Karans alongwith t h e Bengali
Kayasths held Zamindaries far in excess of their
p r o p o r t i o n t o t h e t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n of t h e d i s t r i c t . The
sub-proprietary t e n u r e - h o l d e r s a l s o l a r g e l y h a i l e d from
among them. The o n l y q u a l i t a t i v e d i f f e r e n c e t o t h i s
p a t t e r n was made by t h e Tambulis, T e l i s , Banias and t o
some e x t e n t t h e Gauras. These c a s t e s a c q u i r e d Zamindaris
with t h e s u r p l u s income which t h e y earned from t h e i r
respective businesses. But t h e i r p r e s e n c e v a s n o t l a r g e
enough t o d e l i n k t h e a g r a r i a n c l a s s - s t r u c t u r e from i t s
corresponding s o c i a l base. The s m a l l urban e l i t e which
f i l l e d t h e r a n k s of t h e emerging p r o f e s s i o n a l c l a s s a s
Advocates, Pleaders, Deputy Collectors, Clerks,
Munshiffs, Teachers, Professors, Inspector and Sub-
I n s p e c t o r s of s c h o o l s e t c . , v a s a l s o a d e r i v a t i v e of t h i s
s o c i a l segment6'.
For the ordinary cultivators to send their
wards f o r e x p e n s i v e E n g l i s h e d u c a t i o n i n t h e t W n 9 was
not on easy option. Godavarish Hishra, an eminent
literature and p o l i t i c a n from O r i s s a . While rumaging
through t h e d i f f i c u l t phase of h i s e a r l y l i f e has given a
graphic d e s c r i p t i o n of t h i s r e a l i t y B B . Rack-rented t o t h e
b r i n k of s t a r v a t i o n and over-burdened with a l l kinds of
s o c i a l and economic o b l i g a t i o n s t h e average c u l t i v a t o r
lived a sendentary l i f e . The only source of h i s income
was h i s s m a l l holding69. H i s h a b i t a t i o n was consisted of
a court enclosed by f o u r mud-walls, which were used as
the gables of l i t t l e rooms. Sometimes, but r a r e l y , the
cow-shed was b u i l t o u t s i d e t h e w a l l s . A patch of green
aside t h e house n e a t l y "shut i n w i t h a f e n c e of p r i c k l y
shrubs" s p a r i n g l y supplied h i m w i t h vegetables7'. His
summer d r e s s c o n s i s t e d of a coarse c o t t o n Dhoti (waist-
cloth) and a Gamucha (scarf). Household furnitures
included a few b r a s s pots, p l a t e s and cups, one o r two
bed steads, a few mats and various agricultural
implements. The owners of comparatively l a r g e r holdings
possessed one o r two palm-leaf manuscripts of t h e o r i y a
Mahabharata and the Ramayana. Rice, m i l k and occasional
side-item of d r i e d fish,meat o r vegetabales formed h i s
usual d i e t .
But d e s p i t e t h i s miserable e x i s t e n c e t h e c u l t i v a t o r s
as a c l a s s sustained the community l i f e by ensuring
v e r t i c a l s o l i d a r i t y among v a r i o u s c a s t e s . ~elonging t o
the numerous mandait, Chasa, ludastan, M l i , Gaura and
Tanbuli castps7' , t h e y formed t h e core of t h e ~agrnani
mtm. With an earning of about rupees of a month, an
av-e c u l t i v a t o r family s p e n t around rupees seven fog
itself. Out of the r e s t , the family p r i e s t , barbar,
blacksmith and t h e washerman received around 8 annas. In
addition t h e c u l t i v a t o r a l s o obliged them with annual
payments i n kind a t harvest time7'.
At the bottom of the agrarian order lived the
numerous a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s .
Mostly drawn from among
the low and t h e untoucable c a s t e s such a s Gaura, Rarhi,
Tanti, Pan, Kandara e t c . , they formed an enormous army of
approximately one lakh persons. Many of them, were
employed by Zamindars, Lakhirajdars, and Bazyaftidars i n
good circumstances a s ~ a r a - m a s i ~ a s But
~ ~ . many more s t 1 1 1
worked f o r t h e cultivators e i t h e r as Nag-mulza, Thika-
mulla o r j u s t mgrated t o C a l c u t t a t o work t h e r e as
coolles.
The Bar-maszya stayed with h l s master round the
year avalllng free lodging and boarding. He also
recelved an annual payment of rupees 12 and f o u r garments
1 . e . two Karujas, one Gamucha and one Chadar (shawl).
The Nag-mulie worked on c o n t r a c t b a s l s f o r a
s p e c i f i c period of t h e year. H i s payment included half a
gaun ( 5 b s e r s ) of paddy p e r dlem, an annual present of a
new Gamcha and a Puruna Sirupa ( c a s t - o f f c l o t h ) of h l ~
master. A Nag-mulia was a l s o allowed a p l o t of land
c a l l e d b e t a t o cultivate f o r h i s m n b e n e f l t f r e e of
rent. The IIlhika-mulie vas a casual labourer who
Worked only f o r money wage a t t h e r a t e of 2 annas par
di~ep.
B e l w t h e labouring c l a s s , t h e r e were p l a i n
destitutes. The census r e p o r t s categorised them i n t o
several c a s t e s v i z . Kasbi ( p r o s t i t u t e ), Chukar ( o f f-
spring of prostitute), Khelta (Jugglers), Mngta
[vagabonds) and Bhikari (beggars). Nobody knew about
their s o c i a l antecidents. But that extreme economic
deprivation had made t h e i r u n s o l i c i t e d dependants on the
agrarian system can not be e a s i l y disputed.
TABLE - IX
Population and Hinduisation among selected Tribes i n
the D i s t r i c t of Balasore.
Santal
Total 1176 389 4599 8564 10,524 9535 15,644
Hindu 1374 2269 2455 3172
Tribal Religion 7482 8255 7380 12,272