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To cite this article: Chris Sciabarra (1990) From Aristotle to Marx, Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society, 4:1-2,
61-73, DOI: 10.1080/08913819008459593
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Chris Sciabarra
by Scott Meikle
LaSalle, Ill.: Open Court, 1985. 195 pp., $24-95
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Meikle emphasizes the roots of Marx's dialectical method in Aristotelian essentialism and
organicism. This is shown to constitute a challenge to liberal scholars to rethink their
methodological premises. Though many liberals claim Aristotle as their intellectualforebear,
they haue not grasped the Aristotelian propensity for holistic analysis of social phenomena—as
Marx did. In order to reclaim Aristotle's legacy, liberals must reformulate their economic and
political ideas within a broader context that takes account of historical, cultural and socio-psy-
chologicalfactors.
Chris Sciabarra, Department of Politics, New York University, 25 Waverly Place, New York,
NY 10003, is the recipient of an Earhart Foundation fellowship. He wishes to acknowledge
the helpful comments of the editor and two anonymous referees.
6l
62 Critical Review Vol. 4, Nos. 1-2
Meikle argues that since the days of ancient Greece, there has existed a
philosophical dichotomy between methodological atomism and essen-
tialism. The atomists see the atom as the primary ontological and episte-
mological unit. Atomism is the basis of reductive materialism because it
conceives "an ontology of simples, of basic building-blocks lacking
complexity" (154). It finds modern-day expression in positivistic social
science, which focuses almost exclusively on observable, material phe-
nomena. Positivism dismisses essentialism as a "metaphysical" philo-
sophical doctrine.
Essentialism opposes reductionist and positivist methods. It views the
whole as a dynamic, evolutionary, organic system. The whole is consti-
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over time.
Other writers, too, have seen a Marxian-Aristotelian link. Frederick
Copleston notes a profound continuity in the common epistemological
and ontological realism of Aristotelian, Thomistic and Marxist philoso-
phy.8 And Herbert Marcuse suggests in Reason and Revolution that
Hegel, and Marx after him, rediscovered the extremely dynamic character
of the Aristotelian metaphysic, which treats all being as process and
movement.9 For Marcuse, Hegelian "logic" does not invalidate formal
logic; it merely gives "content" to the principle of identity.
These interpreters complement Marx's own acknowledged debt to
Aristotle. Marx recognized Aristotle as "the greatest thinker of antiquity,"
who "was the first to analyze so many forms, whether of thought, society,
Nature, and amongst them also the form of value."10 Engels called
Aristotle "the Hegel of the ancient world" who "had already analyzed the
most essential forms of dialectic thought."11 Lenin too, argued that within
Aristotle can be found "the living germs of dialectics and inquiries about
it."12
Certain liberal scholars condemn Marxist dialectics for its embrace of the
"ambiguous" notion of "contradiction." Karl Popper argues, for instance,
that the dialectic discards the law of non-contradiction.13 This suggests
that one of the most important conceptual categories of dialectical method
is in direct conflict with Aristotle's own laws of logic. But Popper
completely misunderstands the nature of dialectics. Meikle writes that
where Aristotle saw the essence of a thing in terms of its unfolding
64 Critical Review Vol. 4, Nos. 1-2
ontological unity, Marx and Hegel view this as a unity "in contradiction."
The Marxian-Hegelian understanding of "contradiction" is thus not an
invalidation of Aristotelian logic. Rather, it is an ontological category
which explains the dynamism and movement of a whole. It expresses the
instability "between what exists and what is in the process of coming-to-
be" (36).
Dialectics does not deny the logical proposition of identity, that A
equals A. It gives the law of identity an ontological emphasis which
derives from the original Aristotelian metaphysic. Thus, A does equal A,
but A is conceived as a relational-unit. As Bertell Oilman writes, "given
these are 'AY relations, this is what 'A' must become and, in the becom-
ing, 'A' may be said to obey the law of its own development."14 This
development takes place within an organic whole in which certain proc-
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According to Meikle, then, Marx seeks "to transpose Hegel into the
form of Aristotelian materialism without losing what Hegel has gained"
(43). Marx conjoins Hegelian historicism and Aristotelian essentialism,
and achieves a structured critique of classical political economy and its
"analytical methods." The political economists created a model of static
equilibrium in which all social incompatibilities are identified as apparent,
rather than real. However, Marx's dialectical essentialist method views
these incompatibilities as the basis for social movement. Contradictory
forces are "made compatible in reality through their interweaving,
changes of form, and sometimes by forcible and violent readjustments,
within the continuing movement. Movement allows incompatibles to
survive together, at least for a while." Marx criticizes the classical econo-
mists who abstracted this movement from the social whole. They recon-
ciled incompatible social forces by creating artificial conceptual
consistency. They were unable to grasp that "a complex whole can contain
contradictions through movement" (69).
Unlike the methods of classical political economy, Marx's dialectic
compels the social scientist to reject static conceptualization, and to
identify the nature of an entity as internally related to its "typical forms of
movement." Marx's method achieves this dynamism because "it incorpo-
rates, rather than banishes, the time dimension of movement. It does not
need to. remove them because it is not embarrassed by them" (69).
"value-form" in its "typical life process," that is, its "process of decay and
passing-away." For Marx, capitalism fully realizes the value-form and
"must, of its nature, develop into another form of society . . .'•' (65).
Marx's essentialism utilizes the premises of dialectical method in its
construction of a theory of history and human society. Marx's analysis of
the transformation of the value-form in history leads to a "systematization
of the laws of capitalist economy," such that socialism is both its historical
product and its natural outgrowth. Meikle emphasizes, dubiously, that
following in the footsteps of Aristotle, Marx's approach here is teleologkal
rather than deterministic. Strict determinism dictates what must happen.
Marx does not predict necessary historical development; he suggests laws
of the transformation of man's essence in the value form, laws which are
"effectively definitional of a thing's nature" (174). He offers an insight into
the immanent possibilities that emerge from the contradictory tensions
that exist. Thus, his vision of communism is an extension of his under-
standing of the internal contradictions of capitalism and their dynamic
movement over time toward resolution. But this does not entail a prede-
termined plan of history— though as we shall see, Marx acted as though,
in some respects, he possessed such a plan. Since a tehs provides not just
a possible but a definite "target" for historical development, his teleology
cannot easily be used to deny his historical determinism.
embody assumptions about the future. But they must, to be valid, also
incorporate humility about the possible state of our knowledge of com-
plex, changing societies. The true value of dialectics lies in the organic,
relational and structural thrust of its analysis of historically constituted
factors and conditions in understanding both the past and the possible
future.
ism within that part of the liberal academy which rejects the concept of
"natural rights."22
Like Popper, Hayek views the Aristotelian legacy as a mixed blessing.
He argues that Aristotle, Cicero, and St. Thomas Aquinas formulated a
critical conception of reason which is the basis of contemporary liberal-
ism.23 But Hayek denigrates Aristotle for his ignorance of evolution.
Aristotelianism is also criticized as "the foundation of socialist thought."24
Hayek writes that "the anti-commercial attitude of the mediaeval and
early modern Church, condemnation of interest as usury, its teaching of
the just price, and its contemptuous treatment of gain is Aristotelian
through and through.25
Hayek does not recognize that his own methodology contains dy-
namic, dialectical elements first presented in the works of Aristotle. Like
Marx, Hayek understands that the liberal ideal cannot be divorced from
its wider social, historical, or moral context. Hayek's dialectic goes be-
yond the strictures of methodological individualism. It views society as
an organic and historically constituted whole of internally related pro-
cesses and structures.
Hayek is not the only neo-liberal thinker to recognize the broad
preconditions of the capitalist economy. The novelist-philosopher Ayn
Rand also rejected the one-dimensional view of liberalism as a purely
political project. Rand disassociated herself from the modern libertarian
movement despite some of their basic political affinities because, she
claimed, the libertarian anarchists focused on a single strand of social
reality — politics — and disconnected it from the corpus of a complex
70 Critical Review Vol. 4, Nos. 1-2
philosophical totality. Like Marx, Rand saw anarchism and statism as two
sides of the same coin. Her defense of capitalism attempted to integrate
those meta-ethical, epistemological, and psycho-cultural components
which are essential to its systemic survival. Rand viewed these internally
related social and philosophical factors as both the prerequisites for and
products of capitalism.26
Though Rand acknowledged her own intellectual debt to Aristotle, she
would have denied any similarity between her philosophy and Marxist
dialectics. But Rand's hostility to communism should not obscure the fact
that she was educated in the early 1920s at the University of Petrograd
(now the University of Leningrad) in the Soviet Union. In the aftermath
of the "Silver Age" of Russian philosophy, this was an exciting time in the
Soviet universities.27 It is possible that Rand learned much from her
Hegelian professors, absorbing the totalistic and contextual thrust of
dialectical method, while repudiating its Marxist ideological content.
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NOTES
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1. Sidney Hook, From Hegel to Marx: Studies in the Intellectual Development of Karl
Marx (New York: Regnal and Hitchcock, 1950 [1936]), 36.
2. Richard J. Bernstein, Praxis and Action: Contemporary Philosophies of Human
Activity (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1971).
3. Ibid., 16.
4. Ibid., 34.
5. Ibid., 70.
6. Carol C. Gould, Marx's Social Ontology: Individuality and Community in Marx's
Theory of Social Reality (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1978), xiv.
7. Ibid., 33.
8. Frederick Copleston, A History of Philosophy, bk. 3, vol. 7: Fichte to Nietzsche
(Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1985), 334.
9. Herbert Marcuse, Reason and Revolution: Hegel and the Rise of Social Theory
(Boston: Beacon Press, 1960).
10. Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, vol. 1: The Process of
Capitalist Production, ed. Friedrich Engels, trans. from the 3rd German edition
by Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling (New York: International Publishers,
1971 [1871]). 408, 59.
11. Friedrich Engels, Herr Eugen Duhring's Revolution in Science (Moscow: Prog-
ress Publishers, 1947 [1878]), 29, 29n.
12. V. I. Lenin, "On Aristotle's Metaphysics," in Reader in Marxist Philosophyfront
the Writings of Marx, Engels, and Lenin, ed. Howard Selsam and Harry Martel
(New York: International Publishers, 1963), 361.
13. Karl Popper, "What is Dialectic?," Conjectures and Refutations (London:
Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1963 [1940]).
14. Bertell Oilman, Alienation: Marx's Conception of Man in Capitalist Society, 2nd
ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 19.
72 Critical Review Vol. 4, Nos. 1-2
Court, 1989]) nor Rand separate the political and the moral. Murray
Rothbard, by contrast, maintains that libertarianism is a purely political
project with no implications for personal morality. See Rothbard's The Ethics
of Liberty (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press, 1982).
21. Karl Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies, 2 vols. (Princeton, N.J.:
Princeton University Press, 1971 [1962]).
22. Ibid., vol. 2, 1.
23. F.A. Hayek, "Kinds of Rationalism," in his Studies in Philosophy, Politics, and
Economics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980 [1966]), 94.
24. F. A. Hayek, The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism, ed. W. W. Bartley, III
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 143, 47.
25. Ibid., 47.
26. See Rand, Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal (New York: New American Library,
1967) and Philosophy: Who Needs It (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1982). Also
see Chris Sciabarra, "Ayn Rand's Critique of Ideology," Reason Papers no. 14
(Spring 1989): 32-44. That Rand's perspective embraces the philosophy of
internal relations is a contention which must be justified. This would take me
beyond the scope of the current essay. Rand's relationism, like Marx's, is
based on what Carol Gould has called an "asymmetric internality" (see
Gould 89, 92, 180n7, i81n4, 184n22). Marx's thought recognized internal
relations even though it was skewed toward material or economic explana-
tions. O n the other hand, Rand's recognition of internality is skewed toward
philosophical or ideational explanations rooted in her basic assumptions
about human nature.
27. On the "Silver Age," see Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal, Dmitri Sergeevich
Merezhkovsky and the Silver Age: The Development of a Revolutionary Mentality
(The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1975).
Sdabarra • From Aristotle to Marx 73
28. That Hayek and Rand offer significant dialectical alternatives in the neo-lib-
eral tradition is a contention which merits detailed discussion. I discuss the
Hayekian dialectic in my Toward a Radical Critique of Utopianism: Dialectics and
Dualism in the Works of Friedrich Hayek, Murray Rothbard and Karl Marx (New
York University Ph.D. diss., 1988) and the Randian dialectic in my "Ayn
Rand's Critique of Ideology." The latter is part of a broader, book-length
project which will assess Rand's philosophical method and critique of "anti-
conceptualism."
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